Evening star. [volume], June 28, 1948, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
Dewey's Election Seen
Releasing Party From
Rule of Conservatives
Republican 'New Deal'
Of Efficiency, Liberalism
Held Probable in 1949
By David Lawrence
If, as »o many observers are
predicting, Gov. Dewey and Gov.
Warren respectively are elected
President and Vice President, it
means the end of an epoch in
American politics — the end of a
standpat and reactionary conserva
tism as the dominating influence of
the Republican Party.
It means, moreover, the inaugura-.
tion of a Republican "new deal" on
January 20, 1949.
ii will noi resemoie me rawwvni
“New Deal" which, despite its
veneer of liberalism aftd worthwhile
achievements in the field of social
legislation, nevertheless was no
better in its political morals than
Its predecessors—using public funds
to favor certain groups and spe
cial interests and thus win elec
tions. That whole sordid story is
now being revealed piecemeal in
various magazine articles by former
Cabinet members of the Roosevelt
regime.
Instead it will be a "new deal” of
liberalism with efficiency and integ
rity that Gov. Dewey will intro
duce—it might be called the “square
deal” if it is sloganized at all. It
will resemble mostly the progres
sivism of Theodore Roosevelt days
which jolted the standpat conserva
tism of the Republican Party of just
40 years ago.
Struggle Will Continue.
Businessmen as a whole have
undergone a transformation since
then and most of them today will
welcome a fair and intelligent con
servatism suited to the times—
though, to be sure, a powerful group
of businessmen of the ultraconser
vative school will certainly be found
criticizing the De*ey administration
bitterly one year after it takes
office.
For the Republican Party has by
no means finished its evolution. The
struggle for mastery inside the party
will go on as always. It will mani
fest itself on labor relations, taxa
tion and foreign policy issues in
volving funds for European aid.
The weakness of the ultracon
servatives has besn their slavish de
votion to political ideas that have
become obsolete at a time when the
phrase "public interest” must be
applied to a nation of big population
•fleeted directly in its welfare and
standards of living by big business
and big unionism, both of which
sometimes overreach themselves in
the exercise of economic power.
Gov. Dewey owes this nomination
In part to the confusion and dis
agreements among the conservatives
•t the convention. He was not
averse to wooing some of them in
the larger States, thus splitting their
ranks still more. But, broadly
speaking. Gov. Dewey came out of
the contest with a minimum of
entanglements.
Coalition Imperiled Dewey.
While it looked like an easy vic
tory, actually the New York Gov
ernor was in danger of defeat by a
coalition. Fortunately for him the
conservative group which could only
have blocked him by rallying around
Senator Vandenberg—because he
plainly was the only man to whom
the Dewey forces would have capitu
lated in a deadlock—did not like
Senator Vandenberg. The Michigan
Senator really lost the nomination
in the last two weeks after antago
nizing House Republicans and con
servatives. He courageously fought
them, thus compelling the House to
restore the “meat-axe” cuts it had
made in the European Recovery Pro
gram.
The situation was further comp
licated by the inability of Senator
Taft or Mr. Stassen to see that
neither could win. The rise of a
Vandenberg bandw’agon through the
early acquisition of Taft and Stas
sen votes would have scared away
the very votes for Gov. Dewey that
brought him his extra support on
the second ballot.
Gov. Dewey is efficient and suf
ficiently trained in politics to avoid
the excessive zeal that converts
leadership into dictatorship—though
his critics fear that is his tendency.
Men like Senator Taft and Repre
sentatives Halleck and Taber are
Independent-minded persons who do
not like to take orders, so they will
have to be handled with care by
Gov. Dewey. A battle is inevitable
on certain issues, because conserva
tives never have accepted • progres
sive doctrine without a battle.
Gov. Dewey is free to become a
Theodore Roosevelt or a Franklin
Roosevelt in his relations with his
party in Congress. He doesn’t re
semble either man in personality
or behavior, but he will adopt
something of the tactics that each
displayed in exercising leadership
by influencing public opinion and
thus dominating Congress.
(Reproduction Rights Reserved )
KoolAut
GICHNER
This Changing World
U. S. Finds Soviet Blockade of Berlin
Does Not Violate Potsdam Agreement
By Constantine Brown
The State Department has dis
covered to its dismay that the So
viet authorities in Germany are
violating only the spirit of the
Fotsaam Agree
ment in their
i nterference
with lines of
com munication
between tne
Western Zones
and Berlin.
There appar
ently is no for
mal agreement
between the
four powers re
gaiding com
munications be
1 tween the for
m e r German
capital and the
Constantine Brown.
west, inis was lost at tne jove
feast of the Big Three at Potsdam
j in 1945.
When the State Department de
,cided last week to send a strongly
worded note to Moscow about vio
lation of the Potsdam Agreement
by Russia's land blockade of Berlin,
it could find nothing precise as a
foundation for such a step.
Subject Was Discussed.
Some officials who attended the
conference three years ago remem
bered that some top-level conver
sations between the Big Three had
taken place on this subject. But
the exact text of such an agreement
could not be found in State Depart
ment files.
After the top secret files of the
department yielded nothing, the
White House archives were found
to contain evidence that the Big
Three indeed had discussed the
matter of regulating communications
between Berlin and the Western’
Occupation Zones. But at Prime
Minister Stalin's suggestion the de
tails of such an agreement were
left to the top military commanders
—Gen. Eisenhower, Field Marshal
Montgomery and Marshal Zhukov.
Mr. Stalin contended that because
of chaotic conditions in Germany
shortly after the Nazi surrender
there was no point in settling de
[tails of what appeared to be only
a minor matter. President Tru
man, who at that time was full of
confidence in ‘‘Old Joe's” honesty (
of purpose, accepted the Russian
point of view. But later when at
tempts were made to work out de
tails of the verbal agreement, the
Soviet military always found a way
of postponing the-discussions.
Gen. Elsenhower and Marshal
Montgomery, who were imbued with j
the same spirit of utter confidence I
in the continuation of friendship
with Russia, did not press the mat-'
ter. Eventually the top-ranking
commanders left Berlin. The new
Allied commanders found no re
sponse from the Russian opposite
number when they broached the
subject.
Truman Wrote to Stalin.
The Russian delaying tactics
finajjy were brought to the atten
tion of President Truman, who
wrote a letter to Mr. Stalin in 1946.
reminding him of their verbal
agreement and asking him to in
struct his representatives in Berlin I
to start conversations to settle the
question of corpmunications -be
tween the Western Zones and Ber- j
lin.
Mr. Stalin replied personally and
promptly. His letter exuded broth
erly love and spoke about the strong
ties which bind all the nations
which fought the Nazis shoulder
to shoulder. But somehow or other
he failed to mention anything about
the main topic in Mr. Truman’s
letter.
Today it appears that Mr. Stalin
had a definite purpose in sidestep
ping the issue. The Politburo is
taking full advantage of the hap
hazard arrangement made at Pots
dam in order to squeeze the West- j
ern Allies out of Berlin “by peace-!
ful means.” And there is nothing1'
our diplomats can do about it.
The strange idea, which prevailed
in high circles in Washington
throughout the war and until last
year, that Prime Minister Stalin
“has never been known to break
his word,” has placed us. in our
present precarious position, in
which we stand to lose much pres
tige in the world.
Dewey Revolution Starts
Old Guard Powers in Party Bowr
To Those Chosen by Nominee
I
By Doris Fleeson
The Dewey managerial revolution
already is underway. - •
Senator Bricker and Majority
Leader Halleck of the Old Guard
congre ssionai
wing have
yielded the vice
presidency to
the liberal Gov
ernor of Cali
fornia, Earl
Warren. Party
! stalwarts like
Carroll Reece
and Walter Hal
lanan saw the
national chair
manship adroitly
maneuvered into
the hands of a
young interna
tionalist Repre
Doris Flrrson.
sentatlve who served in two wars,
Hugh D. Scott, jr.
It is the Roosevelt pattern of a
new strong leader assuming con
trol of a party long out of power
and moving it to his personally se
lected battlb stations by staffing key
points with men reflecting his own
personality and methods.
Already the trade is predicting
Gov. Dewey will serve eight years
and pick, his successor. An em
bittered politico of the old school
murmured promptly: Why eight?
He further suggested that people
addicted to two-term Presidents
snould begin pressing legislatures to
ratify the constitutional amendment
thus limiting the presidential ten
' ure. This is the measure with which
the first post-Roosevelt Congress
defiantly locked the barn door after
Mr. Roosevelt had stolen two horses,
i In view of the derision heaped
;on Mr. Roosevelt and his brain
trusters, it is interesting to watch
Show quicklv Gov. Dewey moves in
1 a parallel line. But Mr. Roosevelt
picked his own sort: Idea men,
imaginative, flexible, unabashed by
economics and uninterested in de
tails. Gov. Dewey’s people excel
in the held in which he is the
master: Administration.
When the Dewey revolution en
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folds Washington as most observers
think it will, his aides will not
harass the citizenry with ideas.
They will concentrate on running
the Government with a spit and
polish like the high-powered execu
tives that now run the great cor
porations dominating the American
economy. It will be a Government
of experts and its greatest problem
will be to keep the common touch.
His party, realized that Gov.
Dewey was claiming the nomina
tion in the name of efficiency. The
sullen delegates, insofar as they
could think at all in their television
oven at Philadelphia, thought they
would get that,
Senator Vandenberg had refused
to arouse their idealism, Harold
Stassen had confused it by playing
footsie with such characters as Col.
Robert McCormick and Senator
Taft had no appeal to make to It.
Since politics, like nature, abhors a
vacuum, the practical Gov. Dewey
could move in with practical tactics
and the none-too-happy delegates
comforted themselves with assur
ances that he would run the coun
try properly.
Mr. Roosevelt made concessions to
the regulars as, of course, Gov.
Dewey must if elected. But such
conservatives its Senator George of
Georgia had in the end to watch
the ripest fruits of victory like the
Supreme Court plums plop into New
Deal mouths. It is probable that
the GOP Old Guard will have a
similar galling experience—that so
many of them feared it accounts for
the Taft strength, which reached
substantial proportions before he
bowed out. They will have no
choice in victory, however, but to
co-operate—such are the power and
patronage of the presidency.
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—By Harry Hanan
JCBIXBY UD
•Ml
crt tm. him
On the Record
Dewey Nomination Seen as Victory
For Brilliant Organizational Work
By Dorothy Thompson
The Republican convention did
| not represent the triumph ol prin
ciple over expediency. Rather obvi
ously it represented the success of
political tecn
niques and the
"managerial rev
olution” type of
,mind over tradi
t i o n a 1 democ
racy.
Perhaps the
t e c h n ic ian of
politics, like the
t e c h n i c ian in
general, is the
represen ta t i v e
man of our times,
and there seldom
has been a more
brilliant techni
cian of politics
Dorothy Thompson.
than Gov. Dewey. His organization,
faced 4>y no well-organized coalition,
was unbeatable from the beginning.
Every gear was oiled, every nut and
bolt in place, and the psychological
warfare efficient and suavely ruth
less. It resulted in the half-fearful
attraction which rewards obvious
power; and the joft seekers wavered
early, anxious to be with the winner.
Yet the attraction seemed to be
without affection or faith. Beating
against it was something unorgan
ized, not very articulate, but, I
thought, deeply instinctive. I had
the impression, by no means unique
to myself, that the man who so
quickiy rolled up a majority of votes
had fewer real friends than any
other leading candidate; that if he
had been defeated, more people
R-ould have been pleased with them
selves.
Nomination Was Cheered.
Yet these same people gave him
their votes; they cheered loudly
when the nomination was made
unanimous, but without release of
inner satisfaction. No one could
speak of "unbridled” enthusiasm; it
was the most bridled enthusiasm I
remember from any convention.
When it was over, I saw two hard
boiled, able and sober Washington
correspondents—of all things—cry
ing.
There were few moments in this
convention with any trace of in
spiration. Perhaps the only one
was when the aging and thinning
ex-President, Herbert Hoover
shorn of all ambition, and in the
painful consciousness of the crisis
of despair that afflicts so much of
mankind — tried, and momentarily
succeeded, in lifting the delegates
to a sense of responsibility. The old
Quaker came out in the old man,
and he dared to speak of the Ger
man question which, before many
months, will be returning—I fear
for all' to see—the fruits of the
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cynical and vengeful policies that
have been sown. He spoke truth
fully and the delegates listened
soberly and responded to truth, as
every man everywhere responds to
truth.
There was a lift when Represen
tative Judd of Minnesota nominated
Harold Stassen because Mt. Judd
spoke like a modern man, and of
veterans and youth, and of how
people feel in the cities and little
towns. It was a relief from the
characteristic convention or story
that is so anachronistic. I thought
the regimen of these conventions
must change in this age of radio
and television, for the long-winded
exhortations leading to the inevi
table peroration, the prolonged
orgies of noise which are meaning
less (since any hundred people can
always produce half an hour of
noise), and the interminable sec
ondings—all these are unbearable
In the modern tempo and must be
intolerable to the lone listener in
his sitting room uninfected by the
; crowd. ,
Nominations Start Too Late. *
Besides, who is going to listen
at all at 4 a.m.?
Gen, MacArthur was not my can
didate, but he is an American hero.
It is a memorable honor even to
be nominated to lead the Nation;
but not when the guests have de
parted, the delegates dispersed, and
the remainder glued by the heat to
the varnish of their chairs, their
eyes gravelly from sleeplessness,
their minds torpid from weariness.
To begin the procedure of nomina
tion at 10 p.m. to end at 4 a.m. is
cruel and unusual punishment.
I wish Gov. Dewey the best.
He is an able man, formidably effi
cient, sanguine, a good administra
tor. If he is elected, he will want
to be a very good President. He
hates doing anything badly. He
wants to get straight As, and there
is nothing ignoble in such ambi
tions.
But in politics, beyond organiza
tion, it is understanding *tMt makes
for memorable careers, and there
is more to understanding than the
ability to pick the best experts
to give the best advice. There
are imponderables by which great
leadership weathers storms, com
pounded of sympathy with human
feelings, humor, compassion, friend
ship, loyalty—qualities which evoke
affection and faith, which is dif
ferent from confidence.
Nobody could win this nomina
tion without organization. But no
body can consolidate a victory by
organization alone. For nobody
ever loved even the best organiza
tion in the world, or named his
children after it. >
(Released by the Bel! Syndicate, Inc.)
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McLemore—
Finds Modern Art
In Museum Idiotic
By Henry McLemore
This morning, in a moment of
; complete lunacy, I visited the Mu
seum of Modern Art just off Fifth
i avenue on Fifty-third street. New
York City, of
course.
I came away
feeling better
than I have
since I was 10
years old and'
used to drive a
team of billy
goats and
thought that
; the most com
j fortable way to
I spend the night
was with three
boys in a
"house” in a
tree.
Htnrr McLemer*.
Like most men, every once m *
while I question my sanity. I worry
about whether I have all 52 cards
in my mental deck, and the proper
number of buttons in my cerebel
lum. A visit to the Museum of
Modern Art is sufficient to convince
any average man that he is a
whole lot saner than the artists
whose drawings hang there.
I am very grateful that I am
unable to appreciate modem art.
If I did appreciate modem art I
would be tempted to engage a body
guard at a handsome salary to see
to it that I didn't suddenly run
berserk and start flailing away at
widows and orphans with a well
sharpened hatchet.
Wants Conventional Face.
Art appeals to me. but I am the
sort who demands that a face look
like a face. It must have two eyes,
a nose, mouth, a chin, and the
I other standard * face equipment.
! Modernists pay no respect to the
i regular outlines of the human be
ing. For a face they’ll use a blob
! of Sherman-Wllliams without so
much as a little dab of Valspar to
indicate where eyebrows should be.
For an arm they’re just as likely
as not to paint in something that
looks like a limb blown off a pine
tree, and for legs you are liable to
get the view of the front of Grand
Central Station.
I believe that I am not too differ
efit from most Americans when I say
that I like to know what I'm looking
at. I like to be able to look at a
picture of a dog and know it’s a
dog, without having to refer to the
catalogue. A dog should have two
ears, fleas, a frisky tail, four legs
and a coat of fur.
But you’ll find no such dog in the
Museum of Modern Art. You will
get a mess of triangles, octagons
rectangles and cubes, all done in
violent colors and labeled "Dog
Barking While Poppa Sleeps.” One
of the pictures I saw yesterday could
only be described by Maxie Rosen
bloom while having a nightmare.
As for colors it made the rainbow
look like a pair of Army long draw
ers, and there was not one single
part of it that any one but the artist
could possibly see what it was.
I looked at it until I got giddy
and had to grasp the arm of an
elderly woman for support. She was
giddy too, and had clutched the
arm of an elderly gentleman to her
Tight. In a matter of seconds we
all fell down in a heap and stayed
i there until removed by a guard.
Just why they have guards tq guard
these pictures fascinates me. IX
one is ever stolen, all the police
would have to do would be to go
to Bellevue and look under the beds
of the delirium tremens patients
and be sure to find it.
Also Visits Metropolitan.
To clear my head, after leaving
the Modern Museum of Idiocy I
caught an uptown Fifth avenue bus
and visited the Metropolitan Mu
seum of Art. What a relief! Of
course, the Metropolitan only has
the works of such hacks as Titian.
Raphael, Michelangelo and others
of the same kind, but it was a
pleasure to look at pictures that
were pictures.
Cherubs had little fat stomachs
and sweet little cherub smiles. In
short, they looked like cherubs.
Angels had wings, soldiers had
swords and a visitor didn’t have to
summon the director to And out
what he was looking at.
The fact that these paintings
have lived, through the centuries,
plus the fact that one of them is
worth about three box cars full of
that modern doodling, convinces me
that I am right in thinking that
many of the painters who are paint
ing today are starving in garrets
for nothing, growing long hair Just
for the fun of it, eating crumbs off
the window sill purely from a love
of crumbs, and that posterity will
not even know they existed.
Any art connoisseurs who disagree
with me can have an appointment
to argue with me simply by sending
me three smoked turkeys, a Turkish
water pipe and $793 in cash. I re
serve the right to eat the turkeys,
smoke the pipe and spend the
money and refuse to argue if I
have a golf date for that day.
(Distributed by McNauaht Syndicate. Ine.)
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$2.95. New 49c
Special table odds and ends—regularly up to
$4.95. New 98c
Sorry No Refunds • No Exchanges
• No mail or phone orders
Our Washington Store only!
1227 G ST. N.W.
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