Newspaper Page Text
®)c petting Jftaf
With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D. C. Published by Tha Evening Star Newspaper Company. SAMUEL H. KAUFFMANN, President. B. M. McKELWAY, Editor. MAIN OFFICE: 11th St. and Pennsylvania Avo. NEW YORK OFFICE: 27Q Madison Ave. CHICAGO OFFICE: 435 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier* Evening and Sunday Evening Sunday Monthly -1.20* Monthly 90c 10c per copy Weekly -30o Weekly .. 20c 10c per copy *10c additional when 5 Sundays ore in o month. Also 10c additional far Night Final Edition. Kates by Mail—Payable in Advance. Anywhere in United States Evening and Sunday Evening Sunday t year -18.00 1 year _11.30 1 year _7.50 4 nibnths __ 9.50 6 months_ 6.00 6 months_4.00 month --1.60 1 month __1.10 1 Month_ 70c Telephone STerling 5000 Entered at the Post Office, Washington, D. C. os second-class mail matter. Member of the Associated Press. The Associated Press is entitled exclusively to the use for eepublication of all the local news printed in this newspaper os well as all A. P. news dispatches. d—6MONDAY, May 79, 1»S0 N Pentagon Fare Problem The Pentagon bus fare situation is getting more and more complicated. With two Virginia buslines and the Capital Transit Company petitioning the Interstate Commerce Commission for 15-cent fares for Pentagon service, the possi bility of a fare as high as 30 cents for the short trip across the river is presented. It would be manifestly absurd to charge Pentagon employes that much for so little mileage. For 30 cents one can ride to Falls Church, Virginia. For 13 cents Capital Transit buses will carry a passenger from downtown Washington to Chevy Chase Circle. Yet, because of the lack of free transfer arrangements between the Virginia and District buslines, a Pentagon ride involving use of Capital Transit facilities calls for payment of fares to two companies. The question of how much fare each line ahould receive for its share of the ride is a puzzling one that has resulted in numerous hearings and in litigation. During the war the problem was simplfied by having Capital Transit buses extend service direct to the Pentagon. This emergency arrangement was ordered by the ICC as a wartime measure, to be dropped when the emergency was over. But the ICC has been very reluctant to declare the emergency at an end. Although Capital Transit has withdrawn its lines to this side of the Potomac River, it is still required by the ICC to furnish part-way transportation at reduced rates to Pentagon employes. This is done under a joint-fare plan, whereby Capital Transit supplies transportation inside the District for only 7 cents and the Virginia bus then collects 9 cents for the re mainder of the trip. The trouble with this scheme is that it is discriminatory. It, in effect, forces other passen gers to share the cost of carrying Pentagon passengers at the cut rate. So both Virginia bus companies serving the Pentagon and the Capital Transit Company have asked the ICC to raise the fare for each part of the intercity ride to 15 cents. In view of the protection which the ICC has afforded Government employes in the past, it is very unlikely that a fare as high as 30 cents will be approved. Yet to order any lower rate would be to favor Pentagon employes over any other class of intrastate passengers. The problem will remain acute as long as passengers are required to use two buslines to travel between their homes in Washington and the Penatgon. This is a matter worth study by a Metropolitan Area commission of the type advocated by Representative Sasscer of Maryland. The Penta gon fare controversy should not be allowed to drag along indefinitely. Mr. Acheson's Good Work Secretary of State Dean Acheson well de serves the warm compliments he received from President Truman on his return here from his highly significant and fruitful conferences with the Foreign Ministers of Britain, France and all the other members of the 12-nation Atlantic Pact. When he went abroad three weeks ago, the free world seemed to be more or less in a muddle and dither over how to strengthen and unify Itself to cope with the Soviet threat in cold-war theaters as widely separated as Southeast Asia, the Middle East and Western Europe. But today, as a result of the historic London talks, there is little evidence of confusion or of a seriously mixed-up sense of direction. Instead, there is good reason to believe, as Mr. Acheson has ob served, that “a solid achievement” has been scored in making concrete progress toward the formation of a really formidable common front by all the nations concerned—a front whose Immense moral and material resources, properly co-ordinated, can overwhelmingly outweigh the Kremlin in the International balance of power. Much of the credit for this must go to Mr. Acheson. As our Secretary of State—represent ing the greatest power in the free world—he was the key man among the Foreign Ministers in London. As such, his responsibilities were excep tionally heavy. He himself will report on how he has handled his task when he speaks Wednes day both to the Nation at large and to an extraordinary joint session of the Senate and House in the auditorium of the Library of Con gress. Meanwhile, on the basis of decisions already announced in connection with improving the machinery of the Atlantic Pact and dealing with problems like the situation in Germany and Indo-China, there can be little doubt that his trip abroad has done much to weld the non Soviet nations closer together in a way calculated to restrain the Kren^in and promote an endur ing peace. Accordingly, the Nation as a whole has rea son to join the President in complimenting Mr. Acheson. Despite the inexcusable attacks on him by demagogues, he has demonstrated once again his statesmanlike stature. It is a stature that dwarfs the people snarling and snapping at him. Make It Instantly Available The overwhelming vote by the House for a stand-by draft plan is a reassuring sign of congressional determination to keep our defenses alerted in the continuing cold war. It is un fortunate, however, that the House saw fit to place a restriction on the measure that would limit its usefulness in a sudden emergency. Under the bill as passed by the House the registration of potential draftees would continue for another two years. But no men could be called into active service until Congress authorized such Inductions. In an atomic age, when an attack in all probability would come without warning and with devastating intensity, it is risky to interpose any obstacles, even of temporary nature, in the way of quick mobiliza tion of manpower. If Congress should not happen to be in session at the time of an attack, a serious delay might develop in starting the selective service machinery into action. If transportation facilities were disrupted, the convening of Congress might take a lot longer than ordinarily is required. The Senate ought to give more consideration to the recommendations of the military experts than the House did. If the Senate follows the advice of the Joint Chiefs of Staff it will eliminate the proviso for specific congressional authorization of inductions. Unless this restric tion is lifted, the stand-by draft might be forced to stand by too long in some future crisis. Israel, the Arabs and Arms Although it has a general bearing on the problem of strengthening the security of the Middle East in the cold war, the Anglo-French American agreement on arms shipments to that part of the world seems mainly designed to harmonize Western policies so as to meet the military needs of Israel and the Arab states and at the same time ease tensions and suspicions among those countries. The policies have been at odds in the past, particularly in the case of Britain and the United States. Thus, while we have maintained a vir tual embargo on arms to Israel, the British—who have been obligated by treaties to do so—have been supplying the Arabs with considerable quantities of munitions. The Israeli government has protested bitterly against these shipments, and our own Government has complained that they have been excessive. The new agreement is aimed at satisfying all parties concerned. Recognizing that Israel and the Arab countries need to maintain a minimum of armed forces to insure their in ternal security, to be safe against external threats and “to permit them to play their due part in the defense of the whole area,” the Joint three-power statement makes clear that every one of these lands may now get arms from Britain, France or the United States in keeping with their legitimate requirements. This policy, however, involves the condition that both the Arabs and Israelis, in filing their requests or purchase orders, must offer firm assurances that they have no intention of un dertaking aggression or violating truce lines. Declaring that such assurances have already been received, the statement goes on to warn that if they are not lived up to, there will be prompt Anglo-French-American counteraction. The arrangement thus seems to amount to a highly significant commitment by all the par ticipants to avoid new Arab-Jewish strife and maintain long-term peace in the region. An important related point in the agreement —an agreement not likely to affect priority deliveries to other areas of the world—is that Britain, France and the United States emphasize that they will not be party to “the development of an arms race between the Arab states and Israel.” This means, presumably, that they will limit shipments to the minimum required to promote the security of those countries and contribute to the peace and stability of the general area. If the Arabs and the Israelis adhere faith fully to their assurances against aggressive moves, the new arrangement can have a whole some effect. If properly operated, it can give each of the countries involved a sense of greater safety, and in that way it can help to stabilize the region and make the Middle East as a whole a bit more secure against the threat of direct or indirect Soviet aggression and subversion. Doubtful Victory in North Carolina 8enator Graham’s supporters are claiming a victory for him in North Carolina and a victory for the Fair Deal. He did beat each of three opponents in a record turnout of primary voters. But the fact remains that more people voted against than for him and while he has an excel lent chance to be nominated—and elected—if there is a run-off election in June, it is hard to understand how his showing means any great victory for the Fair Deal. Mr. Graham was the Fair Deal candidate. But as in the case of Senator Pepper in the Florida primaries, Senator Graham was forced to repudiate some of the things the Fair Deal was represented as standing for. If the fight was between so-called liberalism and so-called conservatism, Mr. Graham was forced to qualify his liberalism very carefully in regard to such issues as FEPC, socialized medicine and the Brannan Plan. Such qualification under attack is not a sign of great strength. During the campaign Mr. Graham and former Senator Robert Reynolds, who ran a poor third, said that as far as they were con cerned the man with the highest vote would be nominated. Willis Smith, the No. 2 man, made no such commitment. Whether there is a run-off depends now on Mr. Smith and his analysis of where the votes came from and the changes that might be anticipated in a run-off. If he thinks that most of the Reynolds and Olla Ray Boyd votes would shift in his direction, the run-off is virtually assured. One Moment, Mademoiselle » Mile. Stella Danfray, a recent visitor to our shores who has been voted “the most sultry Parisian,” will not make herself popular with inflammatory remarks designed to cause a revolt of “browbeaten” American husbands. Mile. Danfray is urging our married men to strike off their chains and strike their wives. Just a minute, please, mademoiselle. It is true that American husbands are not treated as the lords of the households as their European counterparts are. But do not forget, this is a democracy. What appears to European eyes as feminine insubordination is merely a reflection of the fiercely republican sentiments of women intent on treating their husbands as equals, as partners in all, Including the laundry and the care of the children. But do not forget. He has the washing machine and the television to assist him. Where else in the world would he be so blessed? It is true that American wives do not consult their husbands about the purchase of clothes, but this simply arises from the efficiency which runs throughout our national life. She does not wish to bother him about such trifles and she has long since schooled herself to bear his dis approval of her hats. If it seems that the American husband not only brings home the bacon but cooks it, too, if his wife is out playing canasta, this is just the result of a feminine intuition which tells her that a busy man is a happy man. Beat his wife? Never, mademoi selle. He would not dream of it. He would as soon turn off the television while his children are watching It 1 How to Make a Family Budget Work IT’S AN old familiar story. Maybe you started with a set of * envelopes labeled rent, groceries, entertainment, and so on. You gave up when the envelopes were filled with scraps of paper reporting things like “rent owes groceries $5,” “clothing owes entertain ment $3.30.” and “paid laundry from rent, $1.60.” Maybe you began with a neat little budget book, full of charts and per centages and ruled columns. Months later you found it while cleaning the hall closet and wondered why the idea . didn’t pan out. There is no magic in taming a house hold budget, according to the May issue of Changing Times, the Kiplinger magazine. All the job requires is the will, a minimum sense of responsibility and the ability to add and subtract— that, plus a knowledge of some basic rules. Here are a dozen: 1. A budget can t give you any more money than you had before. It is nothing but a system for planning and controlling what you spend. It should help you locate the "fat” in your ex penses. 2. No matter what any one tells you, the job involves hard work and readjust ment. You may have to change a few habits, exercise a little more self discipline. Bear in mind that a budget means planned spending, not scrimping. Then you’ll find the work becomes fun, the readjustment painless. 3. Design your own budget—don’t try to follow averages or “canned” per centages. Invent and tinker as much as you please. Group expenses under various headings in the way that best suits you. 4. Be realistic. You can’t base a budget on wild guesses or wishful think ing. Limits that are impossible to keep, or that make life miserable, are sure fire budget-wreckers. Don't let yourself be torpedoed by an item one discouraged couple called “over looked expenditures.” Where in your budget, for instance, is the money to pay the paper boy, to have a roll of films de veloped, to get your watch fixed? Furthermore don’t try to cut items just because they “look high.” The object is to balance your budget in action, not on paper. If you’re eating meat seven days a week, don’t slice the food budget unless you’re ready for some macaroni and cheese. But if you want—or need— clothes more than meat every day, then go right ahead. 5. Don't make your budget too rigid. Make the best estimates you can, and then revise as needed. It usually takes six months to a year before a new budget jells. Keep your budget flexible after the try out stage, too. Family needs and am bitions change. You may well start with one setup designed to meet debts or near at-hand expenses, then switch to an other as these are paid off. 6. Separate the "musts” from the "wants.” First set apart fixed costs (rent, insurance, taxes) from the vari ables (amusement, food, furniture). Budget the fixed ones first, then start juggling what's left for the rest. And don't be surprised if, at first anyway, there is precious little left to juggle. 7. Spread out your big, periodic ex penses. Don’t budget an insurance premium for the month it falls due: budg et one-twelfth of it every month, and let the money accumulate. Don't try to budget for mdical expenses as you think they may come along: put away a monthly average to draw against, and the unexpected dentist's bill won't strap you. Budgeting a few dollars a month for taxes is relatively easy; finding a lump sum can be rough. 8. Keep track of expenses. Budgeting is a two-step process—planning where money is to go and then seeing where it went. If you are up to keeping detailed accounts, fine: but you can usually get along with skeleton records. You need some expense records, though, to keep a firm grip on a new budget You need them to adjust the budget to new sit uations. to aid in shaping plans, to help patch up leaks. Don't carry the accounting too far. however. For example, a housewife sel dom needs to itemize grocery purchases. Accounts like this are little “budgets within the budget.” Some one is respon sible for keeping within the limit, but records need show only the total. ». Use every device you can to make the recording and controlling of expenses easy. Paying bills by check may make it easier to match outgo with budget al lowances and simplify record keeping. Buying on a charge account can replace hard-to-trace cash driblets with a once a-month bill. Use your ingenuity in avoiding con fusion and temptation. Simple tricks— like keeping lunch money in one com partment in your wallet, the rest of your pocket cash in another. A serv ice-station credit card helped one couple avoid an irresistible temptation to raid car money lying around in loose cash. 10. Don’t make your budget too compli cated. The simpler and more conveni ent your system is, the easier it will be to get it going and to stick with it. You can even work up to budget-keep ing in easy stages by starting with a few rough calculations each month, progress ing gradually to a full-blown budget. 11. Make the budget a family project. Every one should have a hand both in setting it up and in keeping it. When a husband dreams up a budget that the wife and kids are supposed to live up to, the result usually is grief. 12. Budget for a purpose. Nothing is harder than trying to keep a budget be cause you have a vague notion it might save money. You need an incentive. It may be negative, like paying off overdue bills, or it may be positive, like buying furniture or building a rainy-day fund. But have some goal in sight. Within the budget, the same goes for saving. It’s tough to save money Just for the sake of saving. It is a lot easier to put away, say, one-flftieth of a car every pay day. (North American New»p»p«r AllUnoa.) I otforc TL^ C 4-j~, ~ A pseudonym is permissible only L-C l Id O IU I Il6 O l Cl i • • • when letter carries correct name and address of writer. Please be brief. Repaying Veterans I am a WAC veteran and my husband is a veteran. I entirely sympathize with Bernard Krug in his recent letter to The Star about the advantage the veteran has over the non-veteran in securing a home. This method of showing appre ciation to the veteran is all cockeyed. When the veteran was in the military, he should have been paid a salary com mensurate with what he was giving and giving up. He had to go through basic —be torn down and rebuilt on military lines. He quickly became a more valu able person to the Government than he was when he entered service. Then he had to give up freedom, lib erties and comforts. He was told what to wear, what to eat, what to do. He was shipped where the Government pleased to ship him. He was told to obey first—complain later. Always as his value increased he re ceived promotions, but never or seldom did he receive enough money. As proof, many a civilian came out of the war richer than before the war. How many of the millions of military can say they made money? Today there is no hot war. Yet even though the military are on tap day and night, they are never sure when they will be commanded to work Sundays, holidays or nights without extra pay. Mr. Krug is right. It isn’t the private citiaens who should help the military. It is the Government, via pay. Reader. More About Anti-Semitism A recent letter by Franklin Hichbom, defending Senator Pat McCarran against charges of anti-Semitism, reveals his unfamiliarity with the record of Senator McCarran and the meaning of anti Semitism. I can understand why Mr. Hichbom would want to pooh-pooh "anti-Semitism as a term of reproach.” The charge hurts. Americans of all faiths who are sincerely devoted to their re ligion regard anti-Semitism as offensive and consider the anti-Semite an un worthy American. Of course, the charge of anti-Semitism should not be lightly used. But I think the record will show that the great re sponsible civic organizations make the charge only after full and extreme prov ocation. The charge of anti-Semitism may appropriately be used against a person who is motivated by hostility towards Jews as a religious group or whose activities are designed to dis criminate against the Jews as a group. By that test. President Truman, who was familiar with Senator Pat McCarran’s extraordinary record of obstructionism on the displaced persons bill, was fully justified in calling the bill anti-Semitic and anti-Catholic. The company in which Mr. Hichbom placed Senator McCarran does nothing to exonerate him. The un-American and un-Christian character of anti-Semitism is persua sively and dramatically set forth in the recently published book “A Measure of Freedom” by Arnold Forster. There Mr. Hichborn will find ample evidence to support the charge of anti-Semitism against the people he is trying to defend. More important, he will find the book is not interested in naming names for its own sake, but rather to bring into the light of public attention the activities of those in our country who are designing the destruction of our precious demo cratic heritage of freedom and equality for all God's children. Maurice A. Goldberg. Policeman's Friend There has been some unfavorable criti cism of our police in times past. They have done such good work recently in apprehending criminals that I feel they deserve some praise for discharging their duties so efficiently. Permit me to do this in my own emotional and jingling way: Good folks and bad folks and wicked ones, too, In our neighborhood make too much ado. But I’m not frightened for my troubles are lightened When I think of protection I can find on the street. And that's why I’m always wanting to meet My really good friend—the cop on the beat! This cop is the goods—he's really the Stuff; In our neighborhood, he just won’t take a bluff. He's a man with no ffar whom you like to have near When trouble comes by and threatens defeat. That’s why I’ll never engage in retreat When I see my friend coming—the cop on the beat! Leo McGreevy. Discrimination At the special conference on immigra tion and naturalization recently at the Statler Hotel, an address was delivered by Mrs. Ruth B. Shipley, chief of the State Department’s passport division. A lively discussion followed her criticism of the law which provides that a natural ized American citizen may not revisit his native land for more than two years at a time without danger of losing his citi zenship. As a representative of the Federation of Citizens Association, I supported Mrs. Shipley and went a little farther. I can see no reason why the law should dis criminate between a naturalized citizen who visits his own country and one who visits some other country. As it is now, if the naturalized American visits any country other than his original homeland, he may stay five years. Why should he be discriminated against if he chooses instead to visit his native country? The American abroad is a true ambas sador of goodwill for the United States— no less so because he may be visiting the place where he was bom. Soterios Nicholson. No Children Allowed Amidst all the pro and con about rent control, I would like to air my pet peeve. It is the landlords who still refuse to rent apartments to people who have children. I have in mind a certain young woman who is a war widow with an 8-year-old son. Her income is adequate, but limited: therefore, she cannot afford any of the new apartment developments. The older projects, which are still under control and therefore more reasonable, refuse her because of her son. To add insult to injury, this young woman is a native of Washington, and so are her parents. I hope I live to see the day when these narrow-minded landlords go bankrupt for lack of tenants. That would be a Just reward. Please hurry, oh day of reckon ing! Mildred G. White. Equality in the Armed Forces The report of the President’s Com mittee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services offers convincing proof that segregation can be eliminated without undue friction by fiat and/or legislation. It also proves that unity and integration does improve efficiency. Top brass in the past refused of their own volition to institute integration, giving as a reason that the Army could not afford to Indulge in sociological ex perimentation. But the Air Force and the Navy, ewen in deepest Dixie, have found it possible and profitable to inte grate. At the navy yard in Norfolk, we witnessed colored and white sailor lads playing, sleeping, eating and going to school together. In Texas and in Biloxi, Miss., in the camps, the Air Force soldiers live together, and recreate together even in the same swimming pools. The results have been surprising to doubting officers. Just as the armed forces have done, so could we get rid of all of our practices of segregation, with benefit to our whole social and economic pattern of living. In our cities we could eliminate vestiges of racial discrimination in our citizens’ associations, the police department, city government, business, transit, boys’ clubs, and even in our schools—for the general welfare. E. B. Henderson. Vice President, D. C. NAACP. This and That ... By Charles E. Tracewell “Veasey Street. “Dear Sir: “I have just been reading with pleas ure your defense of O. A. Henty and his books. “Biased? Sure he was. In regard to the Civil War, they got their news in England with a Southern accent, and his hero, in the case of ‘With Lee in Virginia,’ was a Southern boy. “Henty was a romanticist. “Heroes were white, villains were black, and maidens were done up in cellophane. “I got as much history from him as I did from the text books and with much less pain. * "I doubt that he considered himself a historian. He more probably consid ered himself a builder of character. “His system seems to have been to read about two books about the cam paigns he was interested in, one pref erably by Col. Blimp, K. C. B., ret., and then hop to it. * * “I collect his books for fun and have 90 odd titles out of a possible 104. “I also have a nostalgic love for him and his works, which does not prevent me from having a chuckle now and then over some of his better bloopers. "In one case, for instance, he places an ex-slave from a Southern plantation back In Africa and gives him a Chinese American accent, ‘Long time me no see white man,’ etc. A A “As a final word on the subject of bias: I doubt that Henty could give any cards to the history I read in school. “For instance, I was old enough to vote before I found out that the Boston massacre was not a bold stand by he roic men but was in fact the natural result of a riot in a town under martial law and was exactly what the Germans in Berlin might expect from our troops in the same circumstances. “With best wishes, W. J. G.” * * Interest in old forms of reading mat ter for children runs all the way from the “Henty books” to the nickel novels once so popular. Though commonly called “dime nov els,” most of them sold for S cents. They had lavishly colored covers, showing some scene from the story, and were usually about 32 pages in length. They were printed in large type. Some men worked on them for years, and made a good living at their anonymous job. Some of the best sellers of the gay ’»0s included “Tip Top,” containing the stories of Frank Merriwell and later his brother Dick; “The Liberty Boys of ’76,” presenting romantic accounts of the Revolutionary War; "Old King Brady,” giving typical “blood and thunder” detective stories; “Pluck and Luck,” composed of stories which today would come In the science-fiction class; "Nick Carter,” another detective series; "Fred Fearnot,” a series somewhat sim ilar to the "Frank Merriwell” series, but never as popular, etc. There were many' more, all of them exciting action stories, very much like the Westerns of today. But they were generally regarded, one and all, by the mothers of that era as tales leading straight to the eternal damnation of their sons. It is doubtful that any mother ever took time out to read one of those hartn less stories. If she had, no doubt she would have ended up as a “fan” herself. She kept this from happening by never reading a one, but lumping them all off as dubious reading. Even today, some who remember them tend to class them with today’s comics. Nothing could be farther from the truth. The old stories were stories, well told, in most cases, always with some moral tag. The history learned from "The Liberty Boys,” for instance, was quite as good as that gotten from school books. Above all, the Revolutionary heroes of the "nickel novel” had a living quality schoolboys often found wanting In their history books. It is Interesting to note that copies of the old stories now sell at one dollar apiece, and there are many takers all over the country. It is just another facet of the gay ’90s we are finding to be pretty good, after all. New 'Building Block' Of Universe Needed North Coro lino U. Professor Explains Theoretical Problem By Thomas R. Henry CHAPEL HILL. N. C.. May 2# —Thu Is an age left anchorless in the infinite. A basic building block of tpe weird new universe of curving, expanding and contracting space and time is the major need of present-day science and philoso phy. Such is the belief of Dr. Archibald Henderson, long recognized as America's foremost mathematical philosopher and exponent of relativity, as the veteran University of North Carolina professor surveys the chaos of the times from his Chapel Hill garden. The day is long past, he believes, when there can be any acceptance of the static, three-dimensional universe of the past generation. Yet to the mind the new reality would always seem un real and ungraspable until somebody provides a simple geometric ’ -nit wttn the same relationship to .he new geometry as the right triangle to the old. "I recall.” he says, ‘ the days when they were first talking of communi cating with people of Mars. The ques tion naturally arose: What kind of language could intelligent beings on this other planet, presuming there were any there, understand? Professor Had an Idea. “At the time some French prdfessor came up with a quite sensible idea. On some surface like the Sahara desert, he said, why not construct a number of enormous right triangles so large that they could be distinguished by Martians through the powerful Instruments they might be assumed to possess? His thought was that however different might have been the development of the mind on another planet there was one thing which an intelligent being anywhere in the universe must share with the earth—the concept of this right triangle which was basic to any pos sible comprehension of space. This idea would not be sound any longer and we could have no idea of the Martian idea* of space.” Still. Dr. Henderson insists, there must be some basic unit of reality—some aort of curved triangle which will serve as a basis out of which the new space can be built. “I think I could make something ap proaching this figure," he says, "by carv ing a tennis ball with a razor." Second basic philosophical failure of the atomic age, Dr. Henderson point* out. is the complete failure to bridge the gap between atomism and continuity— the idea that there is a final, indivisible particle of everything, like the electron or proton of matter or the quanta of energy, and the idea that all things rep resent a continuum with no definite breaks from nothingness upward. Yet the new physics has had to take these for granted although, as Dr. Henderson says, “I can’t believe Einstein himself really believes in them." Tells of Disappointment. He has been disappointed, he says, In all the developments which have followed Einstein’s original general theory of rela tivity, which was open to objective proof through astronomical observations and physical experiments. It left much to be explained by special theories which have not held up. “What,” he asks, “is to be the building block of our new universe in which there is no flat space? It makes no differ ence what model you choose—Einstein, leMaitre, Eddington. The same basie building block must fit for all of them. We must lay a solid foundation for thla new geometry as the right triangle is the solid foundation of Euclid." In any event. Dr. Henderson says, man must abandon any concept of a static universe which is the same yesterday, today and tomorrow. It may be expand ing or contracting, but there can be no understanding of it until the basic unit is reached and there is a bridge between continuity and atomism. Questions and Answers The 8t»r’» readers can get the answer ta any question of fact by either writing The Evening Star Information Bureau. 1200 1 street N.W . Washington 8, D C , and inclosing 3 centg return postage, or by telephoning 8T. 6000, Extension 388. By THE HASKIN SERVICE Q. To settle a discussion please state whether or not a housefly grows in size during its lifetime.—G. K. A. Flies do not grow, but remain the same size at which they emerge from the pupae. The belief that flies grow is due to the fact that in early summer very small flies are often seen. These are not small houseflies but members of a different species. Q. When were the longest games in the history of baseball played?—A. T. A. The longest game of the National League was the 26-inning game between Boston and Brooklyn on May 1, 1920. The longest of the American League was the 24-inning game between Detroit and Philadelphia on July 21, 1945. Both games were tie games, score 1-1. Q. Who said: "The best legacy I can leave my children is free speech and the example of using it”?—F. F. A. Algernon 8idney used these words on November 26, 1683, when he was sen* tenced to death on an improvised charge of conspiring to assassinate Charles n at Rye House Farm. He conducted his own defense. May Evening Now the high tide of spring return* me once again To these familiar fields. * Tonight, the old wagon-road is lovely With the misty sweetness of young leaves. A little moon that rested on its back Has slipped down early behind the orch» ard, V Twin horns twinkling through the apple blossoms. Across an unploughed meadow, the homestead looms, Formless in shadow as dusk closes in. Far-separated lights appear below me in the valley, But the old house is dark. I lean a while against the low stone wall— A child once skipped along these lichened stones— And here the tart wild strawberries used to grow, Discovered by a small foot parting the tall grasses. Now. a soft wind stirs against my cheek And brings remembered fragrance Breathed here—and here only. It was breathed on a spring night long ago Bye child kneeling at a window of that darkened home, A child of the swiftly passing generations Who have held—and hold—it dear. INEZ BARCLAY KIRBY.