Evening star. [volume], November 23, 1949, Page A-9, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
G. 0. P. $1 Box Supper
Could Appeal to Big
Slice of Electorate
May Spread Idea Party,
Being Poor Itself, Will
Represent the Poor
By David Lawrence
Strange news comes out of the
National Capital these days. The
Republicans announce that they
will hold a box supper at $1 a box
at their next big political gather
ing here, but the Democrats in
sist on keeping the price up to
$100 a plate.
Isn’t this something for a new
OP A or the Justice pepartment
to look into? Aren’t the Repub
licans cutting prices in order to
monopolize a market in the elec
torate which the Democrats have
always believed was theirs for
eternity?
Certainly if the Republicans go
after the low-income groups, they
will be competing ruthlessly and
do irreparable damage to the po
litical strategy of the Democrats.
For was it not in the very recent
campaign of 1948 that President
Truman went up and down the
country telling everybody he was
for the “common man” while the
Republican Dewey presumably was
just trying to “put the rich back
into power”?
There must be some code or
laws of political monopoly which
are thus contravened, and the
transgression will not be overcome
by a few satirical chuckles such
as Mr. Truman bestowed on the
problem when some political
callers the other day drew his at-,
tention to the $1 supper idea.
May Have Something.
After all, a political party that
is held up to derision because it
has to lower its prices to attract
people to its political suppers may
have something when it spreads
the thought that, being poor it
self, it represents the poor at the
6ame time. Certainly, the “com
mon man” looks upon $100 a plate
for a banquet, even under a “Fair
Deal” regime, as just a bit ex
pensive.
From one end of the country to
the other there must inevitably
come discussion as to why the
Democrats can crowd so many
into their bano.uet halls with $100
a-plate contributions, while the
Republicans are so poverty
stricken that their national treas-1
urer, resigning recently, said the;
Republican campaign funds had
dwindled well nigh to the vanish
Ing point.
Where are the big Republican
contributors of yesterday? Are
they betting on the winning horse
—are they contributing to the
party in power which can bestow
real favors? One of the troubles
the big financial interests had
in the old days of Democratic
liberalism was that it wasn’t of
much help for them to give to
the Democratic Party. The Demo
crats of true liberalism never
yielded to the blandishments of
financial patronage. They dis
tributed, of course, a few political
offices to the “deserving Demo
crats” but they kept their hands
out of the Federal Treasury as
something really sacred. It was
Grover Cleveland, a Democratic
President, who said “public office
is a public trust." It was a Demo
cratic President, Woodrow Wilson,
who refund campaign contribu
tions from special interests.
Any Dollars Welcome.
Today anybody’s dollars are
welcome in the Democratic Party.
In a recently published biography.
John L. Lewis is quoted as having
said his unions paid in campaign
contribution $500,000 “cash on the
barrel” for passage of the Wagner
Labor Relations Act. He adds
that the price was fixed by FDR at
exactly that sum.
They had a “five per center” in
quiry in Washington not long ago,
but they tackled only 5 per cent
of the problem. They never in
quired into what benefits of gov
ernmental action are bestowed on
contributing unions or on the com
panies whose officers and direc
tors make the big contributions or
what happens to those Federal
officeholders who fail to put up
the $100 a plate when there’s a
political dinner.
The Democrats today are sitting
pretty—they have control of bil
lions of dollars of expenditures,
where the "wicked Republicans”
had only millions of Federal
money to spend on rivers and har
bors and reclamation. Due to
some streak of obstinacy, the Re
publicans, even as late as the
Hoover Administration, refused to
interpret the “general welfare”
clause of the Constitution to mean
that Federal bounties could be
handed out directly to the citizens.
The Republicans contented them
selves with such indirect bounties
as high tariffs, which they argued
were for the benefit of the em
ployment of the common man—
and labor unions agreed to that
concept.
The Republicans say they are
not a “me too” party. So appar
ently a decison to forsake the
rich and become the champions of
the poor could be significant and
wholesome. Anyway, the other
day a Senate committee report
showed there were more than
8,000,000 families and individuals
in America with less than $l,000-a
year cash income. Here certainly
is a lot of votes for some party.
(Reproduction Rights Reserved.)
DUE TO COLDS
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This Changing World
Spanish Government Denies Protestants
Are Deprived of Religious Freedom
By Constantine Brown
MADRID <By Airmail) .—The
Spanish government is convinced
that its present difficulties with
the American government are due
to the belief
that Spanish
Protestants are
being perse
cuted and de
prived of the
most elemen
t a r y religious
freedoms.
It is a fact
that there is a
strong belief to
this effect in
both the State
Department
and the United
[Nations. Span- Con.Lntlne Brown.
! ish government sources will put at
the disposal of all those who are
interested a Wealth of detailed in
formation tending to show that
the whole thing is nothing but a
canard, instigated either by fan
atics or by those who wish to
serve the interests of the Com
munists.
Proselyting Opposed.
It is true that Spanish Protes
tants are handicapped, but not so
much in the exercise of their reli
gion as in their proselyting activi
ties. In plain words, the Spanish
! government does not like Protes
tants to convert Catholics.
I To understand several incidents
[Which have occurred in the last
itwo years, it is necessary to re
member that Spain is the last
country in Europe where Catholi
cism is the state religion. Not only
is it now, but it has been so for
five centuries.
The acts of violence committed
by the Communists against the
Catholic church and its clergy dur
ing the civil war were so atrocious
that Spaniards today are drawn
even closer toward the church
than in the years preceding the
civil war. No Spanish government
dares to go against this deep feel
ing of its people.
Of the 25,000,000 persons who
inhabit this country there are be
tween 15,000 and 25,000 Protes
tants. Government sources claim
the former figure; Protestant
sources contend the latter.
An Anglican minister with
whom I spoke recently in Madrid
showed real concern over the “dis
torted facts” presented to the
world about the persecution of
Protestants.
“I, for one,” he said “have never j
experienced, in the many years I
have lived in this country, any
thing resembling persecution. I
am holding my services regularly.
It is true that I live in Madrid and
that my congregation is composed
almost exclusively of foreigners.” ■,
Outrages Over Country
A Methodist pastor who travels
about the country was more out
spoken. There have been a num
ber of outrages this year, he said,
and youths have attacked chapels
and smashed furniture.
A number of Protestant chapels,
along with the Catholic churches,
were clbsed by the Communists
during the civil war, according to
this Methodist clergyman, and 11
of them did not reopen imme
diately. This was because the
Catholic hierarchy, whose influ
ence with the government is
strong, urged those in power to
“go slow” in permitting the Prot
estants to resume activities.
Spanish authorities contend
that there are 211 Protestant
chapels, of which 138 are Angli
can, Evangelical and Presbyterian.
The rest represent all other Prot
estant denominations.
Foreign Protestants according I
to several pastors with whom this
reporter has spoken were in no
way interfered with.
Old Threadbare Issue
Anti-Fair Deal Movement Launched
With Byrnes In Dixiecrat Homestead
By Thomas L. Stokes
The new anti-Truman, anti
Fair Deal movement has been
launched formally in the South
at the Southern Governors Con
ference at Bi
loxi, Mississippi.
The scheme
is to take up
the mortgage
on the dilapi
dated Dixiecrat
homestead, re
paint the front
and the pillars,
set out some
honeysuckle
vines and mag
nolia trees, an4
make it an em
inently respect
able mansion by Thom« t- stoll,‘
installing in residence James F. j
Byrnes of South Carolina, whO|
enjoys considerable prestige from:
a long career as House member,
Senator, Supreme Court Justice,)
top civilian wartime aid to both)
Presidents Roosevelt and Truman
and Secretary of State under Mr.
Truman.
Anti-Fair Deal Forum.
The plan presumably is for Mr.
Byrnes, a legislative architect of:
the early Roosevelt New Deal, to
run for Governor of South Caro
lina next year to provide a forum
from which to direct the anti
Fair Deal campaign. Either that,
or perhaps to run Donald S. Rus
sell, Mr. Byrnes’ law partner and
protege, who is being groomed
in the Byrnes tradition.
The renovated Dixiecrat move
ment is directed, first, at strength
ening the Southern Democrat
Republican coalition in Congress
and creating a national bipart
isan anti-Fair Deal alliance and,
second, with particular reference
to the Democratic Party, to try
to check the Fair Deal forces at he
1952 Democratic National Conven
tion.
In what might be called his
“keynote speech’’ at Biloxi, the
former Truman associate—who
broke openly with the President in
early summer in his “road to
statism” commencement address
at Washington and Lee at Lexing
ton. Va.—indicated the tactics
and strategy of the new move
ment.
It will be pitched naturally
around the old threadbare issue
of States’ rights but on a high
philosophical plane — Jimmy
Byrnes, it is said, sees himself as
a sort of modern John C. Calhoun.
An effort will be made to play
down publicly the racism theme
of the Dixiecrat movement which
made that abortive affair so odious
to most people elsewhere and to
many people, also, in the South.
Mr. Byrnes avoided the racial
issue very carefully in sounding
the alarm at Biloxi.
. . Oil Interest in Background)' vt
An attempt will be made, like- [
wise, it is understood, to keep!
in the background the economic *
and financial interests, oil. util
ities, textiles and banks, which
exploited the Dixiecrat movement
for their purposes, as they have
perennially in other similar “re
volts” in the South, as anybody
who knows anything about the
South knows so well.
In this respect, it is perhaps
unfortunate for the pretty picture
that one of the principal agents
of this element turned up at
Biloxi. This is Leonard B. Perez,
wealthy oil man, attorney general
and undisputed political boss of
St. Bernard and Plaquemines Par
ishes in Louisiana. Owner of ex
tensive oil holdings in the delta,
he is fighting for State, instead
of Federal control of tidal oil
lands.
“States’ rights” too often has
been the means of depriving peo
ple of rights, both civil and eco
nomic, through the influence of
special Interests who were able to
work their will with weak State
governments which they wanted
to keep weak.
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Democratic Family Row
Anderson Ready To Challenge Openly
Brannan’s Right to Represent Farmer
By Doris Fleeson
The Truman administration’s
family quarrel on the farm front
is getting hotter.
Senator Clinton Anderson of
New Mexico,
former Truman
S e c r e tary of
Agriculture, is
about to chal
lenge openly
the right of his
successor. Sec
retary Bran
nan, to repre
sent the farm
er.
“Who Speaks
for Farmers?”
is the provoca
tive title the
Senator has Dori* r,ee,on
chosen for his speech, December
14, before the national convention
of the anti-Brannan American
Farm Bureau Federation. It will,
he admits, be a meaty address
and there is a considerable body
of evidence on file to show that
his answer will not be Charles
Brannan.
President Must Decide
But while Senator Anderson is
haranguing the hostile Federation
the President will be in Key West
putting together a State of the
Union message now said to include
the Brannan plan as an integral
part of the Fair Deal. What the
President will have to decide is
which Secretary, past or present,
has the greater pulling power in
the farm areas.
It is a vital question. The farm
States hold Democratic hopes for
increased Congressional strength
next year. In fact. Senator An
derson was chosen chairman of
the Senate'Campaign committee
by his colleagues last year on the
experience as .Sec
retary of Agriculture would be the
greatest possible help to them.
The Farm Bureau Federation
president, Allen Kline, is an Iowa
Republican who campaigned for
Governor Dewey and expected to
be his Secretary of Agriculture
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but did not carry his own State.
Now for the first time in years the
Federation failed to invite the
Secretary of Agriculture to ad
dress it.
Normally, this would be cam
paign meat for President Truman
but the defection of Senator
Anderson complicates matters.
Senator Anderson is understood
to feel that the Federation can do
more for Democrats in States like
Ohio, Indiana and Illinois than
the Brannan plan can.
Hope Row Can Be Settled.
Democrats still hope the quarrel
can be resolved. Senator Ander
son is popular and was once Mr.
Truman’s choice for National
Chairman or the Vice-Presidency.
But he chose to go home and run
for the Senate while Mr. Brannan
fought successfully for Mr. Tru
man in the farm States.
Senator Anderson's friends think
he did not get enough credit for
the department’s record. His
detractors say he was one of the
wrong guessers on Mr. Truman
and, hating himself, has made
Senator Brannan a scapegoat.
Certainly he has been consistently
anti-Brannan. There was for ex
ample a Krug-Brannan feud in
the background of Mr. Krug’s
resignation. Senator Anderson
lauded Secretary Krug as a per
haps too ardent supporter of re
clamation as if Secretary Brannan
were not also pro-reclamation.
Senator Anderson frankly does
not believe the Brannan plan is
or should be made the test of the
Democratic farm record. Demo
crats steadily raised farm income
through the years, he argues, and
last spring cured the farmers’
two complaints against the 80th
Congress, which were lack of stor
age facilities and the Aiken slid
ing scale of price supports. As
matters stand, he asserts, Demo
crats can campaign with great
confidence in farm areas.
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McLemore—
Defends A. & P.,
His Alma Mater
By Henry McLemore
As to whether the Government
is prosecuting or persecuting the
A&P grocery chain is something
for the courts to decide, but as
an alumnus of
this chain I
feel impelled to
say a few words
in defense of
my alma mater.
I won my
varsity apron
as a clerk for
this chain at
an early age.
and I never
pass one of its
stores without
feeling as I
imagine a Gro
ton Or an And- Hcnry McLemore
over graduate does when he
strolls by one of his old school
buildings.
I shall never forget the first
customer I waited on. I was
about fourteen then, and worked
Friday and Saturdays. A woman
came in and asked for a bottle
of ketchup, which was on a shelf
out of my reach. I picked up the
device with which boxes of cereah
and the like are lifted from top!
shelves, and grabbed a bottle of
ketchup with it. It held onto
the ketchup just long enough to
get it directly above the woman’s
head and then dropped it.
Mammoth Shrimp Cocktail.
Either the customer’s head was
too hard, or the bottle was poorly
made, because the bottle broke
on contact and the lady suddenly;
took on the appearance of a mam- j
moth shrimp cocktail. I expected
to be fired but I wasn't. But I
drew punishment from the man
ager. From then on out it would
be my job on Saturday nights to
dress the windows after closing,
and closing time in those days
was eleven o'clock.
It didn’t, take me long to be
come the world’s fastest and worst
wmdow dresser. At first I went to
a great deal of pains, stocking up
canned goods in fancy pyramids,
ana decorating them with stream
ers of crepe-paper ribbon.
But that sort of window dressing
was tiresome and took a long time.
Within three Saturday nights I
had devised a window which, to
this day, cannot be excelled for
unattractiveness and minimum of
labor involved. It consisted of two
or three dozen brooms and mops
propped up by stacks of boxes of
corn flakes. Once in a while, just
to show I wasn’t in a rut, I would j
scatter bars of laundry soap about.
Nearly Broke My Heart.
When I was a senior in high
school, I still was working for the
store, which meant I couldn’t get
out on Saturday nights. At the
time this nearly broke my heart
because I was madly in love with
a girl, and I used to cry among my
brooms, mops, and com flakes at
the thought of her being out at
Saturday night dances with my
deadly rival.
He finally won her for his own.
and I saw them a few years ago
for the first .time since they had
been married. One look at her and
I felt like dropping to my knees
and thanking Heaven that the
A&P had given me a job which
disrupted my courtship. She had
a face like a Saturday Special, and
my former rival looked as down
trodden as a Henry Wallace sup
porter.
It would be nice if I were able
to make this a real Horatio Alger
tale, with me moving from junior
clerk to manager, and finally
changing my name to Hartford
and owning the whole shebang.
But the truth is I was fired. I ate
so much of the store’s goods for
free that there came a day when
my apron would no longer fit me,
and I had to go.
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