Evening star. [volume], July 01, 1948, Image 15

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
Stassen Too Inspiring
Figure to Drop Out ol
Political Picture
Chairmanship of G. 0. P.
National Committee
Could Be a Real Job
By David Lawrence
What is the future of Harold
Stassen in national politics?
The almost fanatical support
which the former Minnesota Gov
ernor got from the youth of the
country argues that he cannot
be crossed off as a political figure.
The fact that he is only 41 years
old argues that, even if Gov. Dewey
is elected and serves eight years, a
Stassen banner can still be raised
over the White House by a Presi
dent-elect 49 years of age.
It is natural tihat any one who
has a chance of some day being
President will command financial
and political support in the interim.
But a man cannot continue to be
just a seeker of the presidency for
eight years. He has to demonstrate
by some form of public service that
he is abreast of the times in public
affairs.
There has been talk of a cabinet
place for Mr. Stassen. If the former
Minnesota Governor were a “team
player," as the Dewey folks use the
phrase, he might work his way. up
through the national administration,
but the Dewey people are not likely
to welcome Mr. Stassen into the
cabinet. They fear he would go off
on his own and be running for
President from the cabinet table—
and this isn't the meaning that the
Dewey advisers give to the phrase
“team play.”
There remains me senate,
Mr Stassen could have had a seat
in the last few years if he had
chosen. Both the present incum
bents are Republicans and his
friends. Unless a vacancy develops
In one or the other of these two
seats, Mr. Stassen will not be able
to keep himself in the limelight
there. He could go to the House of
Representatives for a while ana
later the Senate. It would be a
convenient place from which to ex
pound views to the country.
Then there is the governorship of
Minnesota, in which Mr. Stassen
has already done a constructive job
But it doesn’t lend itself to national
publicity as does a seat in Congress.
The real job for Mr. Stassen
would be the chairmanship of the
Republican National Committee af
ter the close of the present cam
paign. It is a post that has too
long been neglected. It has been
filled by men of colorless position
in the national scene. Yet stim
ulating the youth of the land and
organizing public forums for the
discussion of political problems is
exactly what is needed and exactly
what Mr. Stassen has done and can
continue to do effectively.
Must Prove Trust.
Mr. Stassen could not be chosen
for such a post unless he had the
absolute trust and confidence of
Gov. Dewey, for the latter will
dominate the Republican National
Committee for the next four years
at least. The best way to achieve
that trust and confidence is for
Mr. Stassen to get into the coming
campaign with zest and enthusiasm
and unremitting energy. If he does
rii effective job in the campaign,
he will establish himself solidly
with Gov. Dewey and with the regu
lars in the party. He will also put,
himself in line for the 1952 nomina-1
tion if by chance Gov. Dewey doesn t
win the 1948 election.
Mr. Stassen’s mistakes in the pre
eonveiition campaign were due to
his inexperience and immaturity in
politics. These are surmountable
weaknesses. He needs seasoning in
national politics.
Mr. Stassen may some day win
the presidency. He Is admired by
many a Republican high in the
councils of the party who didn’t
like to be quoted on the matter in
the recent contest. He might have
been the vice presidential nominee
with Gov. Dewey if he had played
his cards differently—but the vice
presidency has never been a step
pingstone to the presidency by the
laws of politics. It has led to the
higher place only by the laws of
chance.
Mr. Stassen is much too inspiring
a figure to drop out of the national
political picture. The chances are
he will find an effective way to
stay in it and gather to his side
the younger Republicans of the
Nation, especially the World War
II veterans who are not likely to
be content with a 1920 or 1932 or
•ven 1946 Republicanism.
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This Changing World
Moscow Facing Diplomatic Stalingrad
Unless She Rapidly Mends Tito Breach
By Constantine Brown
Unless Moscow succeeds In rapid
ly mending the breach created in
the Communist front by Marshal
Tito's defection, she is faced with a
diplomatic Stal
ingrad, with far
reaching conse
quences for the
Kremlin dicta
tors.
High officials
i n Washington
are extremely
cautious in their
optimism. They
admit that the
crisis is serious
for Russia — in
sofar as her po
sition i n the
world is con
cerned—but are
Constantine Brown.
not yet prepared to predict what
may happen behind the Iron Cur
tain. Available information, which
is pouring in from our observers in
the Balkan area, shows a highly
confused situation.
Tito has given no hint that he
is considering abandoning the Rus
sian ship. In his reply to the Com
inform blast he did mention that
“Yugoslavia wishes peaceful co-op
eration with all countries who wish
to co-operate with the Federated
Yugoslav republic on the basis of
honoring her independence and
equality in the framework of the
principles of the Charter of the
United Nations.”
Tito Seen Ready to Deal.
This could be interpreted as a
first indication that, while main
taining Yugoslavia’s present totali
tarian form of government, Tito is
prepared to deal with whoever
wishes to extend a friendly hand.
But this interpretation is offset
by the further statement in the
Yugoslav Communists’ declaration
of independence that Yugoslavia
will continue to co-operate with the
“democratic anti-imperialist forces”
of the world headed by Russia.
Whether Tito decides ultimately
to turn toward the western nations
—especially the United States and
Britain, which gave him the oppor
tunity to take over Yugoslavia in
1943 when they abandoned Gen.
Draja Mikhailovich—depends now
to a great extent on what action
Moscow takes in the near future.
There seems to be no doubt in
the minds of those who have fol
lowed Kremlin actions in recent
years that this first spectacular slap
in the face from a satellite cannot
go unpunished.
Reports from abroad that Russia
may decide on armed intervention
in Yugoslavia “to bring order in that
country” are discounted in diplo
matic and military quarters in
Washington. The risks are consic -
ered far too heavy, particularly
since it is an established fact that
the Yugoslav Army, which is better
trained and more ready for action1
than any other satellite force, would
not hesitate to fight for Tito against
foreign intervention.
Thus, the possibility of any overt
act by Russia is to be discounted.
Moscow can, however, attempt to
eliminate Tito and his supporters by
the usual method of murder. There
are reports from some quarters,;
which are considered reliable in
Washington, that such a move now
is being prepared.
Suspects Executed.
Those members of the Ozna,
Yugoslav secret police, who remain
loyal to Tito, rather than to the
Politburo which aided its creation,
already have executed a number of
suspects who infiltrated into Yugo
slavia from Bulgaria and Romania.
The fact that Russia has many de
voted followers in the secret police
and other agencies is not overlooked,
and dramatic developments may oc
cur in the next few days, for the
battle between Tito and the Moscow
boys now is on.
The defection of any other pup
pet would have had far less im
portance from the standpoint of
the general international situation.
But Tito’s Yugoslavia is the key
stone of all Russia’s activities in
Italy and Greece and the Polit
buro can hardly afford to permit
him to get away with his declara
tion of independence.
What makes the situation worse
for the Politburo is that Bulgaria
also is seething. The Bulgarian
puppet, Premier Georgi Dimitrov, is
less dangerous than Tito. But the j
Bulgarian people, who have had j
rough handling by the Soviet Army,
are much more dissatisfied withi
the present regime than the people
in some parts of Yugoslavia, who re
ceived greater consideration.
The abscess which the Cominform!
opened when it excommunicated
Tito must be treated by Moscow
with utmost speed. Otherwise, in
the opinion of American diplomatic
and military men, the entire struc- j
ture which Moscow has built so
carefully and ruthlessly is liable to
collapse. Unless the Politburo is a1
colossus with feet of clay, and has
developed weakness which has been
concealed so far from the outside j
world, drastic action against Tito
may be in the offing.
No Matter What
Truman Will Fight for Renomination
Despite All Obstacles or Pleas to Retire
By Doris Fleeson
President Truman will fight for
renomination no matter what ob
stacles are put in his path or what
pleas to retire are made to him.
Any otncr
course he would
consider cow
ardly.
He has never
by any word or
gesture, any
serious aside or
idle wisecrack,
any move or
plan, given cause
for any inference
that he might
not go on to the
end, whatever
the result may
be.
Nothing that
Doris Flfcson.
present anti-Truman conferences
can accomplish will alter his in
tentions. If the Democrats don’t
want him, they will have to lick
him with their votes in an open
convention,
Mrs. Truman In Accord.
Mrs. Truman is in complete accord
with the President's sentiments.
The White House author of these
definitive statements furrowed his
brow. “I wonder if I can find any
words stronger than that” he
fretted. ‘‘Remember, I am not try
ing to tell you what the convention
will do. I am telling you what the
President will do.”
The President’s hero in his party
claimed an Immovable object if not
an irresistible force, the presidential
reasoning about the impending crisis
in his fortunes was described.
The Presdient’s hero in his party
is Andrew Jackson, another border
State Southerner. Jackson was re
nowned as a man of honor and
martial spirit: Mr. Truman will
never do anything on which he
thinks Old Hickory's ghost might
frown.
The President's pride In his own
World War I service, his quiet state
ment to all on whom he bestows
the Congressional Medal of Honor
"that “I would rather wear that
medal than be President,” argue for
the genuineness of his present
emotions. *
That’s the personal angle.
There is also and importantly the
matter of the Truman program as
it has been presented to Congress
and, except for foreign policy, large
ly ignored the past three years.
Positive Program Is Right.
The President feels that he has
the right to call it the Truman
program bow though it is founded
on Roosevelt principles. He is posi
tive it is the right program for the
people of America as opposed to
special interests.
He believes that the Democrats
must and should run on it in ’48.
Should the worst befall in November,
he is confident that in ’49 and there
after, his program will shine ever
more brightly against the backdrop
of a Republican Congress and a
Republican President.
The Democratic Party, Mr. Tru
man freely predicts, will be running
on the Truman program in ’52.
The President is too experienced
not to sense present uncertainties
but he expects re-nomination and
is genuinely hopeful of victory in
November. And National Chairman
McGrath has promised him at least
800 votes and triumph on the first
ballot at Philadelphia.
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LOUIE
—By Harry Hanan
On the Other Hand
In Which Mrs. F. D. Roosevelt
Is Proposed for the Presidency
By Lowell Mellett
I was talking with Ben Cohen
of the celebrated brain-trusting
team of Corcoran and Cohen; the
same Ben Cohen who was sur
prised on his re
cent retirement
from public serv
ice to find him
self acclaimed
by conservatives
and liberals
alike as an un
selfish soul who
had been guilty
of little but
good during his
years in the
Government. We
were discussing
the difficulties
of the Demo
crats.
Lowell Mellett.
I brougnt up tne iiee-ioi-Huumig
advice Clare Boothe Luce had of
fered the party; namely, that nom
inating Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt
for the vice presidency was the way
to restore the party's unity and
strength. , , .
Ben said he had—and had had
for a long time—a better idea than
that and he proceeded to expound
it in the following ^leisurely fash
ion:
“When one political party has
been in power for nearly 16 years
it is not unnatural to expect a
change. The people judge a party
in power by its performances and a
party out of power by its promises.
It is easier to promise than to per
form.
Cannot Ignore Record.
“But the Republican Party's con
trol of Congress during the last
two years makes it somewhat more
difficult for the Republicans. They
cannot wholly ignore the record
they have made in Congress. To
deflect attention from that record
they have considered it wise to head
their ticket with two strong men
of liberal inclinations who person
ally have little or no responsibility
for that record.
“A sweeping Republican victory,
however, would return that same
Congress, dominated by the pres
ent oligarchical and irresponsible
Republican Rules Committee of the
House. Only a strong fight by the
Democrats, one that forces the Re
publicans to face the issues, can
keep the Republicans from becom
ing the prisoners of the die-hard,
reactionary group.
“Therefore the Democrats must
close ranks for the coming electoral
struggle. It is no time for intra
party recrimination. President Tru
man, all things considered, has done
a good job. He has sought, in the
slough of a postwar reaction, to
uphold the liberal principles of his
party and of his predecessor, Presi
dent Roosevelt.
“There may be honest differences
of opinion as to whether he or some
other candidate can now rally, the
greatest support for the Democratic
party. But the party cannot afford
the luxury of internal strife and the
decision on this point must and will
'6s made by President Truman him
self.
Choice Is Limited.
"If President Truman should de
cide that some one other than him
self should lead, he must, after con
sultation with other party leaders,
name the candidate. At this late
date an internal struggle would
defeat the chances of almost any
candidate. The choice obviously is
limited. There are Messrs. Byrnes,
Barkley and Rayburn, and Douglas
and Eisenhower, each of whom has
been favorably mentioned and each
of whom is worthy of careful con
sideration. But there is another per
son of eminent qualification who,
strangely enough, is being over
looked.
“That is the one your friend Mrs.
Luce proposes for the second place
on the Democratic ticket. I suggest
she be given consideration for first
P “Mrs. Roosevelt has not merely a
name of great appeal. She, in her
own right, has probably more nearly
than any one else those qualities
that rallied the people to the sup
port of President Roosevelt in four
elections. Her devotion to humanity,
her tolerance and understanding,
her quest for peace with justice and
without appeasement, her intellect
ual Integrity and humility are quali
ties which are cherished and re
spected by Americans without re
gard to sex, party or region. If she
were nominated, there would be no
sweeping Republican victory. There
would be an upsurge of hope and
faith in peace and freedom through
out the world.” _
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i
McLemore—
Tosses Orchids
To Gal Reporters
By Henry McLemore
Outside of deep-sea diving for a
company too cheap to buy their
divers a suit, thus requiring them to
fathom the fathoms in a light
weight worsted,
I know of no
more unhappy
job than that of
women reporters
assigned to cov
er the activities
of the wives of
political b i g -
wigs.
Here, friends
and relatives, is
a Job that calls
for some one
strong enough to
ignore frustra
te tion; some
one witH
Henry McLemert.
strength of win sumciein wj over
come the temptation to yield to
nausea at times, and the force of
character to abandon the thought
of saying, "Aw nuts!” and go ahead
and do a day’s work.
Most of the women reporters I
know are darned capable gals.
Knowing, wise, hep to the angles,
and busier than three bees on a
blossom. But, because of the weak
er sex angle, they generally have
had to take the short end of as
signments, with the head end going
to the male, or stronger sex report
ers.
Job at Philadelphia.
This column was prompted by the
stories of the gal reporters who
worked the Republican Convention
at Philadelphia. Most of them were
assigned to put into the print the
behavior, sartorial and oral, of the
wives 61 the leading candidates.
What thev wore. The color of what
they wore. What they looked like
in what they wore. How they felt
about their husbands’ having a
chance for the presidency. The
size of their bouquets—were they of
orchids, gardenias, or sunflowers?
How many children? Were they
fond of their children?
To ask such questions, and get the
inane replies that followed, is
enough to drive a reporter batty, be
the reporter a he or a she. That
the answers of the wives of the
political big shots sound like some
thing a retarded aardvark might
well make, is not the fault of the
wives. Their vocal organs are hand
cuffed by the position they are in.
One slip of the tongue concerning
something that means something,
and the other party is liable to use
it against their husbands. So they
must talk banalities, even though
they be smart as all get-out.
I remember parts of the inter
view that the gal reporters had with
Mrs. Warren, wife of Gov. Warren,
who’ll run with Mr. Dewey on the
Republican ticket. She undoubtedly
has a great story to tell. She is
part and parcel of a fine man. She
knows him better than any one else
on earth. But what do the gals get
from her?
That she is happy, yes. but that is
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That she is happily married, loves
her children, and considers being
a wife and home-maker the biggest
job in the world for a woman, is
almost as astounding as the fact
that the Bank of America is solvent.
With nothing much to work on,
but with a story to do, the girls
have to resort to such things as
how well Mrs. Warren cooks. One
reporter of the distaff side based
her story on the fact that Mrs.
Warren bakes cakes and pies that
are the envy of California. Non
sense!
In the first place, how many
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I feel sorry for the wives of the
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But I feel even sorrier for the re
porters who have to report their
sayings.
It is a set-up that works for
misery.
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