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Congress Can Use Its Broad Inquiry Power To Ignore Privacy Committees Have Right To Ask Almost Anything And Need Not Tell Why By David Lawrenct Investigations will become numer ous from now on. Congress always reveals an investigating tendency on the eve of a presidential campaign. Strangely enough, most people do not know the tremendous power that can be wielded by congressional committees. Thus, in the discussion recently about the questions asked of 10 individuals as to whether they were Communists, a number of otherwise well-informed people thought it was a violation of consti tutional rights to ask such a ques tion. Since, they argued, it isn't a crime or unlawful to be a Communist, why should any one be asked to state his political beliefs—aren't these a matter of privacy? Actually where a congressional committee is concerned, there is no privacy. The courts have decided this again and again. The com mittees can ask an individual almost anything. They can ask a man to say whether he is a Democrat or a Republican or a Socialist ^>r a Com munist. They can ask him how much money he has in the bank and how much in his pocket. They can pursue any line of inquiry at all. and the courts thus far have said they are V11 within their constitutional •rights in gathering information they may want for the writing of legisla tion. Can Reveal Tax Returns. Thus, In one of the inquiries into stock market operations in 1933. a congressional committee asked questions about individual trans actions. In a tax inquiry, Congress can ask anything It pleases, In fact, It can even make public Individual Income tax returns In congressional hearings if it chooses to do so. Congressional committees, more over, do not have to state why they want the information. There is no requirement, for instance, that Con gress must say why it wants to know who in Hollywood are Communists. Congress could have In mind a law requiring everybody to register his political beliefs. In many States the rolls of registered Democrats and registered Republicans are available to public Inspection. Many States regard political beliefs as something of which no man need be ashamed. When It comes to requiring an answer from members of the execu tive branch of the Government, the powers of congressional committees are limited. Thus, In the discussion over making public the list of grain speculators, Secretary Anderson of the Department of Agriculture pointed to a specific provision of law requiring secrecy. But he did not need to rely on that defense. A cabinet officer is a member of the President’s official family, and if the President directs him to refuse to answer a question propounded by Congress, the cabinet officer can refuse. All the President needs to say is that the granting of the re quest for information is “incom patible with the public Interest.” Congress has no recourse when it gets that kind of answer. Confused Situation. The reason, however, that Secre tary Anderson got no such instruc tion from President Truman was that the President has publicly de nounced speculators in grain, and it would have been an untenable position politically for Mr. Truman to be arguing against speculators in one breath and in the next breath refusing to disclose who they are. The administration deliberately con ■v fused the situation, therefore, by demanding a Joint resolution to amend the existing law regarding disclosures of the names of specu lators. It’s always difficult to get s resolution passed on the eve of ad journment. It was a simple way to wriggle out of an awkward hole. Congress, through its committees, can subpoena the records of com modity exchanges and find the names there, but it means a lot of work and time to find out who in the Government has been specu lating. Congress would be on sounder ground in asking the Secre tary of Agriculture to reveal who in the executive and legislative branches of the Government have engaged in grain speculation. The information would have then been forthcoming. There really Is no limit to what Congress can ask of the private eltisen. The sooner citizens gener ally lqjfn this fundamental rule of our constitutional system, the fewer the mistakes that will be made by Innocent persons who rely on the wrong kind of advice. (Rtproduetlon Right* ReMrrtd) This Changing World Marshall’s Prestige Blocked Criticism Of State Department Hush-Hush Policy By Constantine Brown If it were not for Secretary of State Marshall's great prestige as the result of his service as war time Army chief of staff, the State Depart ment’s nusn-nusn pol icy would have come under heavy lira long ago. The whole matter of State Department se crecy was raised Wednesday be fore the Senate A p p ropriations Committee when Chairman Bridges was un able to obtain any information about the much-discussed Wede meyer report on China and heard only vague generalities about our China policy from Walton Butter worth, chief of the State Depart ment’s Far East Division, who un til recently was minister-counsellor of the American Embassy at Nan king. The Appropriations Committee hearings dealt with stopgap aid to China. In fact, however, they went further and covered our policy toward China’s National government and Russian aid to the Chinese Communists since V-J day. They showed what an important debate the Senate Foreign Relations Com mittee has missed by accepting the State Department’s policies without question. "Open Door” Forgotten. Mr. Butterworth, who is a high ranking policy-making official of the State Department, was unable to throw much light on what this country’s present attitude is toward the recognised government in Nan king. His casual statements under close examination by Senator Bridges and other members of the committee revealed only that we have a series of thoughts about China and nobody in the department seems to remem ber our traditional ‘‘open door" policy established by Secretary of State John Hay. Our long-standing policy was aimed to preserve China’s territorial and economic integrity. Mr. Butterworth and Assistant Secretary of State Thorpe spoke in generalities, which created the im pression among members of the committee that they either did not know anything about our policy or were withholding information be cause higher officials in the State Department had forbidden tnem to speak frankly. This impression was further con firmed when Lt. Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer, one of the Govern ment’s best-informed officials on China, asked to be excused from questioning about his report of his recent fact-finding mission to the Far East. That report has been classified top secret by Secretary of State Marshall. Gen. Wedemeyer was sent on his special mission to China last year with the purpose of investigating conditions in areas controlled by the National government. He returned with a voluminous report containing his findings. From the very char acter of his mission it should be ob vious that it could contain nothing that should be kept from the Amer ican public. Fledge of Aid Given. No one can question the applica tion of secrecy rules to high diplo matic negotiations or to plans for national defense. Premature dis closures are necessarily harmful and not in the public interest. But there is little reason to withhold from the public a report of conditions in a country which we pledged ourselves to assist during and after the war. A highly critical statement about Chinese conditions was released to the press by Gen. Wedemeyer at Nanking last September, before he returned to the United States. This statement now does not appear to have contained all Gen. Wede meyer’s findings. At the Wednesday hearing Gen. Wedemeyer stated under oath, in answer to questions from Senator Bridges, that his firm conviction was that we should extend economic and military help to the country which, under Generalissimo Chlang Kai-shek, consistently refused to accept highly favorable Japanese peace terms in 1944. If Gen. Chlang had been leas loyal to our cause over 1,000.000 trained Japa nese troops would have been re leased for use against our still-in adequate forces in the Pacific. Gen. Wedemeyer also confirmed the feeling which prevails in many Washington quarters when he re plied, again to a question by Sena tor Bridges, that he did not think we have kept our promises to China. This was in direct contradiction to Mr. Butterworth’s previous state ment. So long as our foreign policy and official reports are kept concealed there is little likelihood that this country ever will know Just where it is heading. Constantino Brown. On the Record Soviet Return to Glass-War Program Caused London Conference Failure By Dorothy Thompson The London Conference did not break down because the Russians demanded $10,000,000,000 in repara tions from Germany, nor over any of the given issues. Ana al though Walter Lippmann was right in criticiz ing the Council of Foreign Min isters as a diplo matic 1 n s t r u ment, the faults of that instru ment are not responsible for the breakdown, nor is the trans ference of ne gotiations from the heads of states to tneir ioicign The reason that all meetings since Yalta and Potsdam have failed to reach agreement, and that these lat ter failed to establish agreements that have been kept, is not because Molotov has supplanted Stalin, Byrnes and Marshall have replaced Roosevelt and Bevin has taken the place of Churchill. It is because shortly after Yalta the Germans surrendered, and the Soviets no longer needed to co operate with the western powers. They never wanted to co-operate. Only the exigencies of war forced them to. And when the war was won they returned to their never abandoned revolutionary program, which precludes co-operation, since it aims at the destruction of all non-Communlst states. This is the truth and the only Im portant truth. Co-operating With Victim. Although it is not Impossible for victims innocently to co-operate with their would-be assassin, it ob viously is impossible for the assassin to co-operate with his victims. Since the end of the war, or since it was in sight, the prospective vic tims have sought agreements with their assassin, and these have been useful for the latter in strength ening his position for the next move. All these agreements rested on a fundamentally false premise: That the goal of the Soviets was security within their established frontiers, for which they would sacrifice world Communist conspiracy; in short, that they had abandoned the Marx Lenin thesis. No premise has proved more erroneous. According to the Marx-Lenln thesis, all history is the history of class war. All warfare is class war fare even if it takes on national forms. The world Is permanently at war, open or latent. The First and Second World Wars furthered and were but preludes to the final strug gle which will establish the Com munist world state. The non-Com munist world is, therefore—even if unconsciously—at war witn tne so viets to avert its own doom. Ulti mate Soviet victory is certain. Meanwhile, there must be no re laxation of the struggle and no scruples of an ethical nature, for victory must be complete and irrev ocable. There is no middle way. That is the Communist thesis, ex pressed in Innumerable manifestos, resolutions and dialectical polemics, I and now made visible to all with ryes. To co-operate with the So viets means to collaborate with that thesis, for the Soviets never will permanently co-operate with any ather. Why Many Co-operate. Many persons within all coun- j tries unconsciously co-operate to aid that thesis, by convincing them selves through wishful thinking that1 It does not exist. Others co-operate 1 consciously because they believe it correct, its triumph inevitable and desirable, and devotion to it a “higher loyalty" than any due an other nation, religion or civilization. And some try to stand midroad be tween victims and assassin, and they are just silly people. The thesis is not complicated. It is so simple that the most simple— not the most simple-minded—see it clearest. It is not tiny, requiring a microscope to find. It is as vast as the earth, and visible at every point of the earth. It does not include magnanimity nor compromise. With in it there is room for only one faith, only one socialism, and only one in exorable logic: Unremitting strug gle with all means until the globe is designed in one uniform Commu nist pattern. If bourgeois intellectuals and statesmen have failed to see, it la because they seldom can grasp any thing simple, and their eyesight is beclouded by their own ideas. But by now Bevin, Bidault and Marshall see, too. They see that really suc cessful co-operation with the So viets on any question whatsoever demands not negotiations between heads of states but new heads of states: Pollltt, perhaps, in Britain; Thorez, in Prance; Wallace—tempo rarily—in the United States. . . .1 Some equivalents for the heads of states represented in the Comin tern, whose real head is in the Kremlin. That is the way it is, and that is why the London Conference broke down. It had to break down. For co-operation always must stop short of suicide. (Rel««**d Sr th* »«il Syndic* t*. In*.) Dorothy Thomoion. Ferguson to Direct Probes G. O. P. Secures Consent of Aiken to Let Michigan Senator Have Inquiry Power ny uons rieeson Republican investigations will be continued next session under the leadership of Senater Ferguson of Michigan, acting as chairman of a iiihrnmmitiii* nf the Permanent Expend! tures Committee. The Repub lican Policy Committee has secured the con sent of Senator Aiken of Ver mont , Expendi tures chairman, to this arrange ment. Now un El e r discussion are such matters as the staff and f nn H k t.n hp swarded Senator Ferguson and some leflnite understanding about his Held of Inquiry. , The decision to allow Senator Fer [uson to remain as the party’s (rand Inquisitor was taken despite considerable misgiving arising from Us much-criticized conduct of the Perlman, Hughes and other hear ngs. Candid Republicans, however, lav that they have no one else who wants the job. Broad Powers of Inquiry. < Under the Reorganization Act, Expenditures was named the in vestigating committee of the Senate with broad powers to act both at Home and abroad. Chairman Aiken Has had personal assurances from President Truman that it could count on his co-operation, including icceas to income tax returns. Sena or Ferguson is now its ranking member. Senator Aiken is understood to feel that one of Senator Ferguson’s main weaknesses in the past has seen his eagerness to stick a linger into every pie. Under the new irrangement. Senator Aiken will be n a position to exercise some control >ver his colleague with respect to ;hls and other matters. Senator Ferguson has already put ;wo matters on his agenda: A con duction of the war procurement nvestigation—his only real success, which exposed Gen. Benny Meyers— ind another attack on the conduct >f Attorney General Clark in the Kansas City vote frauds. There will >e no argument about the first; Senator Taft among others is under itood to question whether the Clark nquiry is not merely warmed-over jolitics. In any case, what Senator Fergu son tackles in the future will be a matter for broader decisions than His own impulses. Partial Victory for Aiken. The new setup represents at least partial victory for Senator Aiken, who fruitlessly battled last session against the Brewster-Ferguson in sistence on continuing the War In vestigating Committee. Since thin, the inglorious Hughes hearings in - * - - tvvik uuiuiiv iwuocvv*i; auu xtuTvaiu Hughes put Senators Brewster and Ferguson to flight, have made con tinuation of that group impossible. With 15 years of Democratic rule including a costly war to examine, it is unfortunate for the Republicans that they lack talented prosecutors of the calibei* of Burton K. Wheeler, Hugo Black or the late Tom Walsh, ft is all the more surprising as three fourths of the Senate are lawyers. The Democrats are in contrast singularly blessed with talent of that sort—among others. Senator McGrath, a former solicitor gen eral; Senator Pepper, Senator Mc Mahon, who headed the criminal division of the Department of Justice, and Senator Tydings, who Is both shrewdly witty and merciless. No one questions that, partisan politics aside, there is a Job to be done. Senator Aiken has made a constructive beginning with his committee but he was held down to 110,000 in appropriations, which won’t take him far. This is in con trast to the nearly $300,000 to which Senator Ferguson has had access in his investigations. Doris Floosnn. McLemore— Helped by Advice To the Troubled By Henry McLemore Whenever I commit a slight mis deed and my conscience worries me and I get to wondering if there is any one else in the whole world as bad as X am, I always And sol ace In the news paper columns conducted for the benefit of the lovelorn, the perplexed and the troubled. There In those c o 1 u mn s, in black and white, day in and day out, I am able to read letters from people who have done or are contemplat uig uumg mmgB which mi&e my little naughtinesses seem as nothing. Not once but a hundred times letters signed "Wife and Mother," “Miss Naughty," “E.J.J.” and "Dismayed" have swept the cobwebs of worry from my own heart and have caused me to tell myself that I am not such a bad fellow after all. Only yesterday, when my con science was flailing me for having filched $3 from my wife’s pocketbook and then upbraiding her for having carelessly lost the money, I turned to the column conducted by Miss -and found this letter: “Dear Miss ——: I am 84 years of age and have been happily married for 60 years. My husband is de voted, attentive, and a fine provider. He always helps me on and off my crutches and I have only to bellow my slightest wish to have it fulfilled. Three weeks ago I met a young man and fell in love with him. Only 78, he represents the gayety I want. “You will know what a fine char acter he Is when I tell you that not once during his last three prison terms was he late for roll catl or breakfast. Only two things stand between ns—his wife and my hus band. He wants me to run away with him and promises that all I will ever have to do again is sort the counterfeit money. I have never done an underhanded thing in my life, so what should I do? Should I tell my husband about my new love or just skip off some night?” This message from the heart was signed "Grandmother” and did a lot toward lifting me from the doldrums. After all. what is a $3 bite on your own wife's pocketbook compared to such high jinks as “Grandmother” is considering under the lace of her .boudoir cap? This letter made me feel so good that I went back and purloined $2 more. There is always the chance that the money I lifted was counterfeit money made over a hot printing press by "Grandmother's” boy friend. Being a foreslghted fellow I clipped out another letter to Miss -and am keeping it to read when I stray from the straight and narrow the next time. It goes something like this: “Dear Miss-: I need your help. I am a teller in a bank and raise alligators as a hobby. To get money for my hobby I have been mis approprlating funds from the bank. Alligators, like everything else, cost more now than they did before the war and I find myself owing the bank $12,586.33. My wife has just run off with a juke box repairman and my two daughters spend all their time walking around the house saying, 'Elsenhower won't run for President. Eisenhower won’t run for President. He wants to be president of Columbia.’ “What should I do? Should I turn the alligators (I have 136 of them) loose on my daughters for telling a Ab, or should I turn loose the alligators on the juke box re pair man who, because he eould play ‘Near You’ for nothing, stole my wife? Also, should I try to settle with the bank for 10 per cent cash?" Thank goodness there are plenty of rascals in this world. Wouldn’t it be awful for moet of us if the world was made up of good, fine, solid people? 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