Evening star. [volume], July 06, 1948, Page A-10, Image 10

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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gening S^faf
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iZTi TUESDAY, July 4, 1»4*
No Place for Politics
One can readily agree with the Presi
dent’s comment, in signing the bill which
extends for two years the terms of the
present members of the Atomic Energy
Commission, that “politics and atomic
energy do not mix.”
Mr. Truman had recommended that the
terms of these officials be extended on a
staggered basis ranging from one to five
years, as provided for in the Atomic Energy
Act. Congress refused to do this, and it
. a _ 1. I J XI_X f U. ..f.mnl
can naraiy uuuutcu iwau
was Inspired by political considerations.
The evidence In support of this is found
in the fact that the records of the com
mission members cannot be, and were not,
successfully attacked. If these nomina
tions had been handled in the usual way,
and if in the course of that procedure the
opponents of Mr. Lillenthal and his asso
ciates had been able to show that these
men had failed to measure up to their
responsibilities, then, of course, it would
have been entirely proper to refuse to
confirm them. But this was not done, and
the best indication that it could not have
been done lies in the very excellence of
the record which the AEC has made. In
view of this, the conclusion is inescapable
that the action of Congress was tainted
with politics, and the attitude of the in
coming Republican administration—if
that is in the cards—will be watched
closely in this connection as a measure of
Its willingness to put national interests
above petty partisan politics.
It is not so easy, however, to agree with
the President in his further conclusion,
namely, that the Republican leaders re
sorted to a specious argument when they
said that consideration of his recom
mended appointments would have pro
voked a controversy harmful to the atomic
energy program. That was not a specious
argument for it is certain that an attempt
to confirm Mr. Lllienthal for a five-year
term would have provoked a bitter con
troversy, and there is ample reason to
suppose that such a controversy would
have been harmful to the atomic energy
program.
The two-year proposal was a compromise
necessarily put forward by Republican
leaders seeking some middle ground be
tween the extremists in their own party
and the President’s position. Some of
these Republican leaders, however, led the
fight for confirmation of Mr. Lilienthal's
original nomination, when he was being
assailed by both Republican and Demo
cratic Senators. For the President to
suggest now that they resorted to decep
tion in their argument for the two-year
compromise is not only unjust to them,
but raises the suspicion that Mr. Truman
may be playing a little politics himself
with what ought to be a nonpolitical
matter.
The Finnish Elections
The expected has happened in the
parliamentary elections just held in Fin
land. Virtually all competent observers
had predicted that the Communist-domi
nated party known as Popular Democrats
would lose ground. The only question was
whether the Social Democrats or the
Agrarians would be the gainers. In either
case, it would mean the victory of a party
pledged to moderation and protection of
the country's liberties against Communist
encroachment.
The Agrarians have nosed out the Social
Democrats for first place in the next
Parliament, and hence can logically be
expected to name the new Premier. The
Agrarians represent the land-owning
farmers, who are the backbone of Finnish
agriculture. The Social Democrats repre
sent the non-Communist majority of
Finnish labor and a considerable portion
of the middle class. They are ideologically
not far apart and have co-operated suc
cessfully in the past. Since each party has
w-on slightly more than one-quarter of
the parliamentary seats, they could to
gether form a working majority.
Despite the fact that the Communists
have fallen to third place, they will prob
ably be assigned some portfolios in a
coalition cabinet, that being the method
which best suits Finland’s peculiar situa
tion. Living as it does beneath the shadow
of Soviet Russia, it would be as dangerous
as it would be unwise to exclude the native
Communists from participation in public
affairs. However, an attempt will doubtless
be made to give the Communists less
prominent posts in the new government,
though this might provoke the Commu
nists to political strikes or other unpleas
ant tactics.
It took courage on the part of the Fin
nish electorate to vote as it has done.
The Communists warned that “Moscow
would not like” a setback to them, while
Russian favors could be expected if they
did well. It will be interesting to see what
Moscow's reaction will be to the actual
results. For the Finns, this reassertion of
their independence comes at a moment
when the rulers in the Kremlin must be
in a bad humor over Tito s defiance, which
Involves the vital question of Soviet pres
tige with the satellite countries. On the
other hand, Finland has unquestionably
acted in accord with the treaty with
Russia, which at least technically respects
Finnish rights to full self-government.
The Finns are a stubborn people, ready
to stand up for those rights at almost any
risk. The chances are, therefore, that
Moscow has enough trouble on its hands
elsewhere without seeking to vent its
displeasure on the Finns for what the
voters did in free and honest elections.
New Proposals for Palestine
Although unacceptable to the Arab
League and Israel, Count Folke Berna
dotte’s proposals for a lasting Palestine
settlement have been offered not as a
final plan but merely as a basis for further
discussion. Accordingly, even though in
disagreement with his ideas, both sides
should heed - his plea to extend their
present truce beyond the expiration date
next Friday. If they do, then the con
tinuing atmosphere of relative non
violence will strengthen the possibility of
arriving eventually at a peaceful solution.
What Count Folke has proposed, in his
capacity as United Nations Mediator, is
that the Holy Land, with Trans-Jordan in
cluded, be organized as a Union made up
of two members, one Arab and one Jewish.
The Union, functioning through a Central
Council, would promote a common eco
nomic program and co-ordinate foreign
policy and measures for defense. Except
for functions placed by treaty with the
Union, each of the two members would be
free to exercise full control over its own
affairs, including international relations.
In making this suggestion, Count Folke
has taken a position considerably different
from the plan recommended by the United
Nations General Assembly—a plan parti
tioning the Holy Land into two separate
states economically united but politically
distinct from each other, with Jerusalem
under an international trusteeship. Count
Folke’s proposals, though allowing for par
tition and the creation of Israel, are closer
to the U. N. minority plan for a federated
Palestine or single, bi-national state. His
ideas on the territorial make-up of the
proposed Union are also at variance with
those of the General Assembly, and he
favors placing Jerusalem within the Arab
region.
These and other features of the media
tor's proposals—including a proposal to
give the United Nations the last word on
immigration into me rioiy Lana-are an
open to vigorous challenge by one side or
the other. But Count Folke has been at
pains to emphasize that they have been
advanced as tentative ideas aimed at
stimulating counter-proposals from both
the Arabs and Jews in an effort to nego
tiate some mutually satisfactory compro
mise between the U. N. minority and
majority plans. Up to now, though the
Zionists have accepted the majority plan
and set up the State of Israel on it, the
Arab League’s opposition apparently has
not lessened, even as regards the minority
plan. In the circumstances, with the truce
due to expire this week, there will be a
resumption of warfare unless Count
Folke's counsel is followed.
That counsel is simply to extend the
truce and keep on seeking some middle
ground solution. Count Folke’s proposals
provide, as he says, “a reasonable frame
work of reference within which the \ two
parties may find it possible to continue
their consultations” toward a peaceful
settlement. This leaves it up to the Arabs
and Jews either to return to armed con
flict or to remain at the conference table
earnestly trying, through honest give-and
take. to work out an agreement under
which they can live and prosper together
in the Holy Land. If they are men of
reason and good will, Count Folke's advice
should appeal to them.
Steel for Defense
The Congress may or may not have
intended to give the President the broad
powers over industry which the new draft
law seems to contain. But whatever the
intent of Congress, the President has
acted wisely in deciding not to invoke at
this time his authority to place the dis
tribution of steel under Government
control.
In his letter to the Secretary of Com
merce, Mr. Truman noted that the steel
requirements of the national defense
program will be only about 2 per cent
of total steel production in this fiscal
year, and only about 3 per cent in the
next.
It ought to be entirely possible for the
1 industry to satisfy this need through a
program of voluntary allocations. And
| if the industry wants to avoid compulsory
controls it will see to it that this is done,
for the President has made it clear that
he is prepared to exercise the authority
given him if it should prove necessary
to do so.
Part of Preparedness
In a staff study the National Security
Resources Board has confirmed earlier
studies demonstrating the impracticability
of large-scale relocation and dispersion of
our existing industrial plants to cope with
the threat of bombing in the atomic age.
Economically, socially and otherwise, such
a project would be virtually impossible,
and the same holds true for the sugges
tion that we should start building a vast
underground network of giant factories.
As far as new plants are concerned,
however, dispersion definitely makes
sense. According to the NSRB study,
American industry is spending upwards
of $12,000,000,000 annually on construction
and equipment, but much too much of
this is being concentrated in tightly
packed cities already highly vulnerable
to bombing attack. In other words, a
large percentage of current or planned
industrial building is being centralized
more than ever at a time when the safety
of the Nation calls for decentralization on
the greatest possible scale.
In the opinion of the NSRB study, this
is something that violates the old maxim
against putting all one’s eggs in a single
basket. Common sense demands that
wherever economically feasible, our indus
trial expansion, together with accompany
ing housing developments, should be
planned with the ideal in mind of keeping
new urban concentrations within a popu
lation limit of around 50.000, with plenty
of open country between one concentra
tion and another. By spreading out in
that way. and by placing certain key
facilities underground on a necessarily
t.
limited scale, we can substantially reduce
our vulnerability. Further, as has been
frequently advocated, we can increase our
safety by acting now to draw up long
range disaster-relief plans, to fireproof the
interiors of existing buildings, and to take
similar precautionary steps.
All such measures, of course, could at
best have pnly a palliating effect in the
event of a full-scale bombing attack on
our cities. In the age of the atom and
supersonic flight, the United States and
every other nation of consequence will be
able to feel safe from deadly air bombard
ment only when there is genuine collec
tive security and an enduring peace. Until
we have that, however, we must do
everything possible —.and that includes
industrial decentralization as well as the
maintenance of adequate armed power and
the development of unity in the free
world—to soften the blow if ever an
aggressor strikes at us from the sky.
The Flag at Night
President Truman has signed a proc
lamation authorizing the display of the
flag at Fort McHenry, Baltimore, “at all
times during the day and night.” This
action on the part of the Chief Executive
obviously is in harmony with the spirit
of the Star Spangled Banner as well as
with the letter of it. Francis Scott Key’s
joy at beholding the “broad stripes and
bright stars” still “gallantly streaming”
in "the dawn’s early light” of September
14, 1314, gave the United States its
national anthem. The flag flies around
the clock at his grave in Frederick, Mary
land, and it is fitting and proper that it
should fly over the spot where the poet
patriot saw it during “the perilous fight.”
Nobody knows why it is customary to
show the Nation’s official emblem “only
from sunrise to sunset.” There is no Fed
eral statute covering the subject, and in
quiry at tne quartermaster uenerais
Office has failed to develop any explana
tion of how the prevailing rule was.
established. Indeed, so far as nonmilitary
uses are concerned, the flag may be flown
at*any time. A pamphlet published on
February 15. 1923, and signed by Robert
C. Davis as the adjutant general declares:
“The War Department sees no objection
to flying the flag at night on civilian
property, provided it is not so flown for
advertising purposes.”
Regarding official exhibition, common
practice appears to be increasingly liberal.
There were flags at the Washington Mon
ument last evening. Flags decorate the
orchestra barge at the Water Gate. In the
Flag Code of the American Legion it is
stipulated that the flag may be displayed
“between such hours as may be designated
by proper authority.” Thus the flag flies
all night at the Capitol by order of the
Architect of the Capitol. Many private cit
izens keep the flag flying both day and
night. If they are somewhat out of step
with the majority of their neighbors, at
least they are not breaking any law.
Pointing out that patents issued in the
past year were fewer than in any since
’88, a publicist asks: “Is American inven
tiveness dead?” Well—there’s the new
bubble gum, in colors.
Add interesting Americans: A 6-foot-5
basket bailer in the South who eloped with
the gym teacher, and without a ladder.
This and That
By Charles E. Tracewell
"W. KIRKE STREET.
“Dear Sir:
"Your column Is enjoyed not only by my
family, but by a bird-loving invalid many miles
from Washington.
"Among the first broods raised in our garden
this spring, was one of four young starlings, of
which one is pure white.
He was at first rather dull in color, but Is
now a beautiful shining white, and much more
attractive than others of his kind.
"In a low bush near the house there are
three very new thrushes, and In a grape basket
on the porch wrens are just setting.
"On the first day of the latter's residence
they had apparently not noticed the other nest
so near, until the mother thrush arrived with
food.
"One very busy wren stopped his work and
looked down in surprise.
“He then flew to the bush and perched on
the edge of the nest beside Its owner, who
seemed hospitably inclined, for she- showed no
sign of alarm or resentment.
"Both birds sat for several moments looking
down at the little family with visible pride and
admiration.
“The wren seemed to feel that this fine
brood was. a credit to the neighborhood in
which he had settled, and returned to his build
ing with renewed enthusiasm.
"Cordially yours. K. L. M.”
* * * *
This is a pretty picture of inter-nest rela
tions, but alas, it must be viewed with some'
suspicion.
Jenny Wren is not an enthusiast about the
eggs or nestlings of other birds.
She sometimes pecks holes in their eggs, or
even pushes them out of the nest.
Perhaps she might, now and then, even kill a
few baby birds, but this will not happen often.
She is little, but mighty, a vixen, if you will,
but a mighty swell bird.
She knows how to handle life, and sees to it
that her own brood gets the best, even if she
has to do a dirty trick or two to others, upon
occasion.
She may look pretty, on the edge of another
nest but she has no real business there, and
should be shooed away, if she lingers.
* * * *
"ARLINGTON, Va.
"Dear Sir:
"Several years ago I had a lot of fun with
squirrels traveling over lines I had suspended
between trees, where I had peanuts attached.
“You wrote several times about the bomb
diving by birds.
“Well, we had a squirrel visiting us regularly
this spring for his little portion. All was weE,
as long as he kept on the ground, but one day
he took the overhead route on a heavy wire,
about 40 feet up.
“He got as far as the big maple tree, when
suddenly a male blue jay bolted out and at him
and poor squirrel had one awful time.
“The jay would give him his full impact and
several times he had the squirrel hanging on
one left hind foot on the wire.
“The jay probably had a nest along that
route and resented the intrusion.
“After quite a spell, the squirrel finally got
across to the big lamp pole, went down to earth
and we have not seen him since.
“Sincerely, always interested. E. L. W.”
* * * *
Squirrels are born tight rope walkers.
Of course, they have four feet, instead of two,
but that does not mitigate against their fine
showmanship in the air.
There is perhaps no other animal in the
world that can walk a telephone wire better,
with more aplomb, or show more pleasure in
the transit.
The squirrel, naturally enough, loves it. He
takes to wires happily, easily and to the man
ner—not ' manor’'—born.
The blue jay is one of the best bomb divers.
He is afraid of nothing that walks or flies.
From man to cat or bird, he darts directly at
them all, pecking them sharply on the heads
or backs, all in the day’s work.
Letters to The Star
Policemen on Horseback
To fh# Editor of Th« Star:
Regarding the safety of Rock Creek Park
and others, would it not be advisable to add
more mounted men for that- kind of work?
The mounted man can observe much better
from where he is not seen than an officer in
a car. A car it too big for observation purposes.
There are plenty of traffic policemen sta
tioned all during the day in town So look for
traffic violators. Take a few and use them for
park duty. WILLIAM BLUEMER.
Hitler’s Car a Symbol
To the Editor of The Star:
I would greatly appreciate the opportunity
to say a personal word about the Hitler auto
mobile which I have acquired.
It seems to me that Hitler’s armored auto
mobile is more than the form of property of
one of time's most wicked and infamous dic
tators. The fact that an ordinary business
man acquired the car and that it has ended up
in the greatest free country of the world should
make it a symbolic reminder that in the long
run free men win out; and gangsters, whether
in the form of dictators or hoodlums, cannot
shield themselves forever behind armored plate,
bulletproof glass or iron curtains.
I sincerely hope that the car may remind
people that Hitler had the mistaken idea that
just because you can make the individual
groggy with propaganda you cap also knock
him out. We in free democracies know that
the individual is incorrigible and that at the
count of nine he always gets up—maybe swing
ing wildly but swinging hard.
Hitler forgot that. Stalin should remember
it. CHRISTOPHER G. JANUS.
Political Aspects of Racial Issue
To the Editor of The Star:
There is so much angry criticism of President
Truman from Southern States sources because
he seems determined to secure the enactment
of Federal laws to effect the recommendations
made in the report of one of his commissions,
popularly known as the civil rights program,
that it seems to me that the four outstanding
points of the report should be considered with*
some degree of logic.
Let us first look at the so-called anti
lynching measure as proposed. The South
claims that during a long period there has only
been one lynching in Southern States. It
claims that a large number of colored citizens
have been killed in race riots in Northern
States. It is obvious, then, that such a law
would have little application in the South.
The South denounces the anti-poll tax law
yet boasts that many Southern States already
have repealed the poll tax and predicts that
those States that have not repealed this tax
will do so in the near future. Surely, then,
the passage of this law by Congress can do no
violence to Southern sentiment.
The Fair Employment Practices Act proposed
in the report provides that in interstate com
merce there shall be no discrimination in em
ployment by reason of race, religion or national
origin. This recommendation has heated anger
in the South to the ’nth degree. The principle
has been placed on the statute books in New
York and New Jersey, and none of the dire
predictions that it would usher in a wave of
inefficiency, blackmail or mass boycott by em
ployes not affected, has occurred. In each
State, the commission set up to carry out the
laws has functioned smoothly and satisfactorily
for the entire population.
Natural Choice of Association.
If less were said, pro or con, about segrega
tion, this problem in all probability would solve
Itself. It is reasonable for people to select
their friends and associates. One notices in
communities where segregation Is not enforced
by law that the races prefer to be together.
Whites seat themselves in public conveyances
with whites. Colored choose to sit with colored.
The same applies in restaurants and a colored
person is unhappy unless he can find living
quarters in Harlem or some other colored
community. Where there have been conflicts
between whites and colored over the latter
moving into white sections in Northern cities,
they almost always have been due to rapid influx
of colored, developing a situation of scarcity
of housing in the colored parts of the towns.
It seems highly improbable that this housing
problem can trouble the South.
The Negro population in the British West
Indies far outnumbers the whites, yet white
people there do not seem to have lost their
dignity or their individuality through lack of
segregation.
The true evil of the entire matter is due to
the fact that whether this report on civil
rights was honestly or dishonestly compiled, it
seems undeniably true that it is being used
purely for the purpose of attracting the vote* of
sizable minorities in the election in November.
Five per cent of the electorate in half a
dozen States can put one or the other of the
dominant parties in control of the national
Government. During the past 16 years the
party in power consistently has welded minori
ties together by developing fears, by bribes, by
extravagant promises and by subtle threats,
and thereby has brought them pretty much
under its dominance. This accomplishment, for
the first time in American history, has given
a new meaning to ine wora minority. neiore
1932, "minority” signified the party that lost
an election. It was made up of Americans,
whites, colored, Catholics, Protestants, Jews,
just Americans. Today, "minority” signifies
Jews or colored, or Catholics, if one lives in the
South. Such a situation is not merely un
democratic, it is intolerable.
The first plank in each of the great parties’
platforms should be: "We have nothing to
offer any minority. We pledge our solemn
word that every individual living within the
jurisdiction of the United States of America
shall receive every blessing, privilege and safe
guard guaranteed to him or to her by the
Constitution of the United State* wherever he
or she may be.”
With both great parties committed to such
a pledge, "civil rights reports” would disappear
and future Americans would no longer be
tormented by fears concocted by dishonest poli
ticians in order to swindle them of their votes.
EUGENE C. POMEROY.
Appreciation of the President
To th« Editor of The Star:
May I throw a bouquet for one who seems
to have been receiving only brickbats?
I think President Truman has earned some
applause instead of the boos he has been
given. This is not political pampering from
me—I am not sure yet whether I will vote for
Mr. Truman or Mr. Dewey; I’m not sure it
won't be Mr. Wallace! I want to learn more
about the platforms and try to pick the truth
out from the untruth that precedes every
major election.
Why can’t our elections be characterised by
fairness and clear-thinking and a dtesire that
the best man for the job be picked? Surely
we pay our top men little; the power is
negligible; must our leaders win fame by
slandering each other?
But I do feel President Truman's record has
been remarkable these past three and a half
years. He has been one of the most courageous
men in public life. He consistently has stood
for the hard right against the easy wrong. He
has stood for needful legislation despite its
unpopularity.
The needs of people here and throughout
the world have been overwhelming these past
years. Our Congress has wasted its time with
sensational antl-Communist trials like the
Brewster fiasco last fall. Legislation badly
/
Letters for publication must bear
the signature and address of the
writer, although it is permissible for
a writer knoum to The Star to use
a nom de plume. Please be brief.
needed and worked on by sincerely concerned
legislators was pushed to the end of the ses
sion, some of it was rushed through during
the last few weeks after President Truman's
tongue lashings: much needed legislation (such
as Federal aid for schools* was left untouched.
Despite the clear Imperative to help our
neighbors both here and abroad, isolationists of
varying degrees were numerous in Congress.
Mr. Truman last year urged flood control
legislation. Nothing was done until the floods
deluged us. Mr. Truman two years ago warned
that we would be on our wfy to inflation if
controls were removed. Our businessmen
assured him that supply and demand would
pull down prices to normal levels. I know
from our hard-pressed budget as well as from
published facts how prices have sky-rocketed.
Mr. Truman has urged attention to housing,
yet no relief is in sight. Mr. Truman has
stressed the need of our neighbors overseas,
and his request for help for them has been
granted only in part. Mr. Truman has urged
civil rights for all—life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness for all—and his program has been
resisted. (I am not a Negro, my ancestors for
generations back have been Southerners; but I
regard a respectable Negro as not one bit dif
ferent in qualities or rights from a white per
son). Mr. Truman begged that taxes not be
cut, because they are the fairest way of main
taining our national income in these times.
Yes, this is just a reminder. Our President
has tried sincerely. If his endeavors have been
merely political, they also have been amazingly
wise. LUCRECE LONGFELLOW.
A Filipino’s Convention Impressions
To the Editor ot The Star.
My outstanding impression after seeing my
first American political convention is that the
day of the “poor man” candidate is over.
That is the only thing that distressed this
foreign observer—a Filipino reared under the
United States style of democracy and who be
lieves in our kind of democracy as the best
the world has to offer. Abraham Lincoln
would not have stood a chance in the party
campaign that has just reached its climax. He
could not have afforded to run and he likely
would not have attracted the kind of friends
who could afford it. The amount of money
spent on behalf of the candidates before and
during the Republican convention makes the
eyes pop for a Filipino when he compares it
with the entire Philippines’ national budget.
It took money, and plenty of it, to get Thomas
E. Dewey nominated. It took a terrific buildup.
It took a lot of money to maintain an efficient
machine for travel, personnel, publicity, and
other items, not to mention the wealth of
nylons, whiskey, food, etc., given away during
the convention.
This is not to say that the nomination was
or could be bought. Neither the Rockefellers
nor the Fords could buy it even if they wanted
it or were foolish enough to attempt to buy it.
It is much more subtle than that. It does
mean that you have to have money or backers
with money to provide the machinery neces
sary even to be a candidate. The Pennsylvania
Railroad, for example, had a 150-foot bar for
the entertainment of all and sundry. This bar,
with other expenses, was estimated to co6t the
railroad over $10,000 daily. Two Texas oil
men engaged a room in the Harvard Club for
entertainment, for which they were prepared
to spend $50,000. The money was spent two
days before the convention closed.
In the United States they call the famous
Ringling Brothers Circus the "biggest show on
earth.” I have seen that, but I am inclined
to think that this national political conven
tion was even bigger.
Practical Democracy in Action.
I think it is something else, too. You might
call it the most practical demonstration of
American democracy in action. We have
American customs and traditions in the Philip
pines, and we know how well they work. But
you've got to see something on this scale to
appreciate it.
To me, a Filipino, perhaps the most impres
sive thing is the way the great men of this
country—great political leaders, candidates,
Congressmen, delegates from every State and
territory, newspaper men whose by»lines are
familiar all over the world, and correspondents
for the foreign press and the Negro press—
are living, working, talking together on a plane
of complete equality.
At a party given for all candidates by the
old and distinguished Union League Club of
Philadelphia, you could see men with Dewey
buttons, Taft buttons, Stassen buttons, Warren
buttons—buttons the size of saucers blos
soming on their chests—talking and laughing
with one another Just as if they weren’t all
arch enemies straining every nerve to get
their own men in and defeat the other fellows.
I don’t think you could find any such carefree
display oi potential political tnroai-cuiting in
any other country in the world.
As information officer and a former news
paperman, I was naturally interested in the
way information facilities and press arrange
ments were handled. I learned that no less
than 2,250 people—aside from correspondents
radio, motion picture and television men them
selves—were employed just to handle this
phase of the operations. Television is the new
est thing here. Instead of being classed as
radio orators or movie idols, candidates are now
being weighed for their telegenic qualifications.
In spite of the 1,084 tv 0 vote, I personally
got the Impression that Mr. Dewey could not
be described with 100 per cent accuracy as
“the people’s choice.” I think at least several
thousand people in the convention hall and
probably millions in the country feel that Mr.
Taft or Mr. Stassen or Mr. Warren or Mr.
Vandenberg would have been at least as cap
able. Mr. Dewey was the choice of the conven
vention—there was no doubt about that. He
was the man of the hour. But Mr. Stassen
easily could have been the man of the hour. As
it turned out, he was the man of the moment,
and it was indeed a glorious moment. Even
in defeat he looked magnificent.
Mr. Stassen had been identified by his de
tractors as an earnest young man who was
going no place. But the ovation the delegates
gave him, even in defeat, indicated to me be
yond doubt that he will bear watching aa a
man ivho very definitely some day will go
places. The most enthusiastic applause came
from the younger generation who will be run
ning the country in the future. The gallery
showed obvious disappointment when Mr. Stas
sen yielded to Mr. Dewey in an eloquent ex
temporaneous address. About half an hour
later, Mr. Dewey arose and delivered a speech
which had long since been mimeographed and
distributed to the press in the usual efficient
manner of a well-oiled publicity organization.
But all that was incidental. What really
counted was that after such a bitter fight, the
delegates in the end could unite behind the
man many of them had been trying to beat.
This was an outstanding demonstration of
'American sportsmanship—real democracy at
work. And that, I think, is what makes
America tick. As a Filipino schooled in Ameri
can ways, it makes me feel good. It makes me
proud that I react in the same fashion—that
the American way and the Filipino way are
essentially'the same. A. L. VALENCIA,
Press Attache, Embassy of the Philippines.
4
The Political Mill
Dewey to Be Mouthpiece
Of Party From Now on
Along With Warren He Must Set Pac«
Of Coming National Campaign
By Gould Lincoln
The Republican Party has a new mouth
piece. For nearly two years the party’s elected
representatives in Congress have done the
policy making and the speaking for the GOP.
With the nomination of Gov. Dewey of New
York as the 1948 standardbearer, the situa
tion is radically changed. It will be Gov.
Dewey's part to set the pace in the coming
national campaign. He has accepted the Re
publican platform as written by the recent
national convention in Philadelphia. He hats
approved in the main the record made by the
Eightieth Congress. As the campaign progresses,
however, there will arise new situations, new
problems or variations of the old. It will be
the job of Gov. Dewey ,to speak out then for
the Republican Party. His running mate, Gov.
Warren of California, will carry part of the
burden of being the party's new voice. Gov.
Warren, however, will work closely with Gov.
Dewey. The chances they will be found
speaking at cross purposes is so small as to be
nothing at all.
In a measure, it is both feasible and more
advisable to have a top spokesman for a poli
tical party. When a group of leaders—each
regarding himself as the equal, if not more, of
the others—start sounding off. the result easily
may be a lot of discords. Just such discords
arose to plague the Republicans—shortly be
fore the close of the last session of Congress.
Chairman Vandenberg of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee and the Republican House
leadership — including Representative John
Taber of New York, chairman of the Ap
propriations Committee—clashed over the sum
to be granted to carry out the European Re
covery Program. They clashed violently. In
the end Senator Vandenberg had his way.
“Isolationist" Out Window.
If this year there was no national but only
a congressional election, the supporters of the
Vandenberg view would be out campaigning
for generous support of the ERP, while those
who favored the Taber attitude of cutting
down these appropriations, would take *he
other tack. Mr. Dewey, the presidential nom
inee, however, will speak for the whole Repub
lican Party. He has given every reason to be
lieve he is going right along with Senator
Vandenberg and the ERP; that he will back
to the limit the United Nations and that “iso
lationism'’—so far as the Republican Party U
concerned—is out of the window.
Months ago in the preconvention campaign
for the Republican presidential nomination
opponents of Gov. Dewey attacked him be
cause, they said, he would not speak out on
the issues of the day. This was a favorite t
chant of former Gov. Stassen of Minnesota,
Others took it up. Mr. Dewey, however, de
layed his active campaigning until a compar
atively short time before the national conven
tion. When he took to the stump—as he did
in Oregon—he said plenty. In the coming
campaign he will say plenty more, both on
foreign and domestic questions. Indeed, he has
already spoken out vigorously in a number of
press conferences and brief statements.
The party platform adopted in Philadelphia
—as well as the nominations of Dewey and ,
Warren—has shown conclusively that the Re
publicans have turned away from “normalcy"—
the kind of thing for which they stood when
Harding was campaigning against Cox in 1920,
and for which they stood after Harding had'
entered the White House.
Progressive PJatfonn.
It is a far more progressive platform, ac
companied by far more progressive candidates.
It is true that there has been a declaration
that encroachments of the Federal Govern
ment must halt and that centralization in
Washington is bad business. There is, how
ever, no Implied promise to turn the Govern
ment and the country over to the tender mer
cies of concentrated wealth and huge business
monopolies. On the contrary, both Messrs.
Dewey and Warren—neither of whom is a soft
person—will do their utmost to prevent any
such happening.
Messrs. Dewey and Warren are both com
mitted to adequate national defense. Both
lined up, for example, for a system of Uni
versal Military Training during the precon
vention campaign—which! for example.
Senator Taft of Ohio, denounced as unneces
sary. Gov. Dewey will speak now for the Re
publican Party on the question of defense. This
does not mean that Senator Taft will shift his
view on the subject of military training, neces
sarily. It does mean, however, that when and
If a Republican legislative program is put for
ward from the White House, it will carry tha
full weight of presidential approval to a party
which will, it is assumed, be in control of
Congress.
In retrospect, it is amazing that Republicans
in Congress were able to avoid as many dis
cords as they did. That they did is a tribute
to the leadership of Taft and Vandenberg in
the Senate and of Martin and Halleck in the
House.
Questions and Answers
A reader can get the answer to an» nueatlon «f
fact bj writing The Evening Star Information
Bureau, Slfl Eve street N.E Washington D C.
Please Inclose three (3) cents for return postage.
By THE HASKIN SERVICE.
Q. Please Identify the bird on the 8-cen»
Everglades stamp.—W. N. S.
A. The Past Office Department says that the
bird on the Everglades stamp Is a White Heron.
Q. On what dates did airplanes crash into
and damage skyscrapers in New York City?
One building involved was the Empire State.—
RAN
A. On July 28. 1945, a B-25 Billy Mitchell
bomber crashed into the Empire State Build
ing On May 20, 1946. a C-45 crashed into the
58th floor of the Manhattan Co. Building at 40
Wall street, New York City.
Q. By what name is the skull cap worn by
the Pope known?—A. L
A. The skull cap worn by the Pope is called
berrettino.
Q. What is the best way to clean colored
fabric play shoes?—H._D. E. '
A Specialists of the Department of Agricul
ture state that if the shoes are good quality
and colorfast, they can be cleaned with a stiff
brush and mild soapsuds. If the colors are un
certain, the new powders made for cleaning
rugs may be used. Rub the powder into the
surface of the shoes, let them stand for an.
hour or more and then brush them thor
oughly.
Song With a New Indian Suit
If you stop in and trip over a tent
In the middle of the room . . . don’t faint.
If you see a tomahawk, a wicked looking
knife,
They’re only rubber . . . don’t run for
your life.
A four-year-old Indian, feathers trailing
bright
May be scalping a stuffed dog, but it’s all
right
To try for the dining room, the door if
narrow,
So be sure to duck, there may be an arrow.
And if you hear some one underneath the
rug,
Muttering in monotone ... Ufih! Ugh!
I Do take off your hat and stay for tea,
that’s met GLADYS McKEK.
4 .<
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