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The Associated Press is entitled exclusively to the use for republication of all the local news printed in this newspaper, as well as ell A. P. news dispatches. C—4 SUNDAY, November 7, 1948 W ■ ' — ■" - 1 What Next in Dixie? The decisive Democratic victory at the polls puts a large question mark behind the political future of the rebellious South ern Democrats led by Governor Thurmond. It is a safe bet that the Wallace third party movement will not hold together. If it does not disintegrate entirely, there is almost no prospect that it will return as a significant political factor. It is not so safe to assume that the same thing will happen to the States’ Righters. They carried four States in the election with a combined electoral vote of thirty eight. Actually, as a result of pledges made, their final electoral total will be slightly higher. This means that the Southerners came close—a good deal closer than had been expected—to success in their aim to throw the election into the House of Representatives. Does that repre sent enough bargaining power to give them any influence in the future within the party? The answer is one that will depend upon the course of events. The left wing of the party, and that is going to be a powerful wing from now on, will not want to yield an inch to the South. Jack Kroll, CIO Political Action Committee director, prob ably spoke for most*of the left-wing ele ment when he said: “The Democratic Party has rid itself of two lunatic fringes, the extreme right as represented by the Dixiecrats, the extreme left as represented by those who voted for Henry Wallace.” That does not sound as though the wel come-back sign is out. Nor was there any thing especially conciliatory in the tone of Governor Thurmond’s postelection state ment, when he said that the South Caro lina Democratic Party would not be “dic tated to” by National Chairman McGrath. In contrast to these harsh words, there Is some indication of a desire on the part of Democratic national leaders to patch up the fight within the party. This in ference can be drawn from what the President has said, and other leaders join privately in Senator McKellar’s expressed hope that “all Democrats will get together In every State.” Even if it be assumed that this is going to be the prevailing view, however, the question remains whether any basis for a get-together can be found. Nothing is certain in politics, as Mr. Truman has so convincingly demonstrated. But as of this date it is hard to visualize the com mon ground upon which the Southern Democrats and the national party can re unite. The stumbling block, or at least the main one, is the civil rights program. Pos sibly there will be a compromise on this. But the President has been emphatic in saying that he intends to fight for the promises made in the party platform, and It is. a cinch that the left wing will try by every means to see that this is done. If it is, if the controlling element in the party is determined to fight for the civil rights program in its entirety, it is incon ceivable that the Southern Democrats will go along. Perhaps, as a practical matter, there is not much they can do about it. But if the price of readmission to the party fold is to be the swallowing of the civil rights program, it is as certain as anything can be that the States’ Righters will stay out and fight with every political weapon at their disposal. Only Russia Can Break It With Russia and five of its satellites alone dissenting, the United Nations Gen eral Assembly now has gone formally on record in favor of the American plan for world control of the atom. Despite all the bitter eloquence of Andrei Vishinsky, the overwhelming majority has unqualifiedly rejected the Soviet Union’s sievelike coun terproposal. In effect, passing a kind of moral judgment on the Kremlin’s nay saying obstructionism, it has warned that mankind can have no adequate protection against the danger of war with A-weapons unless and until this most awesome of new forces is harnessed for peace in a vetoless policing system setting up rigid safeguards against the hazards of violations and evasions. The Assembly vote—which confirms a decision reached a fortnight ago by the Political and Security Committee—has been taken in recognition of the bleak fact that the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission, after more than two years of fruitless striving to get Russia to co-operate with the rest of the world in establishing effective control, has come to a terrible dead end. Accordingly, in its vote, the Assembly, while asking the Com mission to continue with whatever work .-seems practicable, has called upon the Big Five and Canada (the original spon sors of the Commission) to negotiate directly among themselves in an effort to find some basis for agreement and to report back to the U. N. as a whole not later than the next session. In other words, the problem of getting out of the dead end has been removed temporarily from the United Nations in the hope that China, France, Britain, Canada and the United States, through private diplomatic talks, will be able to convert the Kremlin. The sum of the situation is that the vast majority is will ing and eager to effectuate the American plan, but the Soviet Union—standing alto gether alone with its small bloc of servile satellites—is vigorously opposed, insisting on a proposal that would make violations and evasions all too easy. Whatever direct negotiations may now take place, one thing seems certain: This impasse can be broken only by a Russian reversal. Without that, the potentially catastrophic nuclear armaments race will continue and the world will find itself living in an atmosphere of constantly growing dread. The warning is plainly implicit in the U. N. Assembly vote. Execution Delays Judge Alexander Holtzoff’s concern over the time lag between conviction and execution in District murder cases is well founded. It is axiomatic in law-enforce ment circles that prompt administration of justice is one of the more effective of crime deterrents. Yet the records show an average lapse of eighteen months in the District between pronouncement of a guilty verdict for murder and execution of the death sentence. It is right and proper, of course, that a man condemned to death should have the benefit of every recourse provided by law. But even after the court of last resort has passed on a case, there usually is a con siderable additional delay while papers asking executive clemency are prepared and while the Department of Justice in vestigates the case in question. Justice Holtzoff, himself a former Justice Department official, believes that the clemency petition delays could be shortened if new procedures were adopted. He suggests that the department could save time by starting its inquiries in po tential clemency cases immediately after refusal by the Court of Appeals to overturn a lower court’s verdict. This is a recom mendation that should be given careful consideration by the Attorney General. If there is any feasible way of reducing the number and length of delays in such cases, without infringing the rights of the accused, it should be adopted forth with, in the interest of better law enforce ment in Washington. North China Exodus The measure of the disaster suffered by the Nationalist armies in Manchuria is dramatically revealed by the frenzied mass-flight of civilians from North China —the next objective of the triumphant Communist columns. Swarming multi tudes besiege the booking offices and landing fields of civilian air lines which can at best accommodate only a tithe of the would-be passengers. As for coastal shipping, every boat leaving Tientsin or other North China ports is packed to the suffocation point with terror-stricken humanity. Those migrant throngs are composed mostly of the wealthy and well-to-do classes who feel themselves especially menaced by a Communist occupation. Accordingly, they are abandoning homes, businesses and all personal possessions except those they can carry themselves. The upper-class Chinese is usually a canny person, taught by decades of political vicissitudes to carry on under adverse circumstances. That such persons are tearing up their roots and leaving for an uncertain future in what amounts to exile is convincing proof of their dread of com munism and what it may mean individually and collectively. That their fear is well grounded is attested by the action of our own Em bassy authorities in advising American civilians and ordering families and de pendents of our military personnel to quit not only North China but also the Nan king-Shanghai area. This clearly indicates that our authorities in China do not expect the second-string Nationalist forces now massing in North China to be able to cope with the impending Communist offensive. And once those forces are broken, there seems little to stop the Red sweep into Central China to the Yangtse or even beyond. Under these circumstances, prediction as to the ultimate extent of the Communist advance is difficult. It should not be for gotten that China is less a country than a subcontinent, vast in extent, backward in communications, and with an incon ceivably huge population. The overrun ning of all China by the Communists and its integration into a solid Communist regime could still be a difficult and lengthy operation. Even the collapse of the pres ent Nationalist government could be fol lowed by fragmentation into many local regimes—a phenomenon that has fre quently happened in Chinese history. On the other hand, the Chinese Communists exhibit a coherence and discipline which could confound precedent. The one thing than can hardly be overestimated is the gravity of the crisis that now exists. rSalute to Third Cavalry Washingtonians have more than a pass ing interest in the formal transformation of the century-old Third Cavalry into the modernized horseless outfit known as the Third Armored Cavalry Regiment. The final step in the evolution took place at Fort Meade, with the retirement of .the historic standards of the veteran outfit to make way for new insignia. The Third Cavalry had distinguished it self in several wars before it came to Fort Myer, Virginia, in 1919 for a long and colorful tour of duty. By its weekly exhi bitions in the post riding hall and its fre quent appearances in parades along Penn sylvania avenue, the regiment became known as “Washington’s Own” and “The President’s Own.” During those bright days the unit’s commanders Included such notables as General (then Colonel) George Patton, who later was to lead its armored version against the Germans in World War II, and General Jonathan Wainwright, hero of Bataan. The Third Cavalry left Fort Myer, never to return, early in World War II. It was reorganized into a hard-hitting, fast ar mored group at Camp Gordon, Georgia. When it went overseas tt became part of the Tenth Armored Division, spearhead of General Patton’s drive into Germany. As a result of that achievement, four battle streamers were added to the organization’s many other awards. Those previous honors Included General Winfield Scott’s designs tion of the Third as “Brave Rifles” after the victory at Chapultepec. The Third’s riflemen also fought in numerous Indian campaigns, in the Civil War, in the Span ish-Amerlcan War and in the Philippine Insurrection. Present members of the regiment have a right to. be proud of the valiant record of this formidable fighting aggregation. It can be readily understood why, despite the absence of horses, the new regiment insists on calling itself “cavalry.” With such a history, it would be a pity for such an organization to lose its identity com pletely. Nervous Investors A small temporary decline in the stock market was to have been expected as a more or less normally nervous reaction to the Republican defeat in the elections. But Friday’s sharp drop in prices—offset some what by yesterday’s trading—seems to be an example of how nervousness can be carried to an unwarranted extreme. Thus, only the other day the Wall Street Journal carried a survey showing industry as a whole in fine fettle, with profits 41.7 per cent above the third quarter of 1947 and with all signs indicating record high earnings for 1948. Moreover, according to the survey, business in general (there are exceptions, of course) appears to be quite optimistic about the outlook for next year —a view shared by most economists, many of whom expect the Nation to enjoy pros perity well into the 1950s. Considered against this background, Friday’s stock tumble—which apparently reflected selling by average investors and not by professional traders—seems to make little or no economic sense. Pre sumably, therefore, it must be ascribed to political disappointment over the down fall of the Republicans and to fears that the triumphant President Truman, with his own party dominating Congress, is planning to lay hard about him with new controls for industry, higher taxes, price legislation, repeal of the Taft-Hartley labor law, and other measures likely to cause a kind of convulsion in the national economy. Such fears, however, seem exaggerated, or at least they are decidedly premature. At any rate, despite the character of some of his campaign speeches, President Truman’s past record hardly justifies the suspicion that he is likely to set out now to do away with investment incentives, deprive in dustry of fair and reasonable profits, or otherwise pull the props from under our free-enterprise system. Furthermore, even if he has a program of that sort in mind— which appears doubtful in the extreme—it is well to remember that the new Congress will still contain a large number of Re publicans and a big bloc of fairly con servative Democrats, a combination pow erful enough to prevent excesses. In sum, the President has given nobody any reason to suppose that he regards his election as a mandate to revolutionize America, and even if he did, Congress would check him. Accordingly, if the. eco nomic outlook does not justify a sudden nosedive in stock prices, neither does the political outlook. The chances would seem to be that the market will fully recover just as soon as the nervous investor has had some calming second thoughts. Stamps and Common Sense The expanded program of new “com memorative” postage stamps inflicted upon the Post Office Department by the Eight ieth Congress brought protests from the philatelic public from its start. This was natural because it is the stamp collectors of the Nation who, through their purchases of mint adhesives which never are used for postal purposes, pay the costs of all postal labels. It also was a logical devel opment because the country’s philatelists are jealous of the integrity of stamps. They believe that the character of the Nation’s postage paper should be respected. Particularly, they resent any and every effort to make stamps a mere convenience of propaganda. Many of the issues of the current year admittedly were the result of pressure group activity. The stamp for the “cen tenary” of the poultry industry was finagled by the publisher of a chicken trade paper, the “Salute to Youth” stamp was a by-product of an advertising campaign staged by a motion picture studio, the Volunteer Firemen stamp was promoted by a member of the House of Representatives who wished to thank some Delaware fire men who put out a blaze in his own home, the so-called “United States-Canada Friendship” stamp was solicited by the sponsors of a Niagara Bridge celebration and the stamp for the American Turners Society is another such publicity stunt. None of these adhesives was of truly national consequence. Few, if any, of them (or of a dozen others only slightly less objectionable) would have been pro duced if Congress had not passed ill-con sidered resolutions “authorizing and direct ing” the Postmaster General to bring them out. But still worse abuse of the “com memorative” stamp custom is indicated following the assembling of the Eighty-flrst Congress on January 3. More than twenty additional issues already have been asked for. The petitioners speak for the cheese and show window industries, promoters of celebrations of only neighborhood conse quence, groups interested in special causes of a secondary category and many indi viduals who simply want their pet fixa tions “honored.” A few weeks ago philatelic leaders de cided to appeal to individual Congressmen to halt the tide. James H. Bower, secre tary of the Pentagon Philatelic Society, put the problem up to Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg of Michigan, who now, in reply, has suggested a possible ■ solution in these words: "I think it would be a great improvement in the Congressional process if—instead of passing individual acts for individual ‘commemorative stamps’—all such proposals were held up in the first instance until the appropriate House and Senate committees would report one bill covering all of the ‘commemorative stamps’ for the next fiscal year. This would permit a comparative study of the proposals and would tend to eliminate the less worthy and thus reduce the total out put.” Surely, this sounds like sense. It is to be hoped that something along the line postulated will be accepted as standard practice. Wonder what our nice old grandmother would have made ot the verb, ‘‘unzip.” Spires of the Spirit Bees and Beetles A Discussion of the Virtue of Coining the Precious Metal of One’s Own Personality By the Rev. Frederick Brown Harris, D. D., Lift. D. Every window is a picture window, no matter how small the panes. An inch of glass may frame infinity, revealing sufficient of Nature’s handiwork to suggest vistas of supernal wonder. Such was the part nership of a window and a garden which for one lonely so journer transfigured a month spent in the midst of a busy city with its smoke and grime. His room faced a quadrangle in which, amid bare pavements and hostile air, a lovely garden was set like a radiant gem. The window seemed to annex the garden as a part of the living room. Among the visitors which the glass disclosed during the summer days were two kinds of winged creatures. One was strikingly garbed in a coat of iridescent colors. This gaudy marauder would glide in on filmy wings and alight to stay on flower or leaf or stem. There were no transient guests. Such an arrival is always a sentence of death for the plant invaded. Any growing thing will be devoured inch by inch until it is entirely destroyed by the voracious vandal. That deadly insect is called the Japanese beetle. But daily in the balmy sunshine another visitor hovered over the leaves and the blos soms. This one came not to destroy, but to fulfill. It was somewhat dowdy in appearance, clothed in a fuzzy brown coat; its wardrobe not as colorful as the first. It did not remain long on any plant. It flitted from blossom to blossom, gathering from each nectar and pollen. It came to take, but its mission was to give more than it took away. From one petal to another it transported the different pollens which are the promise for the garden's next generation of incensed beauty. That insect Is called the honey bee. No garden has the problem with a bee. Every garden knows the menace of the beetle. The bee is a friend. The beetle is an enemy. Now our lawns and gardens are in many ways microcosms of the world’s human activi ties. There are violets and there are vipers. We are grateful for feathered songsters, for humming birds and the colored marvel of but terfly wings. But there also are beetles as well as bees in every field of human endeavor. It is not being cynical, but simply factual, to observe that some'veople are like the Japanese beetle; they may be showy, but they are deadly. Their secret of getting on in life is to use others for their own selfish purposes. Were it not far nobler souls who put back into the pool of life a little more than they take out, these human parasites would soon destroy the basis of their own existence, exhausting the very things on which they feed. But there are other people who, in gathering riches from many fields of knowledge and culture end thus devel oping their own personalities, also enrich others. The fact is that what we do for others must always come through what we make of ourselves. There is a world of pertinent insight in a letter of the dramatist, Ibsen, to a young friend. In a very wise sentence he wrote: “There is no way in which you can benefit society more than by coining the metal you have in yourself.” It is life’s high art to coin the previous metal of one's own personality and then spend it on the counter of others’ need. But, alas, there are human beetles who blight everything they touch. Their only thought is to consume for their own selfish aggrandizement. They, leave in tatters the green stems and the white flowers of Idealism and altruism in the garden of the common days. For instance, there are men whose chief thought regarding unsullied young womanhood is to seduce and to degrade. Much modern fiction finds such insects crawling on too many of its smutty pages. There are others who with their unclean minds use casual conversation as carriers of their own contaminating imagina tion. They cannot express themselves without leaving a foul trail in the garden of another’s thoughts. But, thank God for those who, like the bee, dwell in beauty and fragrance and carrying the best of the present become archi tects of the patterns that are yet to be. Thank God for those who while they carry on the commerce of their own high purpose also are the pollenizers of tomorrow’s gardens. Such a one, for instance, was Alice Freeman Palmer. Her distinguished husband, in his biography of her, speaks about talking with a Wellesley girl regarding the impression that his wife’s great spirit made on her students. The girl said, "When I was called into her office, either for commendation, a social visit or a repri mand, I left her desk and her. presence feeling as if I had been dipped in sunshine.” Blessed are the creators who dip everything in sunshine. And cursed be the destroyers whose blight is the breath of death. Hear, ye, the parable of the beetles and the bees. T oolf incr A hpdH Some Shadows of Coming Events l^JUKlIlg /\llCdU Are N()ted Herg and Ahroad (By the World Staff of the Associated Press.) Chances are President Truman won’t seek I a ‘‘third term” in 1952. He’s far more likely to use his newly-won vote of confidence to help pick another Demo cratic candidate. Long before last Tuesday’s voting one of Mr. Truman’s close associates said it was a “mil lion-to-one bet” he wouldn’t run again if elected in his own right. The President will be 68 in 1952. The Truman victory may prove to have a far deeper effect on the internal affairs of both big labor federations than meets the eye. AFL President William Green was decidedly pro-Truman. Some of his colleagues were par tial to Dewey. Had the Republican won, 75-year-old Green's retirement might have been hastened. He may still wish to step out at the AFL’s national con vention this month after 24 years in the Job. If he does, his successor doubtless will be a pro-Truman man. Outstanding among these is George M. Harrison, head of the Brother hood of Railway and Steamship Clerks. The fact, that the Wallace Progressives failed to knock Mr. Truman out of victory may be a factor in keeping left-wing unions in the CIO. Left-wing leaders supported Wallace despite official Truman indorsement by CIO. If Wal lace’s campaign had aided the Republicans materially, right-wing CIO leaders would have demanded a showdown. They still may, but the size of the Truman victory has softened anti-Wallace feeling among more conservative CIO elements, who are in the majority. The labor organizations already are busy pepping up their members to “vote right”1 (Democratic, they mean) in the off-year con gressional elections of 1950. It’s a good bet, too, they will even co operate a great deal more—possibly amalga mating into a single political-action group. Labor often has split its vote. This year it lined up against Taft-Hartley Act advocates and now is quite impressed with what it can do working together. The House Un-American Activities Com mittee probably will lose its role as “page one committee” of Congress as a result of Tuesday’s balloting. Representative Wood, Democrat, of Georgia is in line to resume his old post as chairman, replacing Representative Thomas, Republican, of New Jersey. Wood is nothing like the showman that Thomas is. The committee was comparatively quiet under his direction in the last Democratic Congress. (Incidentally, defeat of 65 House members may cost the Nation many thousands of dollars a year for many years—in pensions. Congress voted itself into the Federal pension plan in 1946. Former members are eligible when they reach 69.) Farmers can expert Mr. Truman and the new Congress to strengthen farm commodity price supports. _ It apparently was weakness in the present program, enacted by the Republican Congress, that put many normally Republican farm belt States in the Truman column. The Truman victory does not mean higher farm prices. It probably does mean greater effort to prevent farm price collapse than could have been made under present laws and conditions. (Incidentally again: There’s a piano-vocal team in the administration now. The Presi dent’s a well-known pianist, Vice President elect Barkley a lesser-known bass singer. But if they should get together they may have trouble settling on a number. Mr. Truman’s favorites are Chopin and Mendelssohn selections. Mr. Barkley’s is “Wagon Wheels.”) Insiders expect a housecleaning in the State Department which will go far beyond re signations by Secretary of State Marshall and Undersecretary I^ovett. Already prepared is a plan to line up politi cal, economic and intelligence operations ac cording to major world regions and put each division under an Assistant Secretary of State. Mr. Truman may also consider some changes in diplomatic personnel abroad. One replace ment which seems certain will be for Ambas sador .Walter Bedell Smith at Moscow. Smith originally planned to come home months ago, now is understood to be deter mined to turn the arduous Soviet assignment over to a new man. Another change which has been rumored from time to time is the replacement of Am bassador Jefferson Caffery at Paris. All Ambassadors, assistant secretaries and other top officials as well as cabinet officers normally submit their resignations when a new presidential term begins. That gives Mr. Truman the option, without extraordinary fuss, of making new appointments wherever he wishes. Some officials familiar with White House thinking believe that the President may try to find qualified labor men for one or two am bassadorial positions. Outlook in Other Fields: Reclamation—Restrictions imposed on con struction and personnel by Eightieth Congress likely to be modified, but no new major projects started. Federal power plants and transmis sion lines probably will be pushed, especially in Northwest. Commissioner Michael Straus likely to stay. Alaska—Development program likely to get shot in the arm. Ernest Gruening’s appoint ment as Governor probably will be confirmed. Indians—Ten-year Navajo rehabilitation program seems due for new support. Bureau of Mines—James Boyd to be con firmed as director and collect a year’s back pay, held up while Republican 8enate refused to confirm him. Fifty Years Ago The Star on November 1, 1898, reported the opening and dedication of “the new Columbian University Hospital” on H street Columbian "in the presence of upward of Hospital 1.000 of the best citizens of Washington.” It was an institu tion which was to be operated in conjunction with the Medical College. Dr. E. A. de Schweinltz, dean of the latter, greeted vistiors to the building. The Rev. Dr. Benaiah Langley Whitman, president of the university, also formally welcomed the guests. Others «h>ring in the ceremony were: Mrs. W. H. Hoeke, representing the lady managers; Rev. Dr. Wallace Radcliffe, pastor of the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church, and C. W. Need ham, spokesman of the Board of Trustees. The hospital was the parent organization of the George Washington University Hospital, which today rises above Pennsylvania avenue and Twenty-third street N.W. - * * * * "What will no doubt be regarded as an Im portant step In the movement toward the celebration of the centennial Plans for anniversary of the establlsh Centenniol ment of the National Capital In this city,” said The Star of November 2, 1898, “was taken last evening at a meeting of citizens at the rooms of the Board of Trade, 1410 G street NW. It was then de cided that the proposed celebration in 1900 should be an appropriate great national historic event and that the general Government should be Invited to Join with the local government of the District In properly observing the occasion. It was also suggested that as a result of the centennial anniversary some permanent me morial of the event should be erected in this city, and that the necessary expenses should be equally divided between the two governments.” Those taking part in the meeting Included: James G. Barrett, John W. Thompson, M. M. Parker, Charles J. Bell, Theodore W. Noyes, Lawrence Gardner and John Joy Edson. w*if a century later plans are in process of develop ment for the celebration of the 150th anni versary of the Federal City. * * * e Prices In Washington live decades back were not out of reach. For example, Woodward & Lothrop advertised in The Star Shirts Not for November 3,1898: "Shirts to Expansive Measure—for Dress, for Busi ness, for Outing, for Traveling; quality, style, lit, workmanship and price guar anteed. We make to measure: 6 shirts for $9.’ * * * * Harry Park of the Century Cycle Club, The Star of November 4, 1898, announced, had broken the bicycle racing rec Breaking ord for the distance between The Record New York and Washington as of the date mentioned. He had completed the run of 243 miles in 25 horn's and 45 minutes—1 hour and 47 minutes faster than «ver had been registered before. Mr. Battle in Congress Looms Over Taft-Hartley Issue Union Demands (or Repeal May Bring Serious Legislative Impasse By Gerard D. Reilly While American commentators have been explaining President Truman’s unpredicted triumph in terms of the numerous tactical and personality factors which tip the balance between defeat and victory in any campaign where the result hinges upon the last minute decision of 2 or 3 per cent of the electorate, the British press, with its fondness for viewing events in a larger perspective, has read great significance into the election returns. Typical of this reaction is the comment of the semiofficial “New Statesmen and Nation,’* one of the most influential of the British Socialist organs. It regards the American elec tion as a reflection of the worldwide trend to the left. It states that the American people “have sought a preference for a liberal middle way between the extremes of Coolldgeism and communism, which is at least analogous to the middle way for which Britain stands.” When it is considered that the “middle way" which Britain has adopted under the com plete control of its government by Socialist trade unions has been the nationalization of its farms and Industries, and the virtual elimi nation of any free competitive economy, this analogy becomes startling. Moreover, since the fruits of the middle way in Britain have been the debility of its mining and manufacturing, its disappearance as a great commercial power, and the disintegration of its empire, the analogy, if correct, is scarcely heartening for the future of the United States. Fortunately, Mr. Truman himself does not interpret the close outcome that way. In his felicitous post election statements he indicated that he would faithfully represent the whole American people. Indeed, he would scarcely have received the votes of the Wilsonian Demo crats who finally rallied to his support, to say nothing of the prosperous farmers who believed Gov. Dewey would not support inflated food prices, or the middle-class housewives who be lieved the President would bring them down, if they suspected the Democratic nominee had a Marxian program up his sleeve. * * * * The great danger Is that the President in some of his campaign speeches may have set in motion forces which he cannot easily con trol. An example in point has been his com mitment to repeal the Taft-Hartley Act. Ac complishing this objective, of course, means restoring the monopoly position of the leaders of organized labor, thus entrusting the stability of our economy to the mercies of the same group of powerful labor leaders who operated without any legal or moral restraint in the Immediate postwar years. If this happens, the United States will have Indeed imitated the example of those forward looking European countries whose domestic and foreign policies can be frustrated at any time by industry-wide strikes. The President has generally coupled his de nunciation of the Taft-Hartley Act with a promise to present constructive labor legisla tion to Congress. The White House inner cir cle has explained that what the President has in mind is offering an amendment in the na ture of a substitute to the Taft-Hartley Act. His bill, it is said, would preserve the restric tions intended to keep radical and racketeering unions from getting out of hand, bpt remedy ing the cumbersome procedural machinery for dealing with Nation-wide strikes. Top union officialdom, however, which, hav ing vainly tried to defeat Mr. Truman at the convention, now is claiming credit for his vic tory, will not be satisfied with any such pro gram. The provisions in the Taft-Hartley Act against the closed shop, the secondary boycott and the jurisdictional strike go to the very core of union monopoly and their repeal will be demanded. They are also bitter against those provisions which permit rank-and-file workers to file petitions for decertification, as well as changes in National Labor Relations Board procedure designed to make the board itself a judicial tribunal. What the union leaders would like to see would be the kind of meaningless bill which a number of prounion Senators offered as a substitute last year when the amendments to the Wagner Act were being debated as a gesture to public opinion. This measure evaded all the real Issues and merely provided for “strength ening’’ the mediation and arbitration machin ery of the conciliation service and establish ing a commission to study and recommend leg islation. (Through some inadvertence, the first draft contained compulsory arbitration.) The only changes contemplated in the Wagner Act were making very limited types of sec ondary boycotts and jurisdictional disputes unfair labor practices, without, of course, in junctive remedies. * • * • It met the problem of organization of fore men merely by denying the resort of supervisory organizations to the Labor Board if they affili ated with other unions. It also proposed to embody into statute certain rules of decision which the board had already promulgated. It included a union registration section which required the unions to file only what was already public knowledge. In short, the bill was something of a fraud and the Senate recognized it as such. Tet it is very likely to be revived. In the recent campaign the big unions spent tremendous amounts of money and effort to induce rank-and-file workers to vote against those members of the Eightieth Congress who had backed the Taft-Hartley Act. To do this, of course, meant grossly misrepresenting the actual content of this legislation. The extent to which this technique of distortion succeeded was largely due to the fact that Gov. Dewey let it go unanswered. Had he been less con fident of coasting in, he might have realized that the President had diverted public atten tion froni the real failings of the Eightieth Congress by seizing upon its labor record as his central issue. The American people, however, have no fondness for monopolies and special privilege, . whether capitalist or labor. Having no hope of winning over the union officials, the Re publican nominee should have spiked their guns by going over their heads to the workers ; themselves and explaining the issues. His caginess in this respect not only cost him his own opportunity, but undermined the position of Senator Ball and others who had placed the interests of the country above their own political fortunes. i Despite the overturn, there will still be a majority in both houses of the Eighty-first Congress who voted for the Taft-Hartley Act. Should the administration yield to leftist pres sure, therefore, in formulating its labor pro gram, the same unhappy impasse which marred President Truman’s relationship with the Democratic Seventy-ninth and Republican Eightieth Congress is bound to occur. It is to be hoped that in a time of international crisis the President will refrain from any course so damaging to his own leadership. Park had left City Hall in Manhattan at «:» am. the previous day. He reached the Dis trict of Columbia at 8:35 am. Losses of time en route were: 20 minutes waiting for States . Island ferry, 35 minutes at the New Jersey end of the boat trip, 35 minutes in Princeton for dinner, 45 minutes in Philadelphia, 30 min utes in Baltimore.