Evening star. [volume], May 14, 1948, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
Russian Note Episode
Sure to Be Debated
By Congress, People
Lack of Vision Shown
By Truman and Marshall
On 'Op«n Door' Quibbling
By David Lawrence
Members of Congress have been
talking a good deal among them
selves about the exchange of notes
between the United States and Rus
sia and their reactions range all the
way from puzzlement and dismay to
grave concern.
The main preoccupation seems to
be that at a critical moment in the
history of the United states, when
billions upon billions of dollars are
being appropriated to strengthen
defenses and a peacetime conscrip
tion bill Is under consideration,
there should be such confusion
about American foreign policy.
To argue that the Russians In
discreetly made a note public that
should have been kept confidential
merely Implies that perhaps the
American Government was trying
to do something clandestinely which
It was not willing to avow publicly.
To say that the outstanding differ
ences can best be approached
through the machinery of the
United Nations Is to allow the im
pression to be built that questions
which have hitherto been regarded
as outside the U. N. and subject to
four-power or five-power considera
tion now should be taken up by the
U. N. Both Implications are er
roneous but they could De derived
from the administration's clumsy
statements.
Vision Shown Lacking.
The fact is that the President
and the Secretary of State were
caught off base. Even if the pub
lication by Russia of the notes was
a clever piece of propagandizing,
the administration showed Itself
not quick-witted enough to take
the ball on the rebound and turn
it to the advantage of this country
in public declarations.
What is lacking is vision and
imagination—both of which are the
primary attributes of statesmanship.
The spectacle of the President and
the Secretary of State quibbling as
to what was meant after months
of a "cold war" by a direct state
ment that “the door is wide open
to discuss differences" is not likely
to Inspire confidence either here or
abroad.
Too much has been made about
tha Russian action in making pub
lic a confidential exchange. There
was no agreement in advance to keep
the notes confidential. There is al
ways a risk that things put in writ
ing will become public. And "Ven if
they are, cannot the American
Government stand by what it wrote?
If not, It will be the Russians who
will be saying that the American
Government doesn't believe one day
in what it writes the previous day.
Had the President and Secretary
of State welcomed the publication
of the notes and then promptly
given to the world a list of the
outstanding questions on which
there are substantial differences of
opinion, the public generslly would
have seen at a glance that mere
decision to sit down and talk does
not convey much of an idea as to
what kind of agreements are going
to be made and what guarantees
are forthcoming as to how the
agreements will be fulfilled. It was
a splendid chance for the Ameri
can Government to re-state its
whole case.
Missed Whole Point.
But the American Government
overlooked something else. It seems
to have missed the whole point of
the Russian action. Why did the
Soviets make public the exchange?
Obviously there could have been
only two reasons—to start a "peace
offensive” for propaganda purpose!
without any sincere intention ol
carrying it out, or else really t.£
find an honorable way of extricat
ing itself from the "cold war.’1
There Is much evidence to sup
port the latter view. The ver>
manner In which the news wa.«
handled In Russia—the absence of
attack* on the United States in the
propaganda and the manifest at
tempt to calm the fear* of the Rus
sian people with respect to war indi
cate that Russia had her own inter
nal situation In mind in trying to
find a way to reverse her external
policies.
If this is the basic purpose, then
the giving of publicity to the notes
was the only quick way the Russians
could show the whole world that
they were changing their approach.
If they didn't intend this, then
aubsequent, inaction or failure to
agree would readily expose the arti
ficiality of the device in a few days.
Hence the belief that the Russians
Intend to follow up the peace ap
proach with some action seems more
logical than the theory that the
whole Idea was merely a trick.
The point that the State Depart
ment failed to advise Britain and
Prance In advance Is a labored one.
The United States didn’t intend to
make the notes public and presum
ably in due time would have con
fidentially advised the allies. The
latter now understand that the
Russian decision to make the notes
public prevented earlier dispatch
to London and Paris of theae notes.
Right of Single Action.
But even If the United Btates de
sired to Initiate informal discus
sions alone at Moscow, there is
certainly no rule in diplomacy
which requires that auch decisions
be made known in advance. Sov
ereign governments have the right
Of independent action in the discus
sion stages. It is only when com
mitments or agreements are about
to be made that consultation Is
necessary for allied harmony.
The whole episode now will be
debated inside Congress and by the
people The administration seems
to have been bewildered by the
Incident and public opinion may
have to crystallize before the Pres
ident and Secretary Marshall will
realize that what they started to
do—talk things out with the Ru«
alans—is not a sin and should not
be dlaavowed. Nobody meanwhile
la suggesting that armament prep
arations really necessary for defense
be abandoned. The American people
don’t want to see any weakening
where America la in the right, but
they also don’t want their leaders
to be Intransigeant when the other
side shows an inclination to grasp
at an owning for discussion and ne
gotiation.
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This Changing World
U. S. Demarche to Soviet Bewilders
Ambassadors Outside Iron Curtain
By Constantine Brown
Seldom has any diplomatic situa
tion been handled worse by Wash
ington officials than the recent ex
change of views with Moscow, Ini
t la ted by the
American Gov
ernment e a rly
this month.
B e w 11 d e red
ambassadors of
nations outside
the iron curtain
are still calling
on State De
partment o f f 1
cials in an effort
to learn the un
adulterated truth
about our de
marche with re
spect to Moscow.
The official ex
Constantine Brown, j
planation that the May 4 commum
-catlon waa Intended simply to
clarify to the Kremlin the purpose
of the European Recovery Program
and of our national defense prep
arations is taken with a grain of
salt by governments which have
suffered from such intimate con
versations between the great powers.
The fact that the British and
French governments learned about
our diplomatic move through Soviet
broadcasts has further increased
the discomfort of our friends in
Europe and Asia, who find it hard
to believe, even now, that Ambas
sador Walter Bedell 8mlth had been
tricked by Foreign Minister Molotov.!
Verbal Statement Waa Ordered.
Gen. Smith was instructed to
make a verbal presentation of our
stand with respect to the U. S. 8. R.
This meant that his communica
| tlon was not supposed to be given
! to the Soviet foreign minister in
written form.
When a note is delivered to a
! foreign government every word ia
- carefully weighed as to its exact
j meaning by special drafting officers.
This is not the case when an am
bassador makes a verbal state
ment and has In his hands only a
text or notes for his own use.
When Gen. Smith completed de
livery of his statement (prepared for
him in Washington), Mr. Molotov
casually asked him to leave the
paper with him in order to use it
as a basis for an answer. The un
suspecting Ambassador complied.
As a result of the fact that
the communication had not gone
through channels as a diplomatic
document Mr. Molotov was able to
twist certain passages, such as
i “wide open door," and use them for
one of the slickest stunts the Soviet1
i Foreign Office has ever had a chance
to put over.
Two factors caused consternation
among the diplomats of countries
which rely on American support:
(1) The fact that not once did our
statement to Russia mention the
United Nations, although we are
the strongest advocate of peace
through that international agency,
and (3) the wording of some of the
sentences in the final part of the
statement.
These diplomats wonder whether
the omission of reference to the
U. N. was calculated by the Amer
ican Government in order to arrive
at a bilateral agreement with Russia
at the expense of weaker nations.
There is, of course, no real basts for
their fears, but they all remember
how the old League of Nations was
by-passed during the conversations
at Berchtesgaden and Munich.
Concern on Last Sentence.
Most concern arising from Am
bassador Smith’s statement is based
on the final sentences. "We still do
not despair,” it said, "of a turn of
events which will permit us to find
the road to a reasonable and decent
relationship between our two coun
tries."
After pointing out that the mem
bers of the Soviet government have
It in their power to alleviate world
conditions*the statement concluded
that if the Soviet does act to allevi
ate those conditions they “will not
find us lacking in readiness and
eagerness to make our own contri
bution to stabilization of world con
ditions. entirely compatible with the
security of the Soviet people.”
The governments outside the iron
curtain say that although America
and Russia are the chief protago
nists in the present turmoil, the
crisis is international and they
should have been Included in the
parleys which the American Gov
ernment obviously intended to start
as a consequence of Gen. Smith’s
statement. ,
What worries the Western Euro
pean governments most is the last
sentence and its reference to Amer
ica's eagerness to see a “stabiliza
tion of world conditions, entirely
compatible with the security of the
Soviet people.”
Russia has demonstrated her con
cept of security by taking over many
sovereign countries. Was the
American Government prepared, it
is asked, to sacrifice more countries
to the Kremlin’s alleged desire for
security?
The answer, of course, is “No.”
But the circumstances which per
mitted Mr. Molotov to release our
communication to the world and
our mishandling of the whole affair
have caused raised eyebrows among
foreign diplomats.
Faith and Five Stars
Alabama Democrats Seek Assurances
On Stampede for Eisenhower Plans
By Doris Fleeson
Alabama Democrats are candidly
in the market for assurances from
: other States, preferably pivotal,
that they will Join a stampede for
tien. Eisennow
! er on the first
! roll call at Phil
adelphia in July.
They are
keenly aware of
Alabama's stra
tegic position as
first to answer
the roll of the
States when
; nominations for
President are
called for. But
they are also
realists who
know they have
but 26 conven
Horlt Fltaann. . j
tion votes ana tne sotia aoutn omy
26fi out of a total of 1,094. These
are not the proportions of a stam
pede as they realize.
Hence various exploratory con
versations now talcing place In quar
ters known to be disgruntled with
Harry 8. Truman. Admitting this,
an Alabama delegate said: "If we
receive assurances that other States
| are willing to Join with us, we will
make the break and bring the
South along.”
He expressed the opinion that un
less it was clear that a chance ex
isted for the success of such a
move, his State would cast a com
plimentary ballot for a notable
Southerner, giving Senators George,
Byrd and Barkley as examples. It
was not, In his emphatic view,
something that could be left to
“spontaneous” enthusiasm at the
convention: it would have to be
worked out carefully in advance.
The speaker cast a wistful eye on
New York, which has not committed
Itself, and Illinois, where th* leader
ship has openly talked against the
Truman renomination. It could be
done still, he felt, if they and others
would pledge in votes the sentiments
they privately express.
These Southern rooters hgve no
evidence either to support their be
lief that the General would accept
the honor—like the CIO and ADA,
they have only faith. They expect
it to move live stars.
Several are suggesting that the
convention could nominate Gen.
Elsenhower, whip through a Vice
President and then adjourn before
Gen. Eisenhower had a chance to
say no. Where this would leave
them should he still say “no" they
don’t quite know.
8ome of the more thoughtful po
liticos believe that the President
will be much affected in his own
plans by the results of his journey
West. They consider it a great
gamble for him and think that if
it does not prove a success he may
alter his determination to run.
The next question of course is:
How much does the President see
and understand on such a trip about
his true position? He will certainly
have great crowds and friendly ones
too and it will be easy for him to
translate them into approval of his
candidacy.
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On the Record
Wallace Was Well-Prepared to Profit
From U. S. Colossal Diplomatic Blunder
By Dorothy Thompson
If the visit of American Ambas
sador Walter Bedell Smith to
Vyacheslav Molotov, with its re
percussions, is nothing but a diplo
Dorothy Thompson.
mauc Diunaer,
we can only
characterize it |
with the word
"colossal.”
For at the very
moment when
western power
was consolidat
ing itself, the
State Depart
ment gave the
Soviet Union a
much- needed
tremendous dip
lomatic victory.
The State De
partment's ex
pianauons are wnuuy ujisanaiavi-uiy.
For a long time there had been
no communication, between the
American Ambassador to Moscow
and the Kremlin. On May 4, with
out any notification of the step to
the British, French, or Benelux
foreign offices or to our ambassa
dors to these or other capitals, Mr.
Smith sought and received an audi
ence with Molotov. He spoke orally,
but on request of Molotov commit
ted the substance of his remarks to
paper, and apparently without
even marking them “confidential.”
Though the substance was “firm"
and reiterative of our foreign poli
cy, it nevertheless stated that the
United States has “no hostile or
aggressive designs on the U. S. S. R.”
and said “the door is always wide
open for full discussion and com
posing of our differences.”
wny was move m»ae:
If, after a long condition of stale
mate between two governments, the
accredited representative of one
makes such an overture to the
other, and in writing, it would be
interpreted' by»any ^government to
the world as an invitation to ne
gotiate.
One must therefore ask three
questions:
1. Why was this move made?
2. Why at this moment?
3. Why were neither other gov
ernments nor our own ambassadors
informed?
On Tuesday, May 11, the news
broke that the "Kremlin accepted”
the "invitation.”
From the Russian viewpoint the
timing was perfect. For Tuesday
evening Henry Wallace, leader of
Soviet appeasement, was culminat
ing his series of Nation-wide rallies
with a vast peace meeting in Madi
son Square Garden in New York.
For the first time in his whole cam
paign his speech was to be broad
cast over two Nation-wide networks
—NBC and CBS.
Stepping up to the tribune amongst
thunderous applause and cheers re
corded throughout the Nation, Mr.
Wallace congratulated the govern
ment, accepted the Russian olive
branch, and outlined his own pro
gram for United States-Soviet rap
prochement. Although the news
had only broken that morning, Mr.
Wallace was prepared with an
■>opcn letter to Stalin" printed on a
flier, 17 Inches by 11 inches, dis
tributed in 20,000 copies with the
ink perfectly dry, and proposing
nothing less than a super, super
Yalta.
Assuming—which I do not, with
out reservations—that Mr. Wallace
(and the American communists
who support him) was as unin
formed about the note exchange as
was the American Ambassador in
London, to prepare the letter and
get it printed in vast quantities ini
a single day was a remarkable tech-1
nical achievement.
Mr. Wallace was prepared, but the
State Department, the Republican
bi-partisans, and American diplo
mats abroad were not, and ran
around in circles, trying to explain
that the Kremlin had "accepted” |
what had never been offered. Thev
struggled to find a formula for re
jecting an olive branch which they
themselves (according to the Rus
sians) had proffered, while all over
the world the news was received
in consternation by our friends, or
in a hysterical joy recalling the
return of Chamberlain and Daladier
from Munich With "peace in our
time.”
Crowds celebrated in Moscow
streets. In Berlin the Russian-con
trolled press called it "the first ray
of hope. This proves the American
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people are red up with the cold
war.” (In Madison Square Garden,
Mr. Wallace said, simultaneously,
“the United States and U. S. S. R.
must take Immediate action to end
the cold war.”) Other Berliners re
ported. “Russia is eager lor peace.
Now we have great hopes of an in
terim German national govern
ment and peace status for Ger
many.”
Comment in Paris.
In Paris (where lucidity operates)
the first comment was: “Victory for
the Russians.” And Premier Schu
man warned that “while United
States firmness Is bearing fruit,
appeasement leads to war.”
In Prague the comment was:
“Victory for American public
opinion.”
In London, Ambassador Lewis
Douglas was most embarrassed. He
had no texts of the notes, and
could tell Bevln nothing. But the
Foreign Office remembered the
autumn of 1945 when the meeting
of Foreign Ministers, having ended
in failure, Mr. Byrnes went over
Bevin s head to deal with Molotov.
In Washington, Democratic Con
gressmen (contradicting the official
explanations of the State Depart
ment) expressed satisfaction.
And while Ambassador Douglas
knew nothing and President Tru
man said “nothing in our foreign
policy has changed,” W. Averell
Harriman roving ambassador, said
Just the opposite in Paris, clearly
suggesting the hope of a negotiated
peace, and offering a bribe to the
Russians: “If the United States and
Russia reach an understanding It
would mean revision of ERP and
voting new credits or new distribu
tion to include the countries of
Eastern Europe. * • • If Russia came
to better understanding she would
be entitled to share."
In Washington commentators
(including the percipient Anne
O’Hare, McCormick), ^speculated
“the note to Moscow might be a
political move to take the wind
out of Wallace's sails.”
But Mr. Wallace’s sails are bal
looning with the most favorable
breeze of his campaign, as a result
of it.
And in Oregon, Mr. Dewey oalled
it “the best news since V-J Day.”
So altogether we have confusion
twice confounded, here, and from
one end of the world to the other.
But it is a familiar pattern after
all. It is a pattern for another
Yalta, held exactly as Yalta was
held, when President Roosevelt was
on the peak of the world—and
nevertheless handed the entire
diplomatic and political victory to
the Soviets.
And the Foreign Affairs Commit
tee of the Senate should trace this
move to its source, whether It is
in Congress, In the State Depart
ment, or in the entourage of the
White House.
(Released by the Bell Syndicate. Inc.)
McLemore—
Enjoys 'Bombosh'
Party in Cemetery
By Henry McLemore
PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti.—How
would you spell “bombosh”? I was
at one last night, and not since I
was a boy and pulled a tooth with
the Handy
Home Dental5
Kit (133 soap ;
wrappers), have f
I' experienced ;
such a unique ||
evening. !
No matter;
how “bombosh” |
Is spelled, In
Haiti it means
a Saturday
night blow-out
by average Hai
tians. It is held
In the hills, on
the flat, or any
old place ai all,
Bear7 Melitntt,
just so mere is ioou, music, com
panionship, and the other accom
panying ingredients of such a party.
The “bombosh” I attended was
held in a cemetery. You heard me.
A cemetery. Not a bad place for
a party, a cemetery. The tomb
stones are handy to lean against,
and there are no end of spirits . . .
the kind that is usually acarce, and
the kind that is sometimes scary.
Virtuoso on the Drums.
Music for the evening’s entertain
ment was furnished by voodoo
drums. Not that there was any
thing unusual in this, because all
music in Haiti is played on the
voodoo drum. Personally, I can’t
carry a tune, but this is a rough
idea of voodoo music—boom boom
pat slap boom. The orthodox voo
doo drummer uses his hands and
elbows, but I was fortunate enough
to see a Haitian virtuoso who used
his hands, elbows, knees, ankles and
sacroiliac. Aft# he finished a fast
rendition of “Drums Along the
Mohawk,” he looked like the win
ning exhibit in a Boy Scout knot
tying contest. As a rule the voodoo
drum has Just about as much
change of pace as a merry-go-round
horse.
When I left the "bombosh,” I
drove higher up into the hills. I
had heard that some of the voodoo
cults still practiced human sacrifice
and worshipped the Dauphin. For
tunately I had an old Dauphin suit
in the back of the car into which
I changed on a slow 8 curve.
After driving steadily for some
minutes, I arrived at my destina
tion—a real voodoo. I stepped from
the car, and moved into the cen
ter of the group which apparently
had finished the opening hymn quite
a bit earlier. And then I was trans
ported into another world entirely.
This voodoo is taken very seriously
in Haiti—it has a religious signifi
cance that is very difficult for the
visitor to understand. As the cere
mony progresses the beat of the
voodoo drums transforms the wor
shipper? into a state of mind border
ing on mass hysteria. Not only
those who originally participated in
the ceremony take part, but mem
bers of the audience begin to sway
and shout.
No Active Leader.
One of the strange things about
voodoo is that there is no active
leader. Each person seems to have
some inner volition which animates
him or her almoat unconsciously to
take part in the * ritual. Jeanle, < my
wife, began to get nervous before
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the ceremony was over, and insisted
that I call signals and make way
through the crowd and leave.
Henry, Coeur de Lion, as the boys
in the back room call me, was not
unready to leave himself.
My neighbors are really going to
be surprised when I get back to
Florida. I have decided to give up
playing the flute while accompany
ing myself on a harpsichord in
favor of the voodoo drum. I bought
one today, and I am taking daily
lessons. I like it so much that I
practice my hour each day ^ven
when the other kids are out play
ing, and call to me, "Henri, voulez
vous come out and play tag with
us.” I'd like to put this all in
French, but I speak strictly Pan
American Clipper French, and that
was not in the handy little guide of
phrases that I studied on the way
down here. Any rumblings you
might hear in the States in the next
few weeks will be no cause for
alarm. It will simply be me prac
ticing a Bach fugue on my voodoo
drum.
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Complete Stock* of Builders' Hardware,
Homewares and Garden Supplies
"Headquarters for the Contractor.**
“We’re as Near as Your Phone * ,
Call ORdway 1700 for Fret, Prompt Delivery
FA. 1166, FA. 1167
Main Store and Offices
4835 Wisconsin Ave. N.W.
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America’s Famous
MEN’S
CLOTHIERS
Opens Headquarters in Washington
Saturday, May 15th
... and continues to maintain its stores in Mary
land, Florida and Texas. Yes, now you can buy
men’s clothing and haberdashery with the S. W,
Rice Label—already made or made to measure—
at the kind of savings that put the S. W. Rice
Label in more Officer’s Uniforms during the war
than any other brand. Occupying 4,600 sq. ft.
above the famous Child’s Restaurant at 1423 Pa.
Ave. N.W. Rice’s 2nd floor location means tre
mendous savings to you. Come in tomorrow and
see for yourself.
VINCENT 8. PISCIOTTA,
Oeneral Manager, formerly
general manager of The Mode,
and for 15 years in the Cloth
In* business.
STANLEY FIELDS. Manager
of Washington Branch of S. »
W. Rica, was formerly man
ager of The Mode'* uptown
store.
See how our 2nd Floor
location saves you money
Men's Summer Suits ...$25.50 to $50
You'll find an outstanding selection—available for
immediate delivery. •
Made-to-measure SuitS-..$55 to $125
Complete Line of Officers' Uniforms
mwarn ■ ' ■' “ »
8.W. Rice’s underselling policy also means NO CHARGE
POR ALTERATIONS. Charge Accounts Invited, too.
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America's Famous Mens Ctothiers
2nd FLOOR ABOVE CHILD'S RESTAURANT
1423 Pennsylvania Avenue N.W.