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fretting With Sunday Morning Edition. _W A S H I N C T O N, D. C. Published by The Evening Star Newspaper Company. SAMUEL H. KAUFFMANN, President. B. M. MeKELWAY, Editor. MAIN OFFICE: 11th St. and Pennsylvania Ave. NEW YORK OFFICE: 110 East 42d St. CHICAGO OFFICE: 435 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier. Evening and Sunday Evening Sunday Monthly -1.20* Monthly _90c 10c per copy Weekly -30c Weekly _20c 10c per copy *10c additional when 5 Sundays are In a month. Also 10c additional for Night Final Edition. Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States Evening and Sunday Evening Sunday 1 year .......18.00 1 year ...11.50 1 year ... 7.50 6 months _ 9.50 6 months_6.00 6 months .. 4.00 1 month _1.60 1 month 1.10 1 Month__ 70c Telephone STerling 5000 Entered at the Post Office, Washington, D. C. os second-class mall matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press Is entitled exclusively to the use for republication of all the local news printed in this newspaper as well as all A. P. news dispatches. A—12MONDAY, April 3, 1950 A Drastic Anti-Gambling Bill Attorney General McGrath’s proposal for a limited ban on interstate transportation of slot machines of the payoff type undoubtedly would be helpful in one sector of the war on organized gambling. But the legislation he recommends for a broad Federal attack on Nation-wide gambling syndicates is bound to encounter a storm of op position because of its far-reaching implications. Most law-abiding citizens will approve the proposal to outlaw shipment of “one-arm bandit” devices and similar gambling slot machines into States where they are illegal. A Federal ban, limited to such shipments, would be welcomed by State and county law enforcement authori ties in the areas covered. However, the reaction of a great many law-abiding citizens would not be so favorable to Mr. McGrath’s drastic pro posal for a Federal law against interstate trans mission of gambling “information.” The suggested bill defines gambling infor mation as: “Bets or wagers or related informa tion assisting in the placing of bets or wagers on any sporting event or contest, or transactions of information facilitating betting or wagering activities in any sporting event or contest.” The Department of Justice says the term “sporting event or contest” is intended to apply to the “prevalent organized wagering on football, base ball and basketball games.” Radio and television stations would be required to wait at least an hour before broadcasting the results of any horse race. Well-intentioned as such legislation may be, it would inevitably lead to enforcement complica tions of serious nature. The hour-delay rule against television or radio broadcasting of “gambling information” could be construed as precluding the broadcasting of the finish of horse races. If so construed, the ban would bring a howl from the millions of non-betting race fans. The radio stations would have a dis tinct advantage over television stations, too, for they could broadcast recordings containing all the color and excitement of the original event. Television, however, would have to rely on films for a rebroadcast, and films are never so realis tic to the TV fan as the “live” broadcasts direct from the track. The purpose of the one-hour delay, accord ing to the Attorney General, is to eliminate radio and television broadcasts as means of circum venting the ban on transmission of information useful to gamblers. The racketeers would prob ably find a way to readjust their operations to the delayed-broadcast arrangement, however. The question arises whether law enforcement would be benefited enough by this scheme to justify the wholesale disadvantages that would accrue for race lovers generally. Moreover, the language of the bill respecting “related informa tion assisting in the placing of bets or wagers on any sporting event or contest” is so broad as to cover almost any detailed news about any sports contest—including condition of the track or names of jockeys at a race, choice of pitchers at a baseball game or starting lineups for base ball, football or basketball games. Congress would do well to give the “gambling informa tion” bill a searching scrutiny if it should come up for hearings. Enter the Census Taker With most of the quirks ironed out in Sat urday’s shake-down run, a small army of census takers today will resume their house-to-house canvass in Washington and its neighboring communities. The first day’s experience indicates that this survey, just one small segment of the decennial census of the United States, will progress smoothly. During approximately the next two weeks, however, every place of residence will be visited, and it is important that every member of the community co-operate with the census taker. He is not asking questions for the fun of it, or to make a nuisance of himself. The infor mation to be assembled is of vital importance in dealing with the multiplicity of problems which arise in our complex society. Further more, the entire job is going to cost the tax payers about $90 million. They ought to be anxious to co-operate, if for no other reason than to be sure they get their money’s worth. Mr. McCarthy and Immunity On February 20, during the course of his long Senate speech opening his attack on alleged Communists and fellow-travelers in the State Department, Senator McCarthy twice re ferred to his congressional immunity and declared he would never hide behind it to escape possible lawsuits for libel. Thus, on page 2043 of the Congressional Record for that day, he is quoted as follows: “I will not say anything on the Senate floor which I will not say off the floor. On the day when I take advantage of the security we have on the Senate floor, on that day I will resign from the Senate. Anything I say on the floor of the Senate at any time will be repeated off the floor.” Later on, on page 2062, the Record reports him as emphasizing his point with these words: “. . . when the day comes that I ever say anything on the floor of the Senate which I will not be willing to state off the floor of the Senate, on that day I will resign from the Senate.” It is interesting to recall these words in connection with Mr. McCarthy’s all-out assault last week on Owen Lattimore, whose legal rep resentatives have already threatened suit. They make pointed reading, too, in connection with the case of Haldore Hanson, who has challenged the Wisconsin Senator to repeat, in straightforward language and without benefit of congressional immunity, his charge that he, Mr. Hanson, has “pro-Communist proclivities” and is a State Department official with “a mission to Communize the world.” Further developments, if any, will be awaited with much interest. Implementing Atlantic Defense Another important step towards implement ing the North Atlantic Treaty has just been achieved. The Defense Committee, consisting of the Defense Ministers of all twelve signatories and meeting at the Netherlands capital, the Hague, unanimously approved the integrated strategic plan recommended by their Chiefs of Staff to counter any Soviet aggression against the Western world. Although, for obvious security reasons, the plan itself is not made public, qualified analysts agree that the logical division of labor would assign strategic bombing to the United States, naval action jointly to America ^ and Britain, tactical bombing and air defense to Britain and France, and initial ground defense to the con tinental members, especially France. In this con nection it should be remembered that the flow of war material from the United States to strengthen European military establishments is already under way. The Committee’s communique, voiced by its Chairman, Defense Secretary Louis Johnson, indicates that, besides considering and adopting the strategic plan itself, the conference discussed cognate problems of finance, production and supply which are entailed. Economic factors must be carefully weighed if the burdens laid upon the respective national economies are to be fairly and realistically apportioned. Those matters are now to be passed on to the Finance and Economic Committee for its consideration and implementation. Thus the North Atlantic Treaty, signed here in Washington just a year ago tomorrow, is mov ing steadily towards the goals laid down in principle in that historic document. This spade work is going forward on at least four levels. At the top is the North Atlantic Council, composed of Foreign Ministers, which makes high policy. Then comes the Defense Committee, charged with drawing up unified defense plans. The tech nical phases are handled by the Military Com mittee, composed of chiefs of staff. Finally, there is the standing group of staff experts which functions as a permanent body in Wash ington to “integrate” data submitted by mem ber countries. ' Judged by its results thus far, this complex yet well co-ordinated machinery is working smoothly and satisfactorily. As Secretary Johnson defines the objectives, they are: First, “to de ter aggression; second, to defend ourselves; and, finally, to defeat an aggressor if he forces war upon us.” Mr. Baruch on "Waging Peace" In his address to the Naval War College at Newport, Bernard M. Baruch has re-stated with great vigor, and with added detail, what has long been a pet idea of his. It is a basically good idea. The heart of it is that while we strive unremittingly for peace, we should at the same time have on tap—on a stand-by, “ready-to-go” basis—an over-all mobilization plan that could be put into motion without a moment’s delay should the cold war suddenly become hot. To begin with, in order to “wage peace” as effectively as possible, Mr. Baruch would re organize the National Security Council. At pres ent the council, which is headed by the President, is a kind of ex-officio group made up of cabinet members and key military, diplomatic and eco nomic officials who are already overworked in carrying out their regular day-to-day duties. What he proposes is that this organization should be enlarged by the appointment of a non-partisan staff of experts—directed by a man of General Marshall’s caliber—who would give continuous, full-time attention to the task of working out global strategy aimed at winning the cold war before it explodes into an armed conflict. But more than that is needed, according to Mr. Baruch. In his opinion, it is imperative that Congress should promptly enact legislation to pave the way for a stand-by mobilization plan. What he has in mind is a setup under which, in case of war, we would not have to spend a couple of years getting ready to fight on an all-out scale—a time lag that would be of immense value to the enemy. To prevent such a lag, he would formulate in advance—now, right away—a pro gram that would go into instant operation when, as and if the President and the Senate and House jointly proclaimed that it should go into opera tion. Considerable planning along these lines has already been carried out by the National Security Resources Board, whose excellent new chairman, outgoing Air Secretary W. Stuart Symington,-can be counted upon to press for further action. But Mr. Baruch has long since made it clear that in his judgment the NSRB, together with the Na tional Security Council, cannot do an adequate job unless there is legislation providing for “ready-to-go” mobilization and unless the NSC is broadened to include “a GHQ staff for peace.” As far as details are concerned, all this may be challengeable in many respects. Nevertheless, whatever its shortcomings, it is fundamentally too sound to be brushed aside. It deserves care ful study. If something like it were put into effect, Russia—which, as Mr. Baruch says, cannot even come close to matching our mobilized ca pacity for a protracted struggle—would have a tremendously compelling reason to think long and hard before embarking on any new adventure likely to precipitate a hot war. Ho-Hum Department The heady and unaccustomed joys of mark ing a ballot are given an added fillip for District residents by the presence of a blank for indi cating “Don’t Care.” Other citizens of the re public may be enfranchised, but the only way they can register their indifference is by staying away from the polls. It makes us seem a tolerant, jaunty lot, not bound by the rigid con siderations of “yes" and “no,” allowing not only for an honest difference of opinion, but also for an officially unconcealed yawn. The issue at hand is not exactly a critical one—even the cows admit that one hour of daylight more or less is not a matter of life and death—but it is just possible that this little plebiscite may start something. Think of the great upsurge of interest if on ballots in other parts of the country, where the jaded citizens vote all the time, there could be a line, after the candidates’ names, reading, “Find nobody above worthy of office—just exercising franchise.” It would humble the victors, comfort the losers and give the voter a chance to show what a choosy fellow he really is. With Our Aid, Europe Is No Pushover IThe B-36—guardian I of an uneasy peace. I By Alan Moorehead How does the problem of the defense of Western Europe look to the Euro peans themselves? Here is the last of three articles pn this Question, re printed from the Observer of London. Preceding articles appeared here Friday and Saturday. A REMARKABLE change overtook the European 'defense scene in the spring of 1949. One might regard the present situation as critical, but it is nothing compared to what was happen ing then. Britain, Prance and Holland were all engaged in colonial wars. The Berlin airlift was a touch-and-go affair and its failure would have precipitated a crisis in Germany. There was another war in Greece. Tito was being slowly strangled by the Soviet blockade. America was committed to nothing beyond Marshall aid. An atmosphere of fatalism and inertia spread westward from Germany across all Europe. Now, in the spring of 1950, the Greek and Indonesian wars are over and the Dutch troops are returning home. The Berlin blockade collapsed and a Western German government is established at Bonn. Tito is being rescued by Amer ican supplies. Marshall aid has pumped another year’s economic life-blood into the 200 million people of Western Europe. Allied steel production has risen to 40 million tons, which is a third more than that of Russia and her satellites. Add to this the United States’ 90 million tons and you get a capacity four times that of Russia. The figures for oil are even more striking. More important than all this, the At lantic pact has been signed, making it clear that if the Russians attack in Europe they will be involved also In war with the United States. The United States, in fact, has taken the place occupied by Britain before the last war in guaranteeing and stiffening the resistance of the West. As an ear nest of this she signed a series of agree ments in January this year by which she undertook to dispatch a billion dollars’ worth of arms and money to Europe. Those arms are arriving now. They are not the latest type of arms, and their total value is not more than one-sixth of what the European Allies are spend ing on their own defense budgets. (Britain, indeed, asked for very little: an initial force of 70 B-29 bombers, some machine tools and raw materials.) But this gift makes a vital difference to the continent, where there were practically no modern arms even for training. None of this really restores the balance of power, since Russia’s armed forces far exceed those of the rest of the world and are likely to do so for some years to come. For defense purposes, it must be assumed that Russia is determined upon the Marxist conquest of the world and will listen to no compromise. But one thing at least has become apparent in the past 12 months, largely through the experience of the Berlin airlift—Russia will not precipitate a world war at this time. Where she meets determined opposition, she will retire in favor of continuing her infiltration in other ways and in other places. Where the Allies have clearly drawn a line from which they will not retreat, there is no immedi ate likelihood of Russian attack. Such a line has now been drawn from Lubeck on the Baltic to Trieste on the Mediterranean, where 10,000 British and American troops are in garrison. Where the line is not so clear—and where it will have to be made clear within the next year or two—is in the Middle East. Pakistan, India. Burma, Malaya and Indo-Chlna. Ironically, part of the present quietude in Europe—this lull within the continuing crisis—is due to the fact that there may still be oppor tunities for the Russians to advance in those countries without bringing on a major war. Despite its immense size, the Red Army is still a defensive army. It does not have the overwhelming offensive superiority of the Nazis in 1940. Where as the Nazis were often far ahead in industrial efficiency, the Russians are still fgr behind. In the air they might be able to launch a series of raids upon America across the Pole, but they could not sustain an offensive. Nor can they, with so little experience, hope to match the Western navies. In their initial strike the Russians might succeed if they attacked now. and this would be a disaster for Europe. But it would not win the war against America. And it would mean, perhaps within the first few days of the opening of hostilities, the destruction by bombing of all Russia’s major oil fields and her industrial plants beyond the Urals. One is left then with the possibility of at least several years of uneasy peace in Europe, while the Russians, believing fanatically that capitalism must collapse of itself in the end, attempt to maneuver themselves into more favorable positions elsewhere. Unless some miracle happens to change their ideas or ours, the pros pect before us is to go on steadily arm ing ourselves in the belief that only by being stronger than the Russians can we deter them from open war. (Observer Foreien News Service.) World Copyrlcht Reserved. Letters to The Star . . . A pseudonym is permissible only when letter carries correct name and address of writer. Please be brief. Federal Job Insecurity Contrary to the view expressed by “Government Employe” in a letter to The Star, the insecurity of tenure for employes in the Federal Civil Service has not been changed one iota by the court decision in the Dorothy Bailey case. Despite numerous unjust dismis sals from the Civil Service, dating from the remote past to the present, the im pression that an employe in that service has a stranglehold on his job is wide spread and persistent. But the courts ruled long ago that the Government is under no obligation to retain an employe who is no longer wanted. An official who wishes to fire an em ploye for a personal or political reason has only to say that the position has been abolished because there is no longer any work in it. Then the poor victim who tries to prove that his boss is wrong might as well butt his head against the Washington Monument. The sooner all employes realize that the easy state ment, “We don’t need you any longer” is enough to sever the thin thread by which they are attached to their jobs, the better. George Frederick Miller. ★ * Harold J. Laski Power politics has made it indispen sable for the human mind to express it self freely and without fear. Commu nism and anti-communism are developing into rigid dogmatic forms. The more violent the attachment to either one of these dogmas, the more realistic, safer and practical one is in the world of to day., Intellectual subservience rather than intellectual integrity has become the yardstick of success and recognition. Liberalism today stands on the defensive. The militancy with which it has affirmed itself in the 19th and early 20th cen turies is beginning to lose its elan vital and doing its utmost to .integrate itself into the patterns of power relations. While mankind is subjected to such mobilization, few leaders and political thinkers in the world have taken upon themselves the responsibilities of the ob jective outlook in liberating the mind from being attracted to the precepts of power. Harold Laski was one of them. He represented the potential ideological struggle that the peoples of the world are yearning for. He did not, however, seek to reflect the moods of the day. Men of his caliber never made headlines. How ever, they have always made a great im pact on history. Laski was an interpreter of modem times. He recognized the evils and he spotted the sources of these evils. He undoubtedly was a severe critic of big business, of dogma and of determinism - He recognized the human fabric is but the process of adjustment and readjust ment to new conditions arising from the forces of innovation and renaissance. His passionate attachment to socialism in many instances colored his criticism of the United States and the Soviet Union. Europe to him was a link which would allow mankind a pause and an atmosphere for clear thinking in this momentous period of history. *■ Laski’s death is unfortunate and will be grieved by all his admirers and even by those who saw in him a formidable foe. Clovis McSoad. * * / Please explain: Can a person be a definite Marxist and not a Communist? Prom my standpoint your description of Laski’s political belief is rather hair splitting. W. J. Henry. * * Guns as Children's Toys The local press the other day earried accounts of a housewife accidentally killed by a neighbor’s child, who found a loaded revolver on the table and pulled the trigger. The report states that the child was never allowed to play with dangerous weapons, only with toy guns! But how is a child of five to distinguish between the make-believe and the real? If children are given toy guns, allowed to point them at others and pretend to shoot, is it surprising that they should do the same thing with real guns when they find them? This Washington tragedy is not an isolated case. Hardly a week passes without notice that somewhere in the country some one has been injured by a loaded gun in the hands of a child. And every day in every city little children play gun games , and shoot each other with toy pistols. Is it surprising that from time to time there are real trage dies? Is it surprising that some of these children when they grow older are still influenced by these gun games, and that the crime rate among juveniles and young persons is so high? In order to prevent these tragic acci dents. and in order to lessen future tragedies that may not be accidental, would it not be well to give more thought to the kind of entertainment and the kind of toys provided for children? i Ethel M. Johnson. * * 'Oedipus' Critique I arise on a point of chronological or der to denounce again the tiresome su perstition that the ancient Greeks and Romans were theatrically superior (or even equal) to us—meaning us of the 20th century. The occasion for this new outburst is some snide remarks heard and overheard pursuant to Catholic University’s slightly Smithfleldian rendition of “Oedipus Rex.” Fully aware that I am but a voice crying in the wilderness of intellectual “fuddy-dudism,” I never the less exercise my inalienable American prerogative of swinging aboard my spavined Rosinante and charging full tilt into the fray. I will go unequivocably on record as saying that C. U.’s “Oedipus” was a bet ter performance of Sophocles' psycho pathic melange than any witnessed by Socrates, Plato and Aristotle. Furthermore, I am convinced that Sophocles could take lessons in drama writing from Eugene O’Neill and Elmer Rice. I’ll bet a handful of silver dollars against a plugged mina (1' 60th of a taleift according to Webster) that there are a half dozen Washingtonians who could have written a more professional sounding play on the subject. Glno J. Simi. * * You Can't Question Senators Under threat of a libel suit. Senator McCarthy has been challenged to call names outside of the halls of Congress. Possibly a lot of folks have overlooked Sec. 6 of the Constitution, which reads: “Senators and Representatives shall in all cases . . be privileged from arrest ... for any speech or debate in either House . . . They shall not be questioned in any other place.” Gridley Adams. New York, N. Y. This and That . . . By Charles E. Tracewell “18th STREET. “Dear Sir: “One of your correspondents asked for an explanation of the battle royal which took place in the barnyard of his farm home in the State of Michigan many years ago when 20 or 30 turkey gobblers ganged up on one lone member of the flock and had him hors de combat. “Explanation of this gangland fight is simply that the big gobbler was an in truder, a wild member of the feathery tribe that strayed into the barnyard, bent on coaxing a hen of his fancy to desert the flock and follow him to the woods and mountains where the acorns, chestnuts and other turkey foods were plentiful and where they would be free to roam without restraint. “I saw it happen many times during my hunting days, when camping in the woods or staying with friends on a farm during the open season for hunting. The wild species of turkey would wander near the farm and its tame flock, trying to entice one of the hens to join him, but seldom ever mixing with the others, al ways ready to escape and make a quick getaway. * * “The wild turkey has difficulty in rising to wing from level ground; he is usually found in the side of a hill or mountain top, where he can get a run ning start, and sail downward; his flights are not long, not more than a mile; he then wanders back to the heights; is found mostly in wooded country, seldom in a field, unless trees and woods are close by. “Had your correspondent known the difference in coloring of the wild from the tpme species, he would most likely have figured the cause of the disturbance and fight within his home folks. "Points of distinction are: "Head of the wild turkey is blue, the tame one red. Legs of the wild turkey are red, the tame one black. Feathers of the wild turkey are bronze, the tame one black. “The above points of difference are very decided, and cannot be mistaken. "Sincerely yours, W. M. M.” * * “ARLINGTON. Va. "Dear Sir: "The account of younger gobblers ganging up on a big one brings to mind a similar incident. "I was on a log in the big cypress of Florida, where the turkeys at that tinm> were plentiful. Two big gobblers walked out of a thicket into a small clearing about 40 feet from me. I raised my rifle and shot one through the l>ead. “As he fell floundering around on the ground, the other gobbler immediately jumped him, spurring and pecking with all he had. "As I was using soft point bullets I dared not shoot him in the body as there wouldn’t be much turkey left. "In my effort to strike his bobbing head or neck I wasted the other five shots I had in the magazine. “The battling gobbler was so intent on finishing the job of his apparent rival that my shots never disturbed him one instant. "I reloaded, bided my time and when his head was momentarily at rest I stopped his ferocious attack on his fallen rival. “Sincerely yours, J. B. C.” * * The above letter also contained the following, showing how Mr. C. converted himself from a hunter into a conversa tionist: “I grew up in a State where, as a young chap, it never occurred to me that the vast amount of game of all type could ever diminish. “As I grew older, with the advent of man’s perfected arms and ammunition, and automobiles, I awoke to the realiza tion one day that at the rate we were going, soon all game and wild life would go the way of the passenger pigeon. “I was so shocked to realize this un happy state of affairs, though I had been an ardent hunter and sportsman for years, I disposed of my guns and dogs and vowed I would never again kill any thing wild for any purpose. “Since that time I have never lost an opportunity to contribute in some way, however small, to the preservation of our wild life. “I enjoy these efforts and the quiet study and observance of the birds and squirrels in my neighborhood to a much greater degree than their destruction of former days.” We take pleasure in printing these tributes from* former hunters to the charm and interest of home observation of wild things, our brothers and sisters in fur and feathers. It is better to corns to this realization late than never. Parachute-Boat Used At Supersonic Speed Detachable Cockpit Insulated And Pressurized for Escape By Thomas R. Henry A parachute-boat for escape from high-altitude planes moving at super sonic speeds has been developed by the Navy. After more than two years of work by scientists of the Navy Bureau of Aero nautics preliminary tests indicate that this vehicle is entirely practical and flight tests will be carried out in a few months at the Navy's ordnance test sta tion at Inyokern. Calif. It is a detachable cockpit built in the shape of a pea-pod. It is completely en closed. pressurised and insulated. A pilot using it to get free of his craft will be dropped safely from a very high altitude where the thin atmosphere and extreme cold kill very quickly. This capsule cockpit is blown from the plane when the pilot pulls a release lever Three stabilising fins prevent the device from tumbling and a large, automatical^ opening parachute drops it to earth. In flight the capsule is clamped to th* fuselage. It carries all normal cockp: instruments and controls. When th lever is pulled a jet-assistance propul sion unit—of the same type attached tc planes to get greater take-off power builds up enough pressure to release th clamps holding the capsule, disconnec all electrical wiring and mechanical linkages, extend the tail fins, and throw the chamber free of the plane. Capsule Also Floated Down. It is shot forward in level flight. As the forward speed decreases, the stabi lizing fins become less effective. Then a small parachute is automatically re leased. This, in turn, releases a large parachute which carries the capsule safely to earth. In case the main parachute doesn't work, the pilot can slide open an over head canopy, jump out. and pull the cord of his own parachute. When the cockpit capsule lands at sea the main parachute is automatically thrown off and an automatic device si multaneously lowers the plane’s sealed battery into the water. The battery acts as a stabilizer by lowering the capsule’s center of gravity and also permits the pilot to use his radio to direct rescue operations. Survival gear and emergency rations are provided for landings in un inhabited and dangerous areas. The cockpit floats on water and thus can serve as a boat for pilots ejected over the ocean. Pilots of low-flying planes who are forced to crash-land at sea can separate the unit from the rest of the fuselage and float away while the plane itself sinks. The "flying banana’’ soon will be in troduced into air rescue operations. It is a curiously shaped helicopter with a combination of wheels, floats and skis in its landing gear. It is devised to land anywhere on earth — snow, ice, water, tundra, marsh or land. “Flying Banana” far Rescues. One of these craft has been ordered for the Air Force and will be tested as soon as possible. A hydraulically operated swivel hoist installed at the rear of the pilot’s com partment allows as many as twelve litter patients to be swung into the cabin through a large sliding door on the right side of the fuselage. There are seats for two medical attendants. This helicopter looks like an enormous banana in flight. It has two 44-foot three-bladed rotors, one mounted at each end of the fuselage. The arrangement, with its large center of gravity range, reduces loading and balancing problems which exist in single-rotor helicopters. The entire craft is 54 feet long and 15 feet high. Its cabin is 20 feet long and 5 feet, 6 inches high and wide, per mitting a reasonable amount of elbow room for the medical attendants. Th$ flying banana has been designed primarily for Arctic use. Its "omniphl bious” landing gear, however, will enable it to be used for rescues from the open sea, from ice pack, desert or marshy jungle. Questions and Answers A reader can get the answer to any question ef fact by writing The Evening Star Informa tion Bureau. 1200 Eye street N.W . Waihlng ton S. D C Please inclose 3 cents for return Dcstage , By THE HA SKIN SERVICE. Q. Which is the most distant of United States possessions?—E. O. R. A. The island of Guam, in the Pacific Ocean 5,053 nautical miles west of 8an Francisco, is the most distant of United States possessions. Q. Approximately how many people are insured against hospital and sur gical expenses?—N. N. D. A. Over 60 million persons have hos pital expense coverage and 34 million surgical expense coverage. Many per sons hold both types of policy. Q. What is the interest rate that is paid on United States Savings Bonds, Series E, at various periods?—W. A. N. A. The Interest is small at first but gradually becomes higher. For the first year it is .67 per cent; 2'/2 to 3 years, 1 per cent; 3>/2-4 years, 1*6 per cent; 6‘/2-7 years. 2.12 per cent; 7^-8 years^ 2.45 per cent. If the bonds are held lot 10 years the rate of interest is 2.90 ped cent. Q. Are the members of Congress td have new desks?—E. M. A. The architect’s office at the Capitol says that the desks In the House cham ber are not to be changed. In the Senate there will be chairs, not desks, and no contract has been awarded as yet for the furnishing of these chairs. Q. In the firing of naval guns, what is the difference between a broadside and a salvo?—B. B. A. A broadside is a discharge from all the large guns of a ship that can point on one side. A salvo is a discharge from more than one gun, but not necessarily all of them. No Sweeter Fragrance My line of clothes, like banners, Have dried in morning air; They faintly hint of soap suds And blossoms from the pear. The table cloths and linens Whiff perfume to my nose. There is no sweeter fragrance Than scent of laundered clothes. 1 Tonight my pillow cases Will smell of cherry bloom; , The very breath of April Will linger in my room. The snowy sheets and blankets Hold sunshine in each thread. The fragrant kiss of springtime Will bless me in my bed. CATHARINE WMS. DEAVER.