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Korea Fears Blow by Reds
After China Is Overcome Thousands of Communist Agitators Reported to Have Filtered Into South Korea and Are Stirring Things Up By Constantine Brown The impending disaster which confronts the Nationalist govern ment of China is worrying not only American strategists in Washington, but also the government of South Korea, which considers the Commu nist victories as a direct and immediate threat to its independence. In recent lengthy dispatches from Tokyo Gen. MacArthur has em phatically drawn Washington’s attention to the fact that when Moscow’s stooges in Northern Korea cross the 38th parallel and destroy the newly bom democratic government of South Korea, Japan itself will be come the target and eventually the, easy prey of the Communists. Even the most pro-American Japanese leaders have warned the Allied supreme commander that once Korea, the protruding finger of Asia which is only a short hop from the Japanese islands, falls under the control of Mdscow, any thing may happen in the Land of the Rising Sun. Whatever does happen, it will not be favorable to the United States and to the cause of democracy which we are trying to establish there. ' Agitators Pose as Refugees Despite our efforts to organize South Korea the situation there is bad for two reasons: (1) The grow ing pains which are inevitable in a country which for nearly half a century was under foreign domina tion, and (2) the division of the country into two zones, which has produced an abnormal situation and has retarded the development of tee country. Thousands of Communist agi tators have come into South Korea under the guise of refugees and are helping to stir up trouble. The demarcation line between north and south is studded with concrete pillars. Behind these pil lars' are military posts, the job of which is to supervise traffic between the two areas. While the Russians and their Korean satellites have established an iron curtain between tne two areas, ours is scarcely a paper curtain. The posts in the Russian zone are fully manned with about 82 men to each, in accordance with the origi nal agreement between' the powers which liberated Korea. Out posts are seldom manned by more than 12 men, who have to patrol the same length of border as the Rus sians. It stands to reason that few if any persons can get through from south to north, but we are not able to stop nearly all the agents and undesirable characters who try to enter South Korea from the north. In North Korea the Soviet Union has organized an adequate “police force" of about 250,000 well-equipped and highly trained men. The nu cleus of that force is some 50,000 hard-fighting Koreans, who were under instruction in Siberia for several years before the collapse of Japanese military power. They are not only able professional soldiers, but also have been thoroughly in doctrinated in the principles of communism, which they adopted en thusiastically for its substantial ma terial rewards. Constabulary Well Armed This group of soldiers is equiva lent to the Russian MVD’s state police. But they are all well trained fanatics, who are ready to light to the last, to maintain a re gime which offers them many ad vantages in a country where the mass of people have few. In South Korea we have estab lished two forces: A police unit and a constabulary. Neither exceeds 60,000 in number. The members of the police force have been thor Newton (Continued Prom Page C-l.) munists were not too unpopular hereabouts while Russia was an Ally. It is probable that any “show down” effort at the time would have been rebuffed and Mr. Murray would have been replaced. Mr. Murray bided his time until he and the CIO were strong enough and the Communists unpopu'ar enough among labor to leave no doubt as to success of the house cleaning. Actually a ‘Moderate’ He progressed in hif campaign as relations worsened with Russia. The issues of the Marshall Plan and the Wallace third party gave him the real opportunity to come to grips with the leftists in his or ganization. It became CIO policy to support the European aid plan and to oppose Mr. Wallace, both the reverse of the Communist “line.” Hie combination of issues provided a pretty good test as to just who was a “party-liner.” The leftists were earmarked when they went against CIO policy in both respects and it gave Mr. Murray his big issue. He charged them privately with attempting to destroy CIO. Then, it became CIO policy by a big majority of the board to support President Truman for re-election. The CIO-PAC worked hard toward that end. When the President won and it was apparent labor had a big part in the victory, the leftists were routed. They were stunned and so were most of the big employers op posed to the liberal Truman plat form. Mr. Murray decided it was time to carry his light into the open. Despite the harsh words he said about them at Portland, Mr. Mur ray is a “moderate" among CIO offi cials as to ways of handling Com munists. A number of his top as sociates favor tossing out the Reds immediately. This means, for ex ample, If the big Electrical Work ers’ Union refuses to conform to policy then revoke the charter and kick them out. Leaders of the big United Auto Workers and the Textile Workers are among those Who feel that way. Mr. Murray believes his methods will be completely successful in the •nd and that he will attain success without damaging the CIO seriously. Be has made great progress towai^i his goal. oughly screened and are considered reliable by the Seoul government and by the American military com mand. Hie constabulary, however, con tains a number of doubtful ele ments who reached South Korea from the Soviet-dominated zone and were placed in the ranks, where it was easiest to take care of them. Hie constabvlarymen are well armed. By a curious coincidence the re liable Korean police, however, are poorly armed, possessing only swords, pistols and tommyguns. It would not be democratic, our repre sentatives are said to have argued, to provide other weapons to % force which is intended merely to main tain civil order. No wonder that the Korean gov ernment, which is fully aware of existing conditions, lives in a con tinual state of fear and urges us to keep our weak military forces in Korea as long as possible. President Synghman Rhee realizes that the American contingents in Korea could not repel a full-scale invasion from the north, but he believes the pres ence of Americans at this time will prevent a coup from the inside. For the last 12 months the Soviets have been actively tearing down the economy of South Korea. This is being done not only by forbidding any profitable economic intercourse between the two parts of the coun try, but also by sabotaging the country’s currency. Printing presses have been set up in North Korea and large quantities of spurious notes are being dumped into South Korea, thus depreciating the cur rency. 400 Political Parties In most cases the counterfeit money gets into the south without detection, although there have been some instances in which smugglers were caught. Some eight months ago the Korean police intercepted two hogsheads full of currency at Inchon. The usual protest was sent, with the usual result that nothing happened and the number of Ko rean banknotes increased alarm ingly. Political conditions in South Ko rea also are unsatisfactory. There are no less than 400 political par ties under the present system. Any man who has two friends and some ideas of his own can form a po litical party. In fact, however, there are six real political parties which have representatives in the newly elected Parliament. The ablest and most helpful to the government is the dissident Communist group, which is headed by a Trotsky sym pathizer and is even more bitterly opposed to the Stalin brand of communism than some of the old line Democrats. Unsettled political conditions would be bearable and could be overcome in due course of time if it were not for the fact that the Soviet Union, which has effectively split Korea into two parts, means to gobble up the south. At the present time Russia is using all methods of conspiracy to soften up its intended victim before it sends in an armed force. There is dire poverty in Korea to day, due not only to the manifold problems which that "liberated’' country faces, but also to the pres sure of the Soviets. Sad but Inevitable It was obvious to those who de cided on partition of Korea that half of the country could live with out the other. But while in the north the people must accept their fate without a murmur, as in other Communist-exploited countries, in the south the people can object and protest loudly. And they are doing so, not only on their own initiative, but also at the instigation of agita tors who pass easily through our “paper curtain.” Despite the Seoul govermnment’s tongue-in-cheeck expressions of con fidence that democratic Korea will survive, every one in the administra tion expects a blow from the north as soon as Generalissimo Chiaug Kai-shek’s score has been settled. To the fatalistic Orientals this is sad, but inevitable. They console themselves with the thought that no one can escape his destiny. This situation fills our people, however, with anger and distress. We lost thousands of our best young men on Okinawa, Saipan and other Islands, where they fought the Jap anese single-handed. The war in Asia was different from that in Europe. Throughout the Pacific we fought practically alone. Also we did not lull ourselves with the idea that we were fighting to restore democracy in lands where such a thing—in the American meaning of the world—is unknown. We fought in Asia to liberate the peoples from the yoke of the ruth less military dictatorship of the Tokyo warlords. We also fought because we had been aggressively provoked by that dictatorship. , Little did our fighting men realize that in place of domination by a country with only 90,000,000 in habitants—poor and lacking raw materials—we would facilitate the establishment of another military ideological dictatorship. This dic tatorship is maintained by the U. S. S. R., a country of nearly 200, 000,000, which is far more dangerous and ruthless than Japan ever was, because of its wealth in raw mate rials and its clever, subversive methods of lnfliltration. It is in this light that the tragedy of China, and its strategic appendix Korea, is regarded by those who realistically visualize the threat to our own country. Reds in 'Shooting War' in Hyderabad Thousands of Villages Reported Colonized By Communists (Alfred Wagg, veteran foreign correspondent, recently returned from the state of Hyderabad, where, he reports, there is con siderable Communist activity. His account follows.) By AlfarfWag* In the Orient, like everywhere else in the world, the Communists rise to power wherever they can exploit misunderstandings or disputes. In Hyderabad, a landlocked state in the center of India, I have Just wit nessed this past summer and fall a fine example of this Communist technique. While India and Hyderabad argued as to whether Hyderabad should be an independent country or not, the Communists moved in and set up thousands of their own parallel governments on both sides of the #India-Hyderabad frontier in defiance of both government au thorities and behind a convenient news censorship blockade of the India government which controlled the telegraph lines out of Hydera bad—all prelude to a potential Communist controlled India. Caught in Shooting War These events took place as Brit ain’s Foreign Minister Bevirt was telling the world that communism in the Orient was a greater threat than in the West; and while I was in the middle of a “shooting war” between the Communists and the Hyderabad government troops, a war which clearly indicated the vast extent of Communist control in India’s 700,000 villages where over two-thirds of her population live and among the rural populations of the small neighboring countries. Since India’s independence in August 1947 when she gained full membership in the Commonwealth, India has been busy fighting for the strategic and rich Kashmir, fight ing, disgruntled Naga headhunters in Assam and fighting for wealthy Hyderabad with an apparent and obvious underlying motivation to reunite the old imperial India under one flag as a preliminary step to erecting a dominant political power in Asia which can dictate both the political and commercial tune in Asia against East or West. But as first success has filled theif ears, little serious thought has been given to the Communists and their in creasing threat to the Nehru gov ernment. While the government of India has celebrated their rise to power, the Communists have been busy "colonizing” villages all over India where their own parallel govern ments administer the law. run the police, and train their own militia in preparation for the day when they expect to grab India as a “first step” toward their ultimate objective of uniting the Orient under Russian Communist influence, a job already far too well along in that y>ther great land mass of Asia, China. Went on Raid Against Reds Just before India's army invaded and “crushed” Hyderabad resistance in five and a half days, I went on a raid by Hyderabad forces against the Communists who were holding a village they had “colonized” called Behrampalli. The Communists had refused to let the local magistrate enter on his normal village rounds and when a police officer tried to force his way into the village, they took him prisoner, drove nails through his heels—and then made him walk toward the next village until he finally dropped from loss of blood, only to die Jn his tracks a few minutes later. Shortly after daylight, the morn ing of our raid, our mortars began lobbing 3-inch bombs onto Behram palli village fort. After each salvo I watched the debris rise and gray smoke, play pantomine over squatty silhouettes of mud and stucco build ings. A fragile quiet between salvos was taunted by an occasional Com munist sniper’s rifle crack. More than 3,000 such villages as Behrampalli are to be found in the same area of the Hyderabad-India frontier that faces India’s Madras Province. I,shuddered to think how long it might take to "de-commu nize” these 3,000 villages with their tough, well-trained militia by force, RED FORT SURRENDERS—Hyderabad government troops (in helmets) round up prisoners at the base of a fort that had been held by Communists in Behrampalli Village. The photograph was made by Alfred Vfagg. author of the accompanying article. let alone the impossibility of ever' rooting the Communists out with current mild anti-Communist pol icy of the Nehru government. In other parts of India, particularly South India, the number of these Communist parallel governments is multiplied many times 3,000. To the Hyderabad troops and police, talcing Behrampalll was a task that ended when they finally surrounded the fort and forced the surrender. To them it also meant "Betting even'’ with the Commu nists for some of the atrocities committed against their units. For my curious soul the most exciting part of the show was still at hand. I wanted to know where the Com munists got their arms and ammu nition, who trained them and where, and what the average Com munist convert in India or Hyder abad thought he was fighting for. No Interrogation System The Hyderabad forces had no proper system of turning the pris oners over to an intelligence unit for interrogation, so'I set out by begging English-speaking officers to translate for me. Even in a war against the Com munists there are two sides to every question. Por instance, in Hyder abad, India's agent general, Mr. K. M. Munshi, an able lawyer in private practice, who was spear heading India’s claims against Hy derabad, told me many times in private conference that the Hyder abad troops were not shooting Communists at all—but were mur dering innocent Hindus. Munshi caught between his duty to de nounce Hyderabad in line with India’s policy and his fear of ulti mate Communist control of all South India, stated repeatedly that communism in South India was a greater threat to India’s security than Hyderabad’s militant Moslems who were currently sloganizing for Hyderabad’s independence or the potential, of a Moslem-led Hyder abad Joining Moslem-led Pakistan in a war against India. In contrast, on the other side of this argument, which was conven iently providing room for Commu nist gains, the Moslem Prtme Min ister of Hyderabad, Mir Liak' All, personally denied to me that his troops were shooting any “inno cent Hindus." The Prime Minister explained that his troops were trying to control the Communists, who were guilty of outrages against the cit izenry, and that if any one, Hindu or Moslem, joined the Communists, they would become the target of government action. Wherever there was armed resistance to normal forces of law and order, his direc tive was to “shoot.” The Prime Minister counter charged that the Indian Union was using any means to force Hyder abad’s accession to India, including making it all too easy for the Com munists to cross the frontier with arms and ammunition and grain secured from government ration shops in India’s Madras Province He charged that the Indian Union were, was full knowledge, allowing the Communists to weaken Hyder abad’s defenses as India itself pre pared to invade his country at a time when the dispute over Hy derabad’s legal and moral right to remain independent was up for consideration by U. N. I was witnessing a "back door war” that was evidence of the ex tent of Communist activity com plete with their trained guerrilla troops which in the event of war between East and West, would be come a serious menace in that part of the world; a very important part of the world for America because India has airbases that are only three hours bomber flying time from Russia’s secret industrial and chem ical plants. As I began to interrogate the “Communists" who surrendered at Behrampalli my first reaction was1 that India’s Agent General in Hy derabad was perhaps right. The men looked like ordinary Hindu vil lage folk, barefoot, wearing the usual thin white cotton dhoti wrapped about their waist and hips and draped down over the leg. But when I saw the palms of their hands with those revealing black powder stains, it was evidence to me that they all had been handling guns. There were some 60 men. Old and young in about equal numbers. An old man was finally identified as their leader. This seemed com pletely out of line with the normal Communist routine used in other countries where they mainly har ness and ride youth and labor into power. Religion Exploited After chatter back and forth, it evolved that the changed Commu nist approach was aimed to coin cide with the village custom so as to make their infiltration easier. The Communists began by retain ing the authority of the village elder. Hence at Behrampalli it was an old man who was selected as the local Communist leader. The system of the village com mune, which has been the organi zational pattern of India’s village Ultimate Objective Is To Unite the Orient Under Moscow life for nearly four thousand years before the Christian era when the worker labored according to his ability and wfcs paid according to his need, is not disturbed by the Communist dogma. Also cleverly exploited is the Hindu religion that prescribes how each of the four main castes starting with the Brahmin or priest and then the soldier, the merchant and lastly the worker, will rule the world in turn. In sum total the villager is made to believe that his poverty is due to the merchant-capitalist who ruled the world for the last few hundred years and that now it is his, the workers’ turn, to rule the world through communism. It is further explained that this is, in fact, his own village system simply modern ized and expanded by Russian ex perts who are his friends and co workers. No Match for Russians This simple, high-powered med icine has been all too successful in India over the past 10 years. Of course, the facts are that the village commune of ancient Indian origin was a highly decentralized feudal unit where local committees changed annually at harvest time ruled after very democratic village elections. The old commune of India, without political ties even to the next vil lage, would hardly be a match for the totalitarian Russian methods, an aspect of the problem that is never explained to the villager. At Behrampalli as throughout India, as I learned this summer, the product of the Communist program is an arrogant villager without faith in his country’s own government. This holds true whether his village was in Hyderabad or India. In this way Nehru’s government, the Hyder abad government or any government except a Communist-controlled gov ernment, would be constantly pressed and pressured from the grass roots. To this end the village men had been made jealous and unhappy and were told that they could get more fruits of labor through communism —and in the fbsence of leadership on their own level from either the government of India or the Hyder abad government, they had taken the cue from the Communists, taking the law into their own hands and setting up Communist parallel gov ernments. * In Gandhi’s death India lost the leader who could effectively deal with the poor on their own level and inspire confidence and follow ing. In the gap the Communists have a free field, free to influence and guide India’s backward masses. Here is the grave danger, a danger that Nehru and the others were re ! luctant to admit to me. Instructed on Weapons By tedious questioning I found out that the training of these Com munist converts was not left to chance. Every few weeks a Com munist flying squad of 30 to 40 men with automatic rifles and Sten guns came from India’s territory and vis ited Behrampelli and other nearby villages. Their Job in this thorough canvass routine was to show the vil lagers how to use their arms pur chased by the Communists in ba zaars in India, how to camouflage, how to repair their firearms, how to make road blocks and how to set up their own parallel government. In addition to bringing grain, arms, ammunition, the squads brought pamphlets and literature printed in the local lingo, Telegu. The pamphlets used illustrations reprinted from United States Army training manuals showing how to drill, how to camouflage, how to build road blocks and how to ad minister medical aid—all of which ironically was supposed to impress the natives with modem ’’Soviet” methods. The villagers reported to me that these flying squads that visited Behrampalli came from supply bases in India at Bezwada, Ellore, Guntur and Guruzala in India’s I Madras Province. A few of the vil |l|gers had been taken to a camp 'some 25 miles southeast of Madhir on the Madras-Hyderabad frontier, where the Communists provided full-fledged training that even in cluded intelligence reporting. The Army’s the Same—Yet Somehow It’s Different By Milton Monitor Former Staff Sergeant, A. U. Serial No. 32759694; North Africa, Italy, France PORT DIX, N. J.—It’s still the Army! The conveyor belt moves relent lessly from the moment the selectee comes through the Port Dix gate. It moves more slowly, perhaps, and it is cushioned with wads of top brass orders to make the recruit feel he’s a human being. But it’s the same old military assembly line for the youngsters stumbling through one of life's more bewildering experiences—the transi tion from a civilian to a soldier world. 1 went through all this six years ago. I tried it for size again, a paunchy interloper among the latest peacetime citizens heeding the 1948 call of their friends and neighbors. This time for me there was a basic, wonderful difference. I came out through the same door I went in. Greeted by Friendly Major Being swept along the Port Dix receiving line today is an experience crowded with yesterday’s memories. A recruit’s first day starts the night before. It begins With the awareness of tomorrow that makes sleep an elusive stranger. By 6 a.m. I was driving down to Port Dix. There I was met by the public in formation officer, a friendly major who assigned a helpful lieutenant and captain to see that I got on my way. It was a lovely Indian summer day. (That' other morning was icy. After the good-bys I waited for a plodding railroad train that must have escaped from the Smithsonian ►Institution. After a ride on wooden benches that I hoped never would end, we finally reached Port Dix. Then, for more than an hour we stood in wet snow before the Army decided it needed men.) Directly inside the post gate is the IRP, also known as the Initial Re ceiving Point. A sergeant read a prepared speech of welcome. In front of us were the first of many forms to be filled out. A sergeant disguised with the title of guide was assigned to our group. His first task was to escort us to hot coffee and doughnuts. We progressed by bus to a pre pack building and an issue of equip ment for immediate needs—a razor, soap, towels, etc., also a raincoat and a helmet liner, three blankets, etc., and a bed in a wooden barracks with central heating. (They must not have expected me the other time, because* I was shunted to the very last tent in the last row to windward. There were six of us and not one knew how to operate the pot-bellied coal stove. So I slept in my clothes for six of the coldest days and nights ever recorded by man.) Dog tags were handed to the gen uine recruits. I sat this one out. (The other time I was No. 32759694.) I should make it clear here that I telescoped four days of processing into a few hours of one. day. I lis tened attentively to orientation lec tures on many subjects and heard the articles of war again. Then came the educational films on Army life, including one of the dangers of con sorting with the wrong type of fe 3 .male. It was done in good taste and appealed to our morals, our outlook on the family and the home. ^Orientation lectures, old style, started at 5:30 a.m„ given by a PFC, who apparently learned the English language in a boiler factory. We were herded into a theater to see movies. It turned out to be the same film we were to see again and again. It left nothing to the imagi nation and frightened even the strongest stomached.) And now the Army’s most-vaunted miracle occurred. We started, in underwear, through a labyrinth of wood-railed corridors. A myriad of things was handed us, and shortly there we were—all dressed tm in Army uniform with a heavy duffle bag on our backs. Gets Advance in fay (I must confess the uniform fitted and, anyway, I was pleased to get something on my bare skin.) All during the four days there are tests—general mechanical aptitude, automotive aptitude, shop mechan ics, Army clerical, Army radio code, all loaded with questions np news paperman can answer. And, of course, there is the good old Army general classification test that determines where a guy will land, or so they say. The new recruit gets a night’s sleep before tackling these exams, which are divided into four sections this time. Sometime between adequate meals the recruits were handed $10 in ad vance pay. I think it was an intro duction to the lectures on insurance, bonds and allotments. Not even the new Army can change these lectures and interviews. i ■ (We will not discuss my first Army meals.) As it must to all recruits, there came a trip to the medics and a physical examination. Then, in oculations, vaccinations, blood tests and all that. I had a stand-in for all this. (My memory is muddled at this point. I have a confused realisation that as I blundered nakedly toward the clothing handouts, business like fellows were jabbing my arms with needles. I guess it was neces sary.) The processing period winds up with classification and friendly dis cussions with an interviewer and a counselor on just what job the recruit wants and where he is best suited. I’m told the chances of getting that job aren’t too slim these days. The recruit also gets a chance to study openly, instead of surrepti tiously, his Form 20, the big yellow card that tells his future through a series of holes around the edges. (My classification interviewer called me back. He forgot to ask if I could type.) At the end of every stop on the processing tour our guide saw to it we could ride back to our barracks in a bus. Trucks carried the duffle bags. ,(It was night and there were two bags on my back as I trudged through the slush of a mile detour to my new home in tent city.) The major took me to the officers’ club for coffee. I^sald thanks and farewell. Then I got into my car and drove home. (DUtrtbutbd br th« AuoeUtsd ritu.) Finns Are Free but Uneasy As Neighbors of Russians Question Raised as to How Long Soviet Will Tolerate a Vigorous, Self-Respecting Democracy Right on Its Border ^ By Lothrop Stoddard On the eastern shore of the Baltic Sea a grim game of cat-and mouse is being played. The mouse is Finland, a relatively small, in fertile country with less than 4,000,000 inhabitants. The cat is the giant Soviet Union, covering one-sixth of the total land area of the globe and fwitaintnp nearly 300,000,000 human beings. As the result of two recent unsuccessful wars, the Finnish mouse is militarily at the Soviet cat’* mercy. It is rigorously disarmed, has been compelled to "lease” several vital strategic points for Soviet4 occupation, and is saddled with a reparations bill that strains its economy badly. By a single blow of its powerful paw, the Soviet cat could crush Finnish resistance and overrun the country. Yet Finland retains its national identity. It remains master of its own house and is legally free to manage its affairs as it sees fit. Fin land is a democracy. Finland be lieves in individual freedom, private property and the other features of our Western civilization. Relatively few Finns have any use for com munism or the Soviet way of life. And more than a century of un pleasant experience has taught the Russians that the Finns are a tough, stubborn people, ready to stand up for their rights at almost any risk and capable of making trouble out of all proportion to their numbers. Struggle Is Old One The struggle between Finn and Russian is not new. It goes back more than a thousand years and represents a deep-going conflict between sharply contrasted racial stocks, temperaments and cultures, rhe Finns are of Asiatic origin, kinsmen of the Magyars or Hun garians and the Turks. Ages ago they migrated westward from some where in Central Asia and occupied not only the present-day Finland, but also much of what is now North ern Russia. From those latter regions they were slowly pushed back or absorbed by the Russian Slavs advancing from the south. About the same time, present-day Finland was conquered by the Swedes, who partially colonized the country and gave it a basic Scandinavian culture, though the Finnish language and traditions maintained themselves. Even now there is a sizable Swed ish-speaking minority in Finland and the ties between the two coun tries are close. Finland suffered greatly in tne wars between Russia and Sweden. Its destiny was "iolently altered by a Russian war of aggression against Sweden early in the 19th century, when Sweden was forced to cede Finland to the victorious Musco vites. However, the Finns them selves demanded that the rights they had enjoyed under Sweden be respected by the conqueror, threat ening a fight to the death rather than submit unconditionally. Ac cordingly, the Czar of that day granted Finland the status of an autonomous grand duchy within the Russian Empire. So the Finns continued to manage their own affairs and evolved a solid national consciousness. Hieir nationalistic solidarity was proved when, toward the close of the last century, Czarist Russia went back on its pledges and tried to "Russify” the country. Militarily helpless against Russian might, the Finns staged an amazing passive resistance which rendered direct Russian rule unworkable. This struggle against Russification naturally accentuated Finnish na tional feeling. So, when the Czarist empire broke up in the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, Finland promptly declared its independence. And this was quickly recognized by the new Bolshevik government, which, under Lenin and Trotsky, was more inter ested in furthering world revolution than with the maintenance of Rus sian rule over former Czarist de pendencies. However, the Bolshe | viks did try to foment a Communist i revolution in Finland itself. That resulted in a bloody civil war in which the Finnish Reds got the worst of it, their leaders fleeing to Moscow to await better times. Meanwhile, Finland was recognized by the rest of the world as a sover eign state, joined the League of Nations and became a prosperous, stable democracy. Aggression Renewed This epoch of peace and pros perity ended with a renewal of Russian aggression. That aggres sion was made possible by the Hitler Stalin pact concluded in August, 1939. Under this highwayman’s agreement Soviet Russia was given a free hand in the Eastern Baltic and promptly proceeded to cash in on the deal. The three little Baltic states—Estonia, Latvia and Lithu ania—which had gained their free dom along with Finland after World War I, were quickly brought under Russian domination by the mere show of overwhelming force. The same tactic was then employed against Finland, but with a dramati cally different result. Far from sub mitting to Russian demands for ces sions of territory and strategic base rights, which would have left Finland militarily at Russia’s mercy, tiny Finland defied the Russian giant to do his worst. And when Russian armies crossed the Finnish frontiers they met with a series of humiliating defeats. By this time Hitler had unleashed his own Infinitely vaster war of aggression, still in amicable co ordination with 8talin. Sc a the civilized world, menaced by the dual threat of totalitarianism, thrilled to the exploits of an embattled democ racy. The heroic Finns were lauded to the skies, nowhere more so than in America where Finland had long been popular, both for its eminence in sports and for its unique insist ence on paying the interest on the reconstruction loan made it by our Government after World War I. Russia was expelled from the League of Nations. For a time, the Western Allies, Britain and Fiance, seriously considered giving Finland military aid even though this would have meant war with the Soviet Union. Such aid could, however, have come effectively only through Scan dinavia, which sought desperately to maintain its neutrality. So Finland, left alone, was presently over whelmed by the mobilized might of Russia. In mid-March of 1940, the Finns were obliged to sign a treaty giving Russia everything originally demanded. The terms were hard. Be sides the strategic bases which gave Russia military dominance over the country, the rich border province of Karelia, adjoining Russia, had to be ceded, though virtually the entire population, numbering some 440,000, left their homes and became refugees in Finland rather than pass under the Russian yoke. Joined Axis, fcfeft With Reds Then, only a year later, came the split between Hitler and Stalin. The gigantic Nazi war machine struck for the very heart of the Soviet Union, with seeming success. To the embittered Finns, this appeared an opportunity to get back their own which could not be missed. So Fin land joined in the attack on Rus sia, ^though with the limited objec live* of recovering what was right fully hers. Nevertheless, this siding with the Axis forfeited for Finland the sympathy of the Western Pow ers, joined by America a year later. So Finland was left once more alone with the Russian giant when the Axis collapsed, and was forced once more to make a peace on Moscow’s terms. Those terms were even harsher than the treaty of 1940. More territory had to be ceded, plus a war indemnity of crushing weight for Finland’s war-depleted economy. Nevertheless, Moscow did not ex tinguish Finland as a nation. Per haps the masters of the Kremlin felt that Russia was too exhausted by its life-and-death struggle with Nazi Germany to take on the ex termination of so tough and liberty loving a people as the Finns. Per haps they calculated that, by con cessions, they might eventually win over Finland to voluntary co-opera tion. In any event, Finland, though disarmed, militarily dominated, and mortgaged by the war indemnity, was left legally free to run its own show, so long as it walked humbly and gave no offense to Moscow. How the Finns have reconstructed their national life and preserved their democratic Institutions under the shadow of Soviet totalitarian ism is perhaps, the greatest mir acle of postwar Europe. Where even free - loving Czechoslovakia failed, Finland has thus far suc ceeded. To be sure, Finland has its Communist minority, aided and abetted by Moscow, and scheming for control. Yet Communist mach inations have been kept within bounds, even though necessarily tol erated for fear or Russian reprisals. And last July the Finnish people had the courage to hold free and fair elections wherein the Commu nists were demoted to the status of a minor party in the new Parlia ment. Communists Erupt Then Finland’s current troubles began. The Communists were of fered places in a projected coali tion cabinet corresponding to their just weight in Parliament. This offer was refused. The Communists demanded strategic cabinet posts far beyond their electoral status, through which they could continue their infiltrating strategy. When their demands were rejected, the Communist-dominated minority of Finnish labor was incited to make a series of strikes, essentially politi cal in character, and designed like those of France and elsewhere to disrupt the country’s economic life and intimidate the democratic ma jority. In support of those strikes, the Moscow press and radio de nounced the Finnish government for its “Fascist” tendencies and hinted darkly at what might ensue if pres ent policies were unaltered. Nevertheless, the Finnish govern ment has persisted in its course. The strikes were kept within bounds and order was maintained. Treaty commitments, including indemnity payments, have been scrupulously kept. Russian provocations have been blandly ignored. No excuse for Russian intervention has been given. Finland's precarious inde pendence is thus being preserved. How long this situation can bs maintained is, of course, problemat ical. In the last analysis, it pre sumably depends on Soviet policy. Moscow's “forebearance” toward Finland has thus far served the larger interests of Moscow, which can point to Finland as a sdrt of showpiece illustrating the possi bility of friendly relations between the Soviet Union and a “burgeois” state. To violate treaty commit ments and intervene forcibly in Finland would destroy that stock theme of Soviet and Communist propaganda, besides further arous ing the wrath of the civilized world. This, combined with the fact of Finland’s intrinsic powerlessness, tends to stay Moscow’s heavy hand. Yet it may be questioned hew much longer a vigorous, self-respect ing democracy can be tolerated on the very border of the Soviet Union. The antithesis between freedom * d totalitarianism grows ever sharper, while.within the sprawling bulk rt the lli-compacted Soviet Empire .t self discern tent at totalitarian tyr anny and attendant hardship g a more pronounced. By its very - istence, a free, patriotic Finland I a potential danger to Moscow and its aim of world domination.