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WASHINGTON,. D. C. Published by * Th· Evening Star Newspaper Company. PRANK B. NOYES, Prelidcnt. Β. M. MeKELWAY, Editor. MAIN OFFICE: 11th St. end Pennsylvania Ave. NEW YORK OFFICE: HO East 42d St. CHICAGO OFFICE: 435 North Michigan Av·. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Daily and Sunday Doily Only Sunday Only Monthly ..120* Monthly 90c 10c per copy Weekly — 30c Weekly ----20c 10c per copy •10c additional when 5 Sunday· are In a month. Also 10c additional for Night Final Edition In those sections where delivery is made. Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States. Evening ond Sunday Evening Sunday 1 month -.1.50 1 month — 90c 1 month 60c 6 months-- 7.30 6 months __ 5.00 6 months 3.00 1 year — 13.00 1 year 10.00 1 year ..6.00 Telephone NAtional 5000. Entered at th· Post Office, Washington, D. C as second-class mail matter. Member of tk· Associated Press. The Associated Press is entitled exclusively to the use i for republication of all the local news printed In this newspoper, as well as all A. P< news dispatches. A—-6 SATURDAY, January 31, 1948 Mohandas K. Gandhi As India's mourning millions pay a last tribute today to the mortal remains of their Great Leader, the minds of men everywhere turn to the question of what the assassination of Mohandas K. Oandhi may portend for the future of the world. Gandhi's life and his role in India's long and finally successful struggle for freedom •re discussed elsewhere on this page. That record is made—a record of achievement by selfless devotion to an idea which is without parallel in our times. Now that this saintly man has passed on, the great question which hovers over the civilized world is whether preachment and high example can hold the Hindus and the Moslems to the harmonious course which Gandhi had charted for them, or whether the uncertain beginnings of their structure of freedom are to come crashing down in a frenzy of communal strife which could engulf all mankind. Speculation will bring no answer to this question. There is encouragement, how ever, in the trend of events during the twenty-four hours since Gandhi died. There has been rioting in Bombay; but no tidal wave of strife has swept over India and Pakistan. So there Is reason for hope. It is assumed that the assassin was one of an embittered Hindu minority who thought that the killing of Gandhi would remove an obstacle, probably the principal obstacle, to unrestrained assault on the Moslems. The assassin may have been wrong. For it is true that the deeds of men live after them, and it may be that the teachings of the assassin's victim will become a greater force for peace in a troubled land than would have been the case had Gandhi lived. Backbiting ys. Firefighting The acquittal of Fire Chief Murphy by unanimous decision of a special three-man trial board came as no surprise to those who have followed developments in this case. As the board pointed out in its opinion, the burden of proof of the "de moralization" charges rested on those who accused Chief Murphy of wrecking the Fire Department's morale. Some of these charges were thrown out by the board at the outset of the trial, others were dis missed during the proceedings, and, in the board's judgment, the remaining charges were not supported by a fair preponder ance of the evidence. The decision does not mean, of course, that the morale of the Fire Department Is good. The very fact that such charges were made and that a number of Chief Murphy's subordinates, under promise of immunity from retaliation, were willing to testify against their chief makes it plain that something is wrong with the Fire Department. The exoneration of Chief Murphy does not solve the basic problem, which is the restoration of the department's morale and efficiency. The board has recognized this problem In suggesting that Mr. Murphy and his accusers sit down together in an effort "to arrive at what we hope will be a com plete accord for the benefit not only of the Fire Department but of every resident of the District." This hope is shared by t.hA whnlp rnmmnnltv The hnarrt's cuo. gestion raises a question as to what Com missioner Young will do about his warn ing, before the trial, that If Captain Joseph W. Conroy, who first made the "demorali zation" charges, failed to make them "stick," he must "suffer the consequences." The board may have had this threat in mind when it urged that both sides now make an effort to iron out their differences. That method, if tried, may prove to be successful. But it is obvious that, whatever -the method used, something must be done promptly to end the disgraceful spectacle of firemen fighting among themselves in stead of concentrating on their real busi ness of fighting fires. Elusive Leisure Half a century ago conservative citizens were deeply disturbed by the developing philosophy of less hours of work for equal wages. The movement to reduce the day's labor from twelve hours to ten caught on quickly. By 1915 a nine-hour day was com monly accepted. Thën as the eight-hour day for five days a week and a half day on Saturday became an accepted pattern, sociologists, psychologists and educators raised the dire question of the leisure-time problem. Forebodings inculcated the body politic. What would the average wage-earning citi aen do with so much free time? A recent declaration by a California expert at a meeting of recreation directors points some kind of a moral in a democratic society. Dr. Merlin Neff sounded a reverberating blast regarding the way people permit others to amuse them. "We spend ten billions a year on commercial entertain ments," he declared, "and we get little in return except a sense of frustration." There is something familiar about his comments on bridge playing. "Millions sit huddled around bridge tables intent on a few cards and never spen<J an evening interchanging ideas." He stated that charades should displace bridge because the former generate mental stimulation. Perhaps the experts are theoretically i right, but our democratic order îs full of citizens who have their own ideas. There are those who find both relaxation and stimulation in achieving a three-no-trump against stubborn opposition. Life may be gin with the fourth decade but individual istic-minded people prefer gardening, golf, woodworking, photography or an adult class in international relationship to cha rades. The growth of hobby groups and adult education are two of the encouraging phenomena of the times. For the great majority busy malting a living and busy cultivating a hobby there is no leisure problem. Their question is: Where is that elusive leisure that they read about? The Congressional Cutters It would have been better if the Presi dent had chosen his words more carefully in his press conference comment on pro posals to cut $2,800,000,000 from the initial appropriation under the Marshall Plan. For the words which were used can be interpreted to mean that Mr. Trumkn is arbitrary, that he is putting too much emphasis on maintaining an exact figure and too little on securing approval of the essential substance of the program, that he is serving notice on the Congress that he must be given precisely what he has asked for or nothing at all. This is unfortunate because it plays into the hands of those who are looking for excuses to oppose the Marshall Plan, and will see in the President's words a weapon which can be turned both against him and against the program itself. Nevertheless, the fact remains that the Président was right in his main thesis. There are men in Congress who apparently have made up their minds that, come what may, they are going to cut the fund re quested to put the European Recovery Pro gram into operation. There is no rhyme or reason to what they are trying to do, no documented case to show that the job can be done with less money. There is, rather, simply a determination that there is going to be a cut, and it was to this school of thought that the President's remarks were directed. He argued, and he Is perfectly right, that it would be an act of folly to go into this thing on a penny-pinching basis. The objective of the Marshall Plan is to enable the Western European nations to pull themselves together and get out of the economic mess they are in. We have'a humanitarian interest in this, an economic interest, and, above all, a security Interest. For the belief Is, and it is a sound belief, that these nations, or at least some of them whose integrity is vital to us, will fall into the Communist camp unless they can be revived economically. If this should happen—if France or Italy or both should come under the thumb of Moscow —there is notv the slightest doubt that the chances for peace would be slimmer than they are now, and they are slim enough as it is. So Mr. Truman urges that if we are going to embark on this undertaking, we do it on a scale which offers reasonable promise of success. Perhaps he puts un due emphasis on the particular figure of $6,800,000,000 for the first fifteen months of the program, for no one can say exactly how much money will be needed. But there is this to be remembered: The Tru man figure is not an off-the-cuff' estimate. It is an estimate based on careful and expert study, and its approximate correct ness is supported by an impressive mass of evidence. That is a great deal more than can be said of those who profess to believe that the job can be done for a billion dollars less, two billion less, or some other figure. They cannot support these lower estimates with persuasive evi dence, and the strong impression is that they are not really estimates at all but mere guesses, and some of them politically inspired at that. Hence, while the all-or nothing tone adopted by the President may have been inadvisable, he is much closer to the mark than his opponents in this mat ter. And if the American people are wise, if they correctly appraise this possibly last chance for peace, they will support the President and not those congressional guessers who would gamble with the life of this country to be able to say: We said we were going to cut him, and we did. Soar Coal to France Agreement by the American and British governments that entire control of Saar coal production be turned over to France is an important development in the Euro pean economic picture. It represents a noteworthy concession to French wishes and needs, and may forecast both eco nomic and political changes in the rela tions of the three western powers regard ing their respective zones of occupation in Germany. Situated as it is on the French border and close to the iron mines of French Lorraine, the Saar coal fields have a natural affinity with French economy which France desired to realize by annexing the Saar after World War L However, the indubitably German character of the population led America and Britain to oppose this, under the Wilsonian doctrine of "self-determination" of peoples, at the Versailles Conference. The upshot was a compromise whereby the Saar was placed under control of the League of Nations, though France enjoyed certain economic advantages. League control was to last until 1935, when a plebiscite was to be held, giving the Saarlanders their choice of joining France, rejoining Germany, or staying under League control. This plebi scite resulted in an overwhelming vote for reunion with Germany, which accordingly took place. In the four-power occupation of Ger many which followed World War Π, the Saar was· assigned to the French zone. With the assent of America and Britain, France has virtually assimilated the Saar into its economy with the exception of coal production, which was allocated on the same basis as that of the Ruhr, France receiving only a small portion. According to the new agreement, however, France will dispose of the entire Saar coal output after April 1. This will constitute an important aid to French economy, as shewn by the latest figures compiled by the Coal Committee of the Economic Commission for Europe. These figures give a monthly production of Saar coal exceeding 500,000 metric tons and coke output at 162,000 metric tons. Hitherto, France's allocation of coal and à coke from the Saar and Ruhr combined was only 324,000 metric tons. While nothing has been said tyi the agreement, it is logical to presume that this noteworthy concession by America and Britain to France may,well affect the negotiations going on between the three powers for a closer integration of the French zone with the Anglo-American combined area. Such integration is strongly desired by both Washington and London, but Paris has held back for vari ous reasons, one of which has been its desire to get a larger share of German coal from the Saar and Ruhr. Having now gotten the entire Saar output, the French attitude on the Ruhr may now be modified. One helpful factor in the new agreement should be a lessening of French depend ence on American coal, whose import at high prices payable in dollars is a strain on French exchange and an uneconomical earmarking of shipping badly needed for other purposes. Relaxed Liquor Ban The action of the District Commissioners In approving a modification of the ban on licensing of liquor establishments within 400 feet of schools and churches in non residential areas is bound to cause some misgivings. One reason for misgiving lies in the fact that there is not in this community any dearth of establishments in which liquor is sold. If anything there are too many such places now, and there is a natural curiosity as to the reasons for a change in the regulations which will permit the licensing of more. Certainly, the change cannot be justified on any ground of public convenience. It is only fair to point out, however, that the effect of the change in the regu lations is to permit the ABC board to grant licenses for establishments within the hitherto proscribed 400-foot radius when certain conditions are met. It does not re quire the board to issue these licenses, nor aoes il comer a rigni το a license on any applicant. Under another provision of the regulations—Section 14—the board may refuse to Issue a license when, in Its judg ment, conditions in a particular neighbor hood are such as to render undesirable the opening up of a new liquor establishment. In other words, there is a general discre tion reserved to the board which can be used to prevent abuses which might other wise arise under the modified regulation. The question is whether the board, having driven one wedge Into the generally de sirable barrier against bringing the liquor business too close to schools and churches, will be sufficiently vigorous and alert In the exercise of the discretionary power which It retains. There can be no Imme diate answer on this point, but it Is some thing to be watched closely. A cafe socialite's gift to the boy friend is a solid gold yo-yo. Thus does real mer chandise move in, superseding the last of the "war quality" trash. This and That By Charles E. Tracewell "ARLINGTON, Va. "Dear Sir: "Your column in The Star is always very in teresting, and I plan to read it every night. Your advice to bird lovers is usually very good, but your way of handling the blue jay problem does not seem to be so good, certainly not If you have In mind l&a ordinary bird lover's financial ability to feed them al). "If the sunflower seeds are freely spread on the window feeder, so 'that all the guests be allowed to eat as they will,' the jays will gobble up iix un instant, periiaps as many seeas as will supply the nuthatches, titmice, chickadees, cardinals for some time. "The cardinal patiently cracks his seeds one at a time, on the feeder; the nuthatch flies with one to a distant branch; the titmouse holds his seed with his claws on a nearby branch or fence rail to extract the meat; the chickadee the same. "The blue jay will gobble half a dozen or more at one visit, and if frightened away, will soon return for another scoop. "This may be all right, if the bird lover's salary can stand it, but the writer 'is one who can't. And if seeds and other foods are sup plied on your plan, where is the moneyed bird lover who can be found to stand it? Especially when a flock of 100 or more starlings come hunting on your preserves. * * * * "I have a feeder with sloping roof 6 feet long and 10 inches wide with landing rail. "This is fastened at the window sill, and re plenishing can be done from Inside in winter. Protected somewhat on the south side from storm, and north winds, and shaded in summer. "Covering the entire front is inch-wide poultry netting, cut and bent back just enough in two or three places to admit cardinals and smaller birds—but not the jays and starlings 1 "A fair share of seeds is frequently scattered nearby for the jays, but under this plan they don't get it all. Often there will be a constant procession or flight of the four kinds of birds named until the handful of feed is gone. "My plan is not perfect by any means, but the supply of rather expensive feed is under control. I would be glad of your criticism. "Very truy yours, A. L. L.H This is a good plan, often adopted by those who wish to confine their feeding to the smaller bird species. Some little patience will have to be exerted, to find the exact size of opening to permit the easy ingress of the cardinals and others, and at the same time to keep out the pigeons, squirrels, jays and starlings. It will be difficult to so adjust the size of opening that common sparrows may be kept out, at the same time chickadees and others freely admitted. Many bird lovers will feel, at last, that It Is all too much trouble, and that the best way, at least for them, is to permit all to come, and all to eat until all the food is gone. Perhaps our correspondent is one of those who worries too much about the jays. After all, these fine fellows mainly come only for a few minutes every day.i At our own feeding stations the Jays will not total more than 20 minutes out of all the daylight hottrs. Though they do, indeed, pack away much food in their jaws, and take away some to hide, all in all the amount they consume Is not enough to cause undue worry, no matter what the income of the bird lover. There are other ways to solve the problem : One of them is to put out food at certain times of the day, notably at breakfast, and later at dusk. These are the times particularly enjoyed by that favorite, the cardinal. Squirrels, one may feel sure, will find a way to circumvent our correspondent s long feeding tray; if in no other way, they will perch on the roof, lean over and rake out seed with that marvelous paw. Pigeons will eat what is knocked to the ground—and so will the saucy blue jays. So we get around to the basic slogan of bird feeding, that if one puts out a free lunch, he should not worry too much over the guests that come. Let them all come, and let them all eat, and both birds and the human element will feel better m the cold. , Feeding the birds is, after all, more than Just feeding the birds. It is an exercise in tol erance; a good lesson In universal kindness, not circumscribed kindness; an acceptance of the truth that we are all brothers beneath the akin—and feathers. S Gandhi's Death a Paradox Violent End Is Tragic Fate of One Whose Greed Called for "Nonviolent Nonco-operation" ay L,otnrop ατοααατα Perhaps the most amazing career of our times has ended in cruel paradox. For what can be more paradoxical than death by violence coming to one whose life was devoted to th· cause of nonviolence? And what can be more cruel than the fact that the assassin wu one of his own people to whose emancipation from foreign rule the victim had signally contributed? Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi has left this earthly scene. But the imprint of his per sonality and achievements is graven deep upon India. For nearly half a century, Gandhi has played' an Increasingly important part in the evolution of his homeland, influencing the course of events by an extraordinary com bination of exalted idealism, spiritual power, and practical sagacity. Indeed, death came to him when he was recovering from the last successful exercise of that spiritual authority over countless millions which has no parallel in our modern age. Gandhi was born 78 years ago of a well to-do Hindu family, his father being a high official in one of the princely native states. It is noteworthy that, despite, his later spirit ual ascendancy over his coreligionists, Gandhi was not a Brahmin, India's hereditary priest hood, but belonged to one of the middle castes, the Banya, traditionally identified with money lending and kindred financial pursuits. Gandhi's father was anti-British. Never theless, in those days the younger generation sought western learning and tended to adopt western ways. Gandhi wanted to be a lawyer, so to London he went for the best possible legal education. Graduating brilliantly, and qualified to practice in Britain as well as in IndiH, he returned home and began a highly successful legal career. Africa Was Turning Point. The turning point in his life came about when he went to South Africa for professional reasons in 1893. His clients were prominent members of the Indian community ih Natal, and he there found his emigrant countrymen expoeed to galling racial discriminations and disabilities. This so roused his indignation that he soon became the leader of the Indian mi nority, suffering arrest, imprisonment, and other indignities which merely confirmed him in his devotion to the cause he had espoused. It was during these years of struggle that he evolved his philosophy of nonviolence for the attainment of idealistic ends by spiritual rather than material means. Gandhi was pro foundly influenced by the writings of Tolstoi as well as by the teachings of Christ As a matter of fact, he was instrumental in rem edying some of the sharpest disabilities from WU1VU MAC OUiUU uiuivtlbj lU ouuui Ainta had suffered. As might have been expected, his achieve ments in South Africa had attracted much ' attention in his homeland, where the national ist movement against British rule was rapidly developing. So, when he returned perma nently to India in 1915 he at once became one of the outstanding nationalist leaders. Hitherto, Indian nationalism had displayed a tendency toward violence and terrorism. Gand hi opposed this, both because it seemed to him inherently wrong and because he deemed it impracticable to overthrow the entrenched British "Raj" by violent means. He therefore evolved the method known as "Satyagraha," which means nonviolent nonco-operation. The theory was a wholesale boycott of everything British, from compliance with laws and pay ment of taxes to the buying or selling of British-made goods. If successful, the British community in India would become literally outcasts and the Raj would automatically collapse. Era of Hanger Strikes. Unfortunately for the success of the Idea, his followers could not meekly endure the legal punishments which such disobedience entailed and tended to resort to violence, which Gandhi repudiated. Thus began a prolonged struggle between Gandhi and the Raj, wherein Gandhi alternately invoked and suspended his spiritual campaign, Including hunger strikes of varying severity. All this so impressed the Indian masses that they came to regard him as a "Mahatma" or great soul—what we would call a saint. So tremendous was his prestige that no, one dared ίο have him die for fear of the consequences. When Britain, weakened by World War II, made a virtue of necessity and agreed to divest itself of Its sovereignity over India, Gandhi was faced with a new and even harder problem in the shape of the Immemorial re ligious feud between Hindus and Moelems which divides India. His last days were deeply saddened by the bloody strife between the two communities, which his best efforts might allay but did not cure., His efforts brought down upon him the hostility of Hindu ex tremists, bent on fighting out their quarrel with the Moslems. Only a few days before his assassination a bomb was thrown into his residence, happily without damage. And now it is seemingly another Hindu fanatic who has fired the fatal shots. The one palliative feature of this great tragedy Is that the killer was a Hindu. Had he been a Moslem, the consequences could have been catastrophic almost beyond the imagina tion Letters to 1 he star Security Lies in Uur Strength To th· Editor of The Star: - Events since V-J day have shattered the idealistic hopes generated during the war by our visionary globe-trotters. In almost every salient point of the diplomatic front the pol icies of Russia and the United States stand out in complete and open conflict. The frustration of the U. N. suggests that world government, like our own Federal Union, "can not endure permanently half slave and half free." Our greatest national fear Is that another great war will come; our most fervent desire Is to prevent it. Since two world wars have convinced us that to appease a greedy, militaristic power is vain, w* realize that Russian expansionism must not be flowed to go unopposed, lest our own se curity be threatened. Thus far our opposition has consisted largely of what The Star calls "moral pressure," but our temper Is growing short. It is clear that the. Russian leaders are not to be restrained by an alien morality. Many people in this country, Including the President and the Secretary of State, now feel that the only hope of thwarting the Kremlin, short of war, is through our fostering the eco nomic recovery of Europe. I cannot share the faith in this plan expressed so consistently by The Star. Such a project would be ex* pensive and hazardous without Russian op position, and that they are determined to pre vent its success cannot be doubted. Just as a house Is much more easily destroyed than built, European recovery will be easier to pre vent than to accomplish. The determined Communist minorities of Western Europe, past masters in fomenting strife and chaos, have already shown they are not to be stopped by our money alone. My principal objection to the Marshall Plan, however, lies in the added burden it would levy on our own economy, already threaten ing to snap beneath the weight of Inflation. An America in the throes of depression, pros U HliO Aim UCUlVi AlUiCU) nviuu * vuivie wiv *wwu serious Impediment from the path of the Rus sian steamroller, and the greedy eyes behind the iron curtain would glisten with unfeigned glee. I believe that our best hope for peace lies in our own military and economic strength, which can only be purchased by hard work and self-denial. Our politicians must realize that the safety of our Nation is a more im portant goal than the coming election, and that finding solutions is more important than fixing blame. Only by our overwhelming strength can we hope to arrest the spread of communism, or if the conflict is "inevitable," at least to be sure of the outcome. N CHARLES H. FLOYD. More on Mr. Truman's Balcony To the Editor of The Star: In Missouri, where President Truman and the writer were born, it is customary and usually essential to have fly screens on porches used for relaxing on warm summer evenings. It seems pertinent to ask how Mr. Truman expects to protect himself against Washing ton insects when he sits out on his new balcony. Is he going to tack unsightly screens on the columns of the south portico? In the deep South, I seem to have read some where, they employ little colored boys with· palm leaf fans to keep the flies off the mint iuleps and the people who are drinking them. In India a breeze is produced by a waving punkah, a cloth-covered framework hanging from the celling and activated by « retainer. Does the President expect to employ either of these dodges, or will he bring out the electric fans and the flit gun? Or, if it gets too oppressive, might he perhaps retire to the inside of the White House, where It is cool apd air-conditioned? These are questions confronting all serious tolnded persons. Ο. H. H. To the Editor of The Star: Why should people make such a fuss because of a balcony? Why not build, like other nations, a real palace, where the President may entertain and still have some privacy, instead of that little out-of-date place he now occupies. It is anything but beautiful. We should have the most beautiful Executive Mansion in the world. MRS. P. H. B. To the Editor of The Star: As to the President's balcony, one Important point I have not seen mentioned: How Is he foinc to get out onto It? Will he step over a i Letters for publication must bear the signature and address of the writer, although it is permissible for a writer known to The Star to use a nom de plume. Please be brief. window sill, or are they going to cut down one of the windows and make a doorway there? Even a President, being only a temporary resident and, therefore, as it were a tenant, should not presume to defy his landlord, Mr. and Mrs. U. S. Α., and make structural changes in his domicile. INTERESTED ONLOOKER. To the Editor of The Star: Why is everybody in such a dither over such a little thing as a porch? Of coarse, I too, have wondered if it could be that the gentle man living in the White Houu said to him self: "I Just can't help lt.iLthe wort4* lp cold, hungry and shelterlessfTam going to " give this house the new look and 1 just gotta have myself a sleeping porch come summer." I do not believe Mr. Truman could kave thought it would add to the classic beauty of the structure; so he must consider It necessary to his personal comfort. Nero, you know, played his fiddle while Rome burned, so let the President build balconies while little children with braced limbs, or sit ting in wheel chairs, get along as best they can and "the peace of the world dies aborning." Then, too, every man hopes to be remem bered by what he has done. President Roose velt left us the Mile o' Dimes; Mr. Truman leaves us a cute little old sleeping porch—so be itt Is there any truth to the rumor that a bal cony Is to be built around the Washington Monument and that Benjamin Franklin's statue is to have a beautiful red necktie and a homberg hat? I just want to know. J. B. D. Government Worker·' Plight To th« Mltor of Th· Stir: In The Sunday Star the Capital Transit Go. has an advertisement saying, "Help! You cant run streetcars and buse· with the brakes on. Yet, that's what we're doing." In the second paragraph they state wages are up 70 per cent In their company. I believe all will agree that the majority of transit riders are Government workers. Since the increase In wages here is around 31 per cent, how does the Capital Transit figure we can pay more in fares? There are thousands drawing less than $3,500 annually in Government service. Actually, in a lot of cases the "take home" pay is less than $35 a week. We who are In this class have less than when we really were In the lowest bracket. If the Capital Transit can't run streetcars and buses with the brakes on, neither can wel A GOVERNMENT WORKER. Transit Employe· Criticized To th· Bdltor of Th· Star: Between 4:50 and 5:35 pjn. on January 23, about 30 persons waited on the loading plat· form at Twenty-first street and Pennsylvania avenue for a Friendship Heights streetcar. During this tim^the operators of eight cars, ttaarked "Friendship Heights" and only about half-filled with passengers, stopped at this platform, discharged one or more passengers and refused to open the front doors to admit any more. The day was bitter cold. Two or three of the , waiting persons remarked that the inexplic able attitude of the Capital Transit motormen was a dally experience In their lives. It was new to me, since I usually drive a ear. After 45 minutes, I left the place, walked to Twen tieth and Eye streets and caught a bus which landed me 10 blocks farther from my destina tion than would have been realized had I re ceived more consideration from the arrogant streetcar motormen. t j In any Middle Western town where I have lived, this, "don't give a damn attitude" on the part of the drivers of buses or streetcars would be tolerated for a maximum period of. about 12 hours. At the end of that time there would be either a marked improvement In conditions or else certain arrogant employes of the trac tion companies would be treated to Icy baths ; in the nearest lake or river. There can be no reasonable excuse for this attitude on the part of Capital Transit em- , ploy es toward their fellow citizens. < U A. PALMER. r The Political Mill " ~ # Income Tax Reduction Showdown Seen on Way Expected Veto of Knutson Bill Sur· to Raise Issue in Election Campaign By Gould Lincoln Another showdown between President Tru man and the Republican Congress on the mat· ter of income tax reduction Is on its way— and the showdown, according to all accounts. will not be long in coming. Ever since the election of 1946, when the Republicans won control of Congress, promising to bring about a reduction in taxes, Mr. Truman has found it convenient not to permit a Republican tax reduction bill to become law. He vetoed two of them during the first session of the present Congress. According to the Democratic leader ship, he plans to veto a third bill. If the President does veto the bill which has now started on its way through the Houre, and the veto is sustained, his action is likely to have vital effect on both the coming po'iti cal campaign and the November elections and on the President's own proposals for foreign aid and for domestic improvements. It will soon be three years since hostilities ended In World War Π—and the American· " taxpayer is still paying wartime taxes—taxes that are a tremendous burden. They are be coming more and more burdensome, too, as the cost of living rises. High prices and high taxes are twins in the economic picture today. They both exist while the country Is under the Truman administration—which makes it bad for that administration, however you look at it. Practical Wage Increase. A material tax reduction—income tax re duction such as that proposed for the lower brackets in the pending Knutson bill, and * which extends to the medium brackets as well is a very practical wage increase for workers. It is an increase which can be obtained without the Interruption of production in this country by strikes or lockouts. It can be obtained with out prolonged strife between labor unions and management. The Congress, which has the de- ^ sire and the will to Dut through the necessary legislation, is warned, however, that a single man, the President of the United States, is pre pared to say "no." If that "no" can be made to stick, the people will have no tax relief during the year 1948—just as they had no tax relief during the year 1947. Mr. Truman must choose between the criti cism which will be heaped on him if he is able to prevent tax reduction and the advan tage which may accrue to the Republicans if their bill becomes law. Which will lose him the greater number of votes? This is a prac tical political question. It is a question which some of the Democratic members of the House and Senate will also face if and when they are asked to sustain a presidential veto of the tax reduction bill. They, too, have a stake In the coming elections. It may be that some of these Democratic members may come to feel that they will actually be aiding Mr. Truman by voting to override such a veto, thereby making it possible for the people to have tax relief. The fact that Mr. Truman came forward with a proposal for a $40 cost-of-living tax credit for every taxpayer, and another $40 for each dependent of a taxpayer, is not going to help the Democratic President out if all tax legislation fails. Forty dollars, di vided into 365 days, does not give much relief to a taxpayer. Between 10 and 11 cents, as » matter of fact. This proposition did not even make a hit with Democratic members of the Congress. Attitude Held Political. At the same time that Mr. Truman is de manding that high taxes continue to be im posed, he is asking Congress—and the Amer ican people—to consent to the expenditure of $6,800,000,000 during the next 15 months for the Marshall European Recovery Program. It would be far easier to obtain the consent of both the people and Congress for such expendi turee if the President were willing to concede something in the way of tax reduction. As it Is, the prospect of back-breaking taxation with continued huge Government spending, both abroad and at home, is more than discourag ing. Mr. Truman's attitude Is more and more re garded as political—a desperate opposition to any tax relief originating in a Republican Congress. The Knutson bill as presented to the House propose· tax cuts amounting to $6,500,000,000. Presumably this will be reduced in amount during its consideration in the Senate—perhaps to $4,500,000,000. If It is, there seems no doubt that a considerable number of House Demo crats will go along with the bill when the final action comes. Questions and Answers A reader can cat tua answer to any aueetlon of fact br wrltlni The Evening Star Information Bureau. 31β I street N.X.. Washington 2, D. C. Please Inclose 3 cent* for ratura postait. By THE HASKIN SERVICE. Q. In what occupational group are the larg est percentage of employed women?—A. A. P. A. Of 17,008,000 employed women 14 year· of age and over. In July, 1947, 4.204,000 or 24.7 per cent were engaged In clerical or kindred work. Q. How long have spoons been used?— M. C. L. A. The spoon and the knife are among the oldest implements. Spoons have been found in Egyptian tombe of 4,000 years ago. They were made of Ivory, slate or wood. It Is thought that shells were the forerunner of spoons. Q. What animals were native to New Zea land?—B. P. A. The game as well as the domestic animals of New Zealand have all been Imported. Bats, birds and one form of reptile, the tuatara, were native to the Islands. Q. Can a new-born Infant hear at birth? Smell?—P. R. E. A. The new-born Infant Is said to be deaf it birth and for several days thereafter. The tense of smell is probably present from birth. Observations of this sense In new-born infants ire few and not altogether conclusive. Q. What mixture Is used to make the sliver for silver filling in teeth? P. W. Ρ A. The American Dental Association says ;hat the so-called silver Ailing in teeth is made >y producing a paste made of mercury and ι powdered alloy, containing silver, tin, copper ind usually zinc. Little Town Days when the wind is cold, a little town Buttons up to its ears and hurries out To sweep and spruce and trim its hedges down And set its jumbled nqpks to right-about. Jays when the sun is hot, a little town Curls up all afternoon and goes to sleep leedless of all the tattered tumble-down, Leaving the ragged edge to stolid sheep. Days when the clouds spill rain, a little town Seems suddenly to blossom on Main Street. The country folks are in, friendly ana brown, Heased with a chance to see the County Seat. 1 little town sits quietly and waits— Ind sometimes greatness knocks upon its gates. HELEN BAKER ADAMS.