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WASHINGTON, 0. C. Published by Tht Evening Star Newspaper Cempeny. FLEMING NEWBOLD, President, 1948-1949. ■» B. M. McKELWAY, Editor. MAIN OFFICE: 11th St. and Pennsylvania Av*. NEW YORK OFFICE: 110 East 42d St. CHICAGO OFFICE: 433 North Michigan Av*. Delivered by Carrier—Metropolitan Area. Daily and Sunday Daily Only Sunday Only Monthly ..1.20* Monthly 90t 10c per copy Weekly ._ 30c Weekly 20c 10c per copy *10c additional when 5 Sundays are in a month. Also 10c additional for Night Final Edition In those sections where delivery is mad*. Rates by Mall—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States. Evening and Sunday Evening Sunday 1 month — 1.30 1 month ... 90c 1 month 40c 4 months.. 7.30 4 months .. 3.00 6 months 3.00 1 year_13.00 1 year 10.00 1 year ..4.00 Telephone STerling 3000. Entered at the Post Office, Washington, D. C., as second-class mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. ' The Associated Press Is entitled exclusively to the us* for ^publication of all tha loeal now* printed in tnli novnpcpar, at wall o» all A. P. ntwi dupatchot. A—10 **MONDAY, Fobruory 7, 1949 Battle Shaping Up Indications are piling up that the Senate is in for another rough battle over anti filibuster legislation. It has always been so when efforts have been made to limit “free speech” in what has been called the greatest deliberative body in the world. The “coalition” of Northern and Southern Democrats against the Republican move to force an antifilibuster bill from the Senate Rules Committee is thp latest rumbling of trouble ahead. Confusing the issue are partisan, sectional and factional considerations which make it difficult to handle the problem in an unemotional, objective atmosphere. Administration forces fear that a knock down-and-drag-out fight early in the ses sion over the explosive cloture bill would hopelessly divide the Democrats and im peril passage later of some of the Presi dent's program, including, of course, civil rights. They prefer to approach the fili buster issue in an “orderly way,” namely through action of the Rules Committee. This committee is said to be prepared to report an antifilibuster bill in its own good time, perhaps later this week. Hence, the G. O. P. effort to force the bill to the floor Immediately has obvious political implica tions. But if the “orderly way” prevails, as seems probable, and the Rules Committee reports the controversial bill now under study, the trouble will be just beginning." For, barring one parliamentary develop ment, the stage will be set for a filibuster against the antifilibuster measure. Such a filibuster will be possible because, under present rulings of the chair, the existing cloture rule applies only to “pending meas ures,” not to motions to take up a new bill. And Southern opponents of civil rights legislation are ready to talk to death any measure that would prevent them from talking to death antisegregation, anti lynch and FEPC legislation. The parliamentary development tint oould upset the filibuster plans would be a new ruling by the chair on the scope of present cloture rules. The most recent ruling, made last year by Senator Vanden berg, was that the rule did not apply to motions to take up new matters. This ruling followed the line of others of the past. But Vice President Barkley indicated at the time of the Vandenberg ruling that he was not in agreement with it. He has given no recent indication of his views on j the subject. If he should broaden the antifilibuster rule to include motions as j well as bills already before the Senate, the antifllibuster forces would suffer a severe j blow. They would have the right to appeal J the decision, and they might hope for some Republican support, in view of the Van denberg ruling. All of these ifs are so speculative as to make an accurate fore cast of the outcome of the antifllibuster battle virtually impossible. All that is evident now is that the battle will be as bitter, when it breaks, as any of the past. -- I French Bond Drive The current drive to put over the new French national loan is' a major financial operation with far-reaching political as well as economic * implications. On its success depends not only French financial solvency but also a prolongation of the present moderate coalition government and its policies. France presents the seeming paradox of a country which is economically sound yet financially unstable. The reason is that the French people, or at least the politicians who act for them, have con sistently refused to balance the national budget by sternly orthodox methods like the British “austerity” program, involving high taxes, drastic import curbs, and effective price-wage controls coupled with strict governmental economies. The results have been impairment of the national credit, loss of value for the franc, and chronic inflation. Also, inability to set its fiscal house in order threatens to dis qualify France for release of the Marshall Plan “counterpart” fund desperately needed for that industrial and agricultural expansion on which France’s economic recovery depends. In this crucial dilemma, the Queuille Cabinet hit upon the expedient of a new bond issue which would provide the funds to balance the budget and thereby qualify for the counterpart fund. It looked like a bold gamble, because the French investor had been taking a terrific beating on past government bond issues. In order to lure from hiding the vast sums of hoarded capital known to exist, the new loan was ' made highly attractive. Purchasers need ! put up only one-half their subscriptions j in cash, turning in old bonds for the balance. Furthermore, a phenomenally high interest rate of 5 per cent is guar anteed for the next ten years, no matter what happens to the money market. And, in addition, this interest rate will be raised, if necessary, to match the rates on any subsequent bond issues floated during that ten-year period. To make the loan a success, bonds to the value of 200,000,000,000 francs (about $300,000,000) would have to be sold, thereby yielding 100,000,000,000 francs in new money. The released Marshall Plan “counterpart” funds would give the government another 280,000,000,000 francs. Taken together, this would greatly improve the financial picture, brighten the chances of economic recovery, and strengthen the government in its fight against its extrem ist critics, Communists and De Gaullists alike. Although success is not yet fully assured, the public’s response has thus far been gratifying. In less than a fortnight con siderably more than half of the loan has been subscribed. To be sure, there is evi dence that political opponents of the loan are trying to sabotage it by launching a gold-buying campaign and other maneu vers designed to frighten investors against buying bonds. Whether those hostile interests are Communist, De Gaullist, or both, is hard to say. Nevertheless, the bond drive continues unabated and sub scriptions in volume come in. The eventual outcome is awaited with tense interest by the French public, its implications being generally understood. Austria as indicator? Perhaps it is the hope which “springs eternal in the human breast” that invests with optimistic expectations the inter national conference scheduled to begin today'. In London, representatives of the “Big Four” (America, Britain, France, and Soviet Russia) are meeting to discuss a peace treaty for Austria which would re establish her sovereignty and end their quadripartite occupation that has lasted since the close of the late war. This is emphatically not the first of such meetings. Four-Power talks on an Austrian treaty began three years ago. And if the affairs of our post-war world were conducted in a spirit of fairness and good-faith, an Austrian peace treaty would have been a routine matter. For, long before the end of the war, the Great Powers had mutually pledged themselves to restore Austrian independence and sovereignty. Their post-war military oc cupation of Austria, though similar in form to that of Germany, was explicitly differentiated in character. It was an nounced as a temporary measure to help a country just freed of Nazism to get on its feet. And in conformity with this laudable purpose, the occupying powers permitted the holding of free elections which chose a government formally rec ognized by the occupiers. The way thus seemed clear for the quick negotiating of a peace treaty that would have given Austria full international status. Then came an unpleasant surprise in the shape of Russian demands which, if acceded to. would have converted Aus tria into a satellite of the Soviet Union and would likewise have mutilated the country by carving off a large slice of its small territory for annexation to Yugo slavia. Branding those demands as both exorbitant and contrary to prior mutual agreements, the Western Powers resolutely rejected them. But Moscow stubbornly refused to abate or compromise. The re sult was chronic deadlock which came to a climax last May, when the Western Powers broke off the discussions as fruit less. In mid-autumn the Austrian Govern ment began sounding out the occupying powers as to the possibility of resuming their negotiations. Its reasons for so doing have never been disclosed, but our State Department presently took the ini tiative by sending identic notes to the other occupiers suggesting a renewal of negotiations. London and Paris at once agreed, and Moscow presently gave its assent. So the talks start up once more. Since Moscow has, from the first, been the only obstacle to an equitable settle ment, speculation naturally centers around its motive for resuming the negotiations. A more amenable attitude on its part would be an excellent way of showing the peaceful intentions which Soviet spokes men have been proclaiming of late. Yet, with Moscow, experience has indicated so wide a gap between word and deed that hope had best be tempered by skepticism until the attitude of its negotiators in London has been revealed. Soviet diplo macy has seldom been loath to confer and talk. And it risks nothing by re entering a conference on the same terms as before. A wait-and-see attitude would thus seem indicated as the wisest for observers. The stand taken by the Soviet representatives should soon show what is in Moscow’s mind. Pressure Group Stamps The Eightieth Congress “authorized and directed” the Postmaster General to issue more than twenty postage stamps which philatelists have stigmatized as undesir able. Most of the unwanted labels were intended as compliments to groups and individuals who ordinarily would not have been so honored. Political pressure was the explanation. The character of the Nation’s postal adhesives was stultified to accommodate selfish interests. One of the stamps was a publicity stunt staged by the publisher of a magazine of the poultry trade. It featured an egg and a rooster, but no hen. And the Eighty-first Congress is fol lowing in the steps of its predecessor. The day it assembled saw the introduction of several bills requiring the manufacture and distribution of stamps which the Postmaster General uncoerced never would have considered. One of the stickers demanded would gforify the trotter Ham bletonian; another would advertise the centennial of the Angora goat! The reso lutions “authorizing and directing” these obviously unworthy issues probably will be passed. Both are indorsed by important political forces. Meanwhile, a proposal for a series of stamps in aid of educational campaigns for improved public health remains unno ticed by the House and the Senate. The American Cancer Society has submitted four attractive designs for a label to “point up” its drive in April. Similar adhesives have been requested to help the crusades against tuberculosis, poliomye litis and heart disease. A stamp to drama tize the Forestry Service’s endeavor to halt forest fires was suggested more than a year ago, and the soil conservation- efforts of the Government have been urged as meriting such help. Stamps for half a dozen national parks hitherto not pictured also are pending. What makes the mistaken policy of Con gress so deplorable is the fact that, when the Post Office Department schedule for new Issues is crowded with unworthy stickers, stamps which are of national significance and therefore deserve to be produced are pushed aside. This happened in 1948, and may happen again in 1949, unless Senators and Representatives heed the protests of the philatelic fraternity which pays the engraving and printing costs of all new postal labels. A Dog's Life The news from New York that a bulldog bit his rescuer will come as no surprise to those who have suspected for some time that dogs are fed up with their “man’s-best-friend” role and are seeking to establish themselves as neurotics in their own right. What makes the Man hattan pooch’s action particularly base is the fact that his rescuer and victim was an agent for the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. But it is even more distressing to learn that the fretful creature was one of five bulldogs that were found in a gas-filled apartment. Since no humans were pres ent, police regretfully concluded that the animals themselves had turned on the gae, doubtless in fulfillment of some canine suicide pact. This is, of course, no isolated instance of the decline of the “Old Dog Tray” type. Dog owners who have been more and more at the mercy of their pettish pets, saw the handwriting on the kennel wall when they read recently of an ordinance for bidding mailmen to “provoke” dogs. It was then they knew that the day promised every dog by Shakespeare had come. Naturally the dog is not entirely to blame for this rift in his relations with man. His trouble is that he does not have a dog’s life. In the city he has no sheep to herd or rabbits to chase. The only exercise he gets is when he is aired by a bored bellboy who walks only far enough to meet another bored bellboy who has somebody else’s dog in tow. If he wants to take his traditional place at his master’s feet of an evening, he is probably in the vicinity of a television set, which robs him of attention and interrupts his dreams of hunting. In an age of electric blankets he is not wanted to warm anybody’s feet. Is it any wonder that he is frustrated, despondent and belligerent? The strain of urban living has sifted down to him. Petulance is contagious, and poor Rover has simply caught a bad case. Reference i^made to the “far right wing’’ of the Republican Party, presum ably meaning those who have been saying tsk tsk since the fifteenth century. A Cincinnati 100-years-ago item lists “Whisky—market dull at 15 Vi cents a gal lon.” With more activity, no doubt, among the nickel blends. This and That By Charles E. Traceicell “HOBART STREET. “Dear Sir: “Is there any way to get rid of a squirrel? “I am afraid he may bite or disease my baby while she is airing in her carriage. “He jumps up on it and no amount of scatting or shooing or noise keeps him away for long. “We’ve even tried throwing clods of dirt, but he just moves a few feet and comes right back. “I don’t think he’s hungry—he’s fed*up and down the block, and I know he’s got nuts hidden away. * * * * “What is he looking for in the baby car riage—besides the baby—and what can I do to discourage him? “I would hate to be cruel to the little thing as I've liked squirrels heretofore, but I don't intend to let him bite the baby or make her ill, and I’ve read they have done just that right here in Washington. “I shall appreciate your advice. "Very truly yours, M. G. K.’’ * * * * A persistent squirrel is a problem. Some of them are more curious than others, and evidently Mrs. K's squirrel with a fondness for baby is one of these. But no baby is safe around a squirrel, not so much from the standpoint of disease, as from that of a bite. A squirrel bite might be delivered on a sudden turn of the baby’s head. A quick movement of the hand, and nip! right down to the bone would go those sharp teeth. Even a person with the greatest fondness for squirrels could not feel that one would make a good playmate for a baby. Certainly every such child has the Ameri can right of sleeping soundly in his carriage without benefit of bushy-tailed rodent. One must sympathize with the curiosity of the four-legged one. For some reason, this particular specimen has a hankering to in vestigate this particular baby. It might be the odor of the milk bottle, or other food, if any. It might be the gleam of the baby's eyes. It could be some other reason known only to the mind of a squir rel. After all, a squirrel has a right, nasn t it, to have its own squirrly ideas about things? Emerson said that the thoughts of a turtle are all turtle. Undoubtedly a squirrel is an individualist, and each one has a different way oi look ing at life: each one has its own ways of ac tions, unlike those of other squirrels. All of them will walk along electric and tele phone wires above the street. All of them find that this is a safe passageway. But no two of them will approach the problem of getting into a difficult bird feed ing station in the same way.- Just for fun, hang a coconut shell filled with seed or suet in the middle of a wire suspended be tween two posts. Then watch the squirrels. One will solve the problem offered in one manner, another in a different way: one after the other, each approaching squirrel will have his own method of getting to the food. Each one sees the other solve it, but never imitates him. Why the squirrel is trying to get into the baby carriage is a problem. It might be a mother squirrel trying to find good material for a nest. They build these large nests the year around. It might be a squirrel with a real admira tion for a cute baby, who knows? Whatever it is, a squirrel is no addition to a well filled baby carriage, and we would advise Mrs. K. to get rid of the rodent as quickly as possible. Trapping is the most humane way. In this manner the creature may be taken clear out of the neighborhood. Lacking that, a neat shot between the squirrel eyes might help. It sounds cruel, and it is, but it would solve the problem. Killing doesn’t often solve problems, but it probably would this one. A less sanguinary scheme would be to rig up a line around the baby carriage with strips of cloth hanging down. Such a scheme sometimes keeps rabbits out ol a carrot patch, and maybe it would keep a squirrel out of a baby carriage. Letters to The Star Labor Bill Held Factional To the Hitor of The Star: In the opinion of the writers, one of the more alarming portents in the bill offered by Secretary of Labor Tobin to supplant the Taft-Hartley Act is the factional character of the proposal, which bears all the earmarks of being designed as a quid pro quo for political assistance given by labor leaders during the recent Presidential campaign. Despite Mr. Tobin’s assurance to the Senate Labor Committee that he considers it his duty “to represent the more than 140,000,000 American people and every seg ment of our economy,” the provisions of the bill submitted by him, which he de scribed as, the administration proposal, clearly evidence acceptance of the proposi tion that a national labor law should be dictated by the interests of one faction, the leaders of the powerful labor unions. The extent to which the measure repre sents a capitulation to factionalism is graphically illustrated by the provisions purporting to deal with the secondary boy cott problem. According to the sponsors, these provi sions were drafted to effectuate President Truman’s thesis that the propriety of a secondary boycott should be determined by examination of the objective it is conducted to attain. In so far as the statute sug gested by Secretary Tobin represents an ap plication of that theory, it appears that in the eyes of its sponsors any objective is justifiable so long as the secondary boycott is not aimed at destruction of powers or privileges enjoyed by a rival labor organiza tion. Second Boycotts Protected. Under the administration proposal no secondary boycott, regardless of the means used to effectuate it, would be restrained unless its objective were to impinge upon bargaining privileges enjoyed by another union or the usurpation of work tasks as signed to members of another labor organi zation. The bill, for example, indorses secondary boycotts and strikes conducted to prevent the use of materials or equipment not ap proved by the union, an activity which has plagued the construction industry to the obvious detriment of the public; it permits use of the secondary boycott to force em ployers to submit to costly and unwarranted feather-bedding and make-work rules; and it sanctions secondary boycotts and strikes to compel employer recognition of unions, even though they refuse to establish their qualifications by means of the procedure es tablished by the National Labor Relations Act. It is significant to note that while the administration bill generally indorses such objectives, it does not hold them justifiable when the prerogatives of labor organizations are impaired. Thus, while a secondary boy cott to compel recognition of the boycotting union is permitted where the employer is not organized, it is expressly prohibited where another union enjoys bargaining status. Similarly, the bill allows use of the device to force the transfer of work from nonunion employes to union members, but makes elaborate provision to prevent sec ondary boycotts conducted to take jobs from the members of other unions. In short, the union interest affected is the sole standard by which the proposed statute measures the propriety of a second ary boycott or strike. The authors have disregarded the, interests of employers and employes, and the public welfare, and have assured union leaders a free hand to use every economic weapon at their disposal. Acceptance of the bill as a bona fide at tempt by its sponsors to "represent the more than 140,000,000 American people and every segment of our economy” would re quire the conclusion that they are com pletely unaware of the actualities of the secondary boycott problem, for on its face the proposal is a studied effort to safe guard the interests of one faction without regard to the legitimate interests of any other group. Groups Adverse to Others, Factionalism, it may be noted, is not one of the newer "isms.” Writing in the Fed eralist papers, in 1787, James Madison em phasised the necessity for creating and maintaining a system of government which would minimize the influence of factions in the enactment of federal legislation. "By a faction,” he explained, "I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.” The statute suggested by the Secretary of Labor provides no foundation for a national labor law which will adequately safeguard “the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.” The chance for such a national labor law lies in the hope that both parties in Congress cate gorically will reject the factional approach of the administration bill. WILLIAM F. HOWE. WILEY NARRON. President’s Advisers Criticized To the Editor ol The Star: On January 20, President Truman took the oath of office solemnly, kissed the Bible, and then made a speech in which he said he would work for peace. He spoke with apparent sincerity, yet now that Russia offers to discuss peace with him, we are told that he is not willing to arrange such talks—unless the United States can dictate all arrangements. It is easy to understand why Mr. Truman's military advisers do not want him to talk peace. Any group of men who have $40, 000,000 a day to spend—which is the amount allotted to the military in the new budget— doesn't want any arrangements made which will take away their easy jobs and good in comes and special privileges, tax exemp tions, free medical and hospital care, etc. If peace is made, there will be no justifica tion for continued appropriations for war preparations to the tune of $40,000,000 a day. C. W. B. • , White House Repairs Costly To the Editor of The Star: I have been watching your correspondence column to see what public reaction there might be to the proposed expenditure of $8,000,000 to repair the White House, but except for your editorial of a few days ago suggesting that another finer mansion could be erected at much less cost, I have seen no protest and have come to the conclusion that most Washingtonians subscribe to the ancient slogan, "The king can do no wrong,” especially in the expenditure of Federal funds. At first I believe the estimate for White House repairs was announced as $750,000. Then when no one complained when that feeler was put out, the prospective contract ors jsmped the ante to $5,000,000. Some of us wondered then whose pockets were to be relined while the Executive Mansion was being restudded. Oh, “Tell it not in Gath, publish It not in the streets of Askelon.” Then when the news broke that after a gander behind some of the closet doors and a peek down the laundry chute the Federal architects decided that not less than $8,000, 000 would satisfy national sentiment for this Letters for publication must bear the signature and address of the writer, although it is permissible for a writer known to The Star to use a nom de plume. Please be brief. beloved relic, John Q. Public was so used to estimates in astronomical figures that he took it lying down for the count without even rising to one elbow with a baleful eye. Now $5,000,000 is mentioned again. Since a less costly mansion would certainly be more utilitarian than this outmoded wreck, even $5,000,000 is a lot of chink to spend for sentiment. For me and a lot of little guys who have trouble honestly paying our Federal income taxes, we shall not be happy unless the proposed repair bill includes flying buttresses, rose windows in the tran septs, and mink-lined balustrades on the grand staircase. A REPUBLICAN WHO VOTED FOR THIS SETUP. Why Mrs. Surratt Wasn’t Spared To the Editor of The Star: In his letter to The Star noting a contrast between Mrs. Surratt and Axis Sally, “His tory” does not tell anything of the sinister machinations against justice on the part of the then Secretary of War Stanton and Judge Advocate General Holt. The vote for the death sentence for £Irs. Surratt resulted in four in favor and five against. The five recalcitrants admitted her to be guilty of entertaining Booth, Payne and Atzeiodt, but that was no crime unless she was aware of their plans. They held firmly that there was no evidence of her being guilty of conspiracy to murder. After hot debating and arguments, they agreed on June 30, 1865, to find her guilty and to be hanged by the neck until she was dead, still protesting that there was no evidence, provided they might recommend her to the mercy of President Johnson. Accordingly Col. Bingham wrote the pe tition: “The undersigned members of the commission detailed to try Mary E. Surratt and others for conspiracy and the murder of Abraham Lincoln * * • respect fully pray that the President in considera tion of the age and sex of the said Mary E. Surratt, if he can upon the facts in the case find it consistent with his sense of duty to the country, to commute the sen tence of death which the court have been constrained to place upon her, to imprison ment for life.” When signed, this petition was attached to the end of the court rec ord by a yellow tape-ribbon that bound the sheets together. The sheets of the record were wntten in long hand from the top to the bottom and then on the reverse side, from the bottom to the top*to make for greater ease in read ing their many pages. As Judge Holt read these pages to the President in the White House on July 5, the top sheets were turned back under the final ones, so that they completely hid from the President the in conspicuous half-sheet (the recommenda tion) resting under th^ top of the last blank page. This half-sheet would remain in visible unless the President took the rec ord into his own hands and thumbed through it page by page, turning over the last blank sheet as though searching for some hidden word. He would not see the recommendation for mercy unless it were called to his attention. That same day shortly after the reading of the record by Holt, the death sentence was signed by Andrew Johnson. Mrs. Sur ratt’s life had been in Johnson’s hands, but care had been taken that the President should not know it. WASHINGTONIAN. The Evil of Planned Economy To the Editor of The Star: With the upward trend to socialize every thing from the cradle to the grave, it is impossible to form any concept of what lies ahead of this utopian program. But there is one thing that is dead certain and that is that there is no instance in all history where the protective spirit and planned economy have been made a national institution with out incalculable damage to those it was alleged to benefit. The protective spirit from the cradle to the grave is nothing new. It is as old as Methuselah, and always has brought seri ous consequences wherever it became a national policy. I could name many countries whose downfall was caused by the very thing we seriously are considering at this very moment. History is not always a lefthanded affair, and if our politicians would devote a little more time to these matters the very things which they now are creating would be dis covered to have been condemned long ago as evil forces raised against the social, eco nomic and political stability of the Nation. I would like to quote a well-known au thority on this protective spirit. Here it is: "They were the legitimate consequence of a state of society in which the spirit of protection had reached its highest point, and in which every thing being done for the people, nothing was done by the people. Whenever this happens, there may be great political progress, but there can be no really national progress. So far, however, from this benefiting people, it will injure them in two different ways. It has been found fatal to the highest qualities of the citizens, and therefore to the permanent grandeur of the Nation. And, in the second place, it multi plies the resources of the executive govern ment, and thus renders the country, unable, as well as unwilling, to .correct the errors of those who are at the head of affairs.” It is a great mistake when the people abdicate their own proper functions, forgo their own responsibilities, renounce their highest duties, and degrade themselves into passive instruments to serve the will of the state. An evil day rapidly is approaching unless we keep the eye of an eagle on events that concern our liberty, freedom and the pursuit of happiness. LOUISE P. DILGER. Hyattsville, Md. Civil Service League Objective To the Editor oi The Star: Controller General Lindsay C. Warren says that this Nation's growing Federal bu reaucracy is an “ideal system for the tax eaters” but “bad for those who have to pay the bill.” His sweeping criticism was heard by the House Executive Expenditures Com mittee. The committee also heard Mr. War ren oppose President Truman’s proposal that five Federal agencies should be excluded from the reorganization plan now before the House. Mr. Warren said no Government agency should be excluded. Mr. Warren's statement may be thought a little extreme. But the point is that basically he is saying to Congress what the National Civil Service League has been con tending for months. One of the functions of the League is to condition public opinion. Another function is to exert influence upon Congress through Federal department heads and others who are in sympathy with the aims of the league. Still another is to keep on the alert for infractions of the Civil Service laws and rules. In performing these func tions the league makes slow but sure pro gress toward the main objectives—better personnel in Government; less waste of pub lic funds. NICHOLAS KELLEY. President. National Civil Service League. Or Stars, Men and Atoms New Instrument Devised To Detect Atom Radiation 'Scintillation Counter* Is Compact, Light, Sturdy and Accurate By Thomas R. Henry Development of a new instrument for de tecting atomic radiations which might be come essential military equipment in another ! war has just been announced by the Atomic Energy Commission. It is extremely light, compact and essen tially infallible and is known as a "scintilla tion counter.” It is based on a new physical principle. The common means of detecting and measuring radiations is the so-called Geiger Mueller counter. When an atomic particle passes through a gas, outer electrons are knocked off atoms and a minute current is set up which can be magnified and heard as a “click.” It is a rather cumbersome in strument, difficult to build and interpret, and somewhat expensive. It is hardly adapted for the average soldier or civilian defense worker. A major drawback is that it does not give an accurate measure of neutron radiation, the most dangerous of all in the vicinity of a bomb explosion. Accurate Measurement Possible. Commission physicists have found that crystals of two substances made out of coal tar give an accurate measure of all kinds of radiation. These materials are stilbene and anthracene. When an elementary particle hits such a crystal there is a flash of short duration and relatively high intensity. This flash can be picked up and amplified by a special type of photomultiplier tube and translated into a pulse of electric current which can be registered on earphones or mechanical counters. Eventually it may be made into an instrument no larger than a watch which is quite unlikely to get out of order. There still remain “bugs” in the instru ment, the commission physicists admit, and much work remains to be done, especially in developing methods for production of pure crystals. Various other types of crystals are under test. Some variation in the magnitude of the flashes with different temperatures has been found. The investigation is being pushed at all five major laboratories of the commission. A special advantage, it is pointed out, is that the scintillation counter appears to he entirely reliable for detecting and measuring the elusive neutron radiation. Two atom-smashers of unprecedented pc.\er are being built under the auspices of the Atomic Energy Commission. Compared to this new heavy artillery of the invisible world of the atom, any of the great cyclotrons, synchrotrons and be tatrons now in existence—on which has depended much of the progress of atomic research—will be like rifles compared to howitzers. Both new machines are known as "proton synchrotrons.” of essentially the same fam ily as the cyclotron. The largest of these will be at the University of California where the cyclotron was born. It is expected to cost $9,000,000 and be four or five years under construction. It will have a 6.000, 000,000 electron volt output, 18 times more powerful than the greatest atom smasher in use at present. It will attack the atomic nucleus with energies so far beyond today's range that its designers are unable to pre dict the nature of the facts it may un cover. Synchrotron Being Built. Less powerful, but of the same general type of construction is a proton synchrotron now under construction at the Brookhaven National Laboratory on Long Island. It will accelerate nuclear particles to energies about ueven times the greatest achieved today. Also under construction at Brookhaven is the largest of the great uranium ovens, or "piles,” which will serve entirely as a tool for research. In this pile will be produced a host of isotopes, or different forms of ele ments for which there is a great demand in the country’s universities. Greatest of the piles now in operation is at Oak Ridge, Tenn., where the greatest part of the radioactive material now in use is being produced. Questions and Answers A r«»1er c»n get the answer to any question of fact by writing The Evening Star Information Bureau. 316 I street NI. Washington 2. D. C. Plea** inclose three <3> cents for return postage. By THE HASKIN SERVICE. Q. How many varieties of cheese are there? —C.T. A. There are about 18 distinct varieties of cheese, which are marketed under about 400 different names. It is the practice in most European countries to give local names to cheeses. Q. Why is less%heat obtained from the sun when its rays are slanting as in the winter?— V. E. E. A. The amount of heat in the sun's raya is the same, winter and summer. When the rays strike the earth at an angle, the same amount of heat is spread over a larger area of the earth’s surface. Q. Is there a law’ prohibiting the killing of rats in coal mines?—E. J. K. A. The Bureau of Mines says that although it has had occasion to review the State min ing laws in detail, no prohibition of the killing of rats in a mine is known. In the mines of many districts there has existed a custom of regarding rats as useful in indicating imminence of caving of mine workings as it was believed that the rats would leave when there was danger of a sudden collapse. For this reason there may be local taboos against mo lesting the rats. Q. What highway was the most expensive to build?—A. P. A. The Pulaski Skyway is probably the most expensive road.in the world for its length. The part of it that is raised is 3 miles long and cost $21,000,000. The approaches cost an additional $19,000,000. This roadway is 50 feet in width and can easily accommodate five lanes of traffic. Q. Under the law what races are eligible for citizenship in the United States?—W. H. C. A. According to the provisions of Section 703 of Title 8 of the United States Code, as amended, only members of the white, black and Chinese races, as well as races indigenous to the Western Hemisphere and Hindus are eligible to become citizens of the United States. After a Year of Drouth An inward rapture he could never speak Lay hold upon each fiber of his being, As load on sun-sweet load betopped the peak Of every amber stack. He whistled seeing That here was provender in ample store. He breathed the hay-scent like a stifled one: Long windrows for the greedy mortgagor, Leaving his hungry cattle ton on ton. At noon, beneath an oak, he lay and dreamed: His team was trailing down the Milky Way— His barn a painted, bulging cloud, it seemed, tach star winked out at him—a cock of hay. A lark’s impatient song became a goad That urged him up to pitch another load. JEAN CHALMERS DONALDSOIf.