Newspaper Page Text
Pacific Munich Hinted In Truman’s Words on Fleet at Formosa Did MacArthur Know Of New Appeasement Move? Writer Asks By David Lawrence Is the United States Govern ment trying to wiggle out of its entanglement in defending For mosa and thus make diplomatic concessions to certain European governments and pave the way for appeasement of Communist China and its possible admission to the Security Council of the United Nations? This question may well be asked now in view of the start ling announcement by President Truman to his press conference that, as soon as the Korean epi sode is over, it would not be nec essary to keep the United States Navy’s 7th Fleet in the Straits of Formosa. Mr. Truman added that the presence of this fleet in that position was just a flank protection for our forces in Korea. » This is not only an amazing contradiction of the strategy which the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff cannot but have developed for the protection of the Japan - Okinawa - Philippines perimeter of our defense, but it is a complete disavowal of the mili tary views of Gen. Douglas Mac Arthur, recently given, as to the importance of defending Formosa. CoulJ Be Open Bid to Reds. It is something even more im portant—it could be construed by the Chinese Communists as an open invitation to them to occupy Formosa, just as the American pronouncement of last January that our defense line didn’t in clude Korea gave encouragement to the Communists to march below the 38th 'parallel. Mr. Truman’s comment has sent a shiver of apprehension through certain quarters in Congress, where it had been believed that the United States was standing firmly in the Far East and that appeasement of Communist China was unthinkable. What is also disturbing is that either the President has now pro jected himself as a military ex pert superior to his own Joint Chiefs of Staff and to Gen. Mac Arthur, or else that he is weaken ing in favor of some State De partment chicanery to ease the path of Great Britain and other countries with commercial inter ests in the Far East who want to continue to trade with and main tain diplomatic relations with Communist China. The argument all along in some quarters—especially in Communist circles—has been that to defend Formosa would entangle us in a war with Communist China. The opposite is true—failure to defend Formosa after America has pub licly declared that it doesn’t be long to Communist China and must be neutralized until the treaty with Japan disposes of the question of trusteeship may indeed cause war with China. It could come if the Communists, perceiv ing American weakness, started an aggression similar to that in Korea, only to be met by a sudden deci sion by the United States to throw in sea forces to protect Formosa. Did MacArthur Know? It this why Gen. MacArthur risked a reprimand and spoke out so plainly on how important tp the defense of continental United States the retention of Formosa in friendly hands appears to be? Did Gen. MacArthur know of the campaign of appeasement go ing on in Washington, and did he suspect that Formosa was to be tossed over to the Communists? Did he feel that, as a soldier and as the man selected to represent the United Nations In command of all the armed forces in the Far East, he should speak out so that the American people at least would know about the scuttling policy that might be under consideration this very week? It seems strange that Gen. Mac Arthur would just send out an in discreet statement. It is more logical to believe that he took the risk because he thought a fun damental principle affecting the Nation’s defenses was at stake. To say that the State Department or the President alone can speak on "foreign policy” and that nobody else should be allowed to speak, even when a grave question of national defense is concerned, does not explain away the strange cir cumstances surrounding this epi sode. Whom did Gen. MacArthur have in mind when he wrote this para graph: "Nothing could be more falla cious than the threadbare argu ment by those who advocate ap peasement and defeatism in the Pacific that if we defend For mosa we alienate continental Asia.” Was MacArthur’s statement a last desperate attempt to ward off another Munich in the Far East— a quick way to end the Korean war by conceding to the Commu nists what they have wanted from the beginning—admission to the position of another veto in the Security Council? If so, then doesn’t it seem that the appease ment should have begun on June 25 last? A lot of American boys would be alive today and lots more would not be suffering from the grievous wounds they received as a result of the sudden decision to defend Korea two months ago. (Reproduction Rights Reserved.) Beauty Bonded SINK TOPS Replace your old work topi with new colorful Formica, stalnleit „ steel or hardwood tops. Open 'til - 9 Free Parking This Changing World Indo-Chinese Reds Due to Launch Drive Against French Forces Soon By Constantine Brown The middle of September will see Russian puppet Ho Chi Minh’s Communist force launch an offensive against the French troops in Indo-China. Reports from Saigon sources, which in the past have proved accu rate, indicate that the Indo Chinese Reds now are fully prepared for an all-out offen sive. The Chinese Communists massed on the Northern b 0 r - Con.Untln. Brown, ders of Indo-China are not ex pected to intervens, for a while at least. Their presence, how ever, is encouraging for Ho’s regular and guerrilla forces, which know that if anything goes wrong their allies will come to their rescue. The organized Viet Minh forces have undergone rigid training under the instruction and super vision of Chinese officers in the presence of Soviet specialists. New equipment—bazookas, mortars, ar tillery and light tanks—has been provided them by the Chinese. They do not appear to have an air force, but this should not prove a great handicap in the jungle war. Decisive Campaign Seen. The French, who have been re ceiving modern war material from the United States, are ready to meet the heaviest onslaught they have faced so far in this 4-year-old war. They know that, it will not be a hit-and-run affair like those Ho’s irregulars have been fighting in the past. They are confronted with a campaign by a combination of guerrilla and regular forces which will be decisive. It will not con cern merely France’s hold on Indo china, but also the fate of Burma, Malaya, Thailand and eventually India. It also will decide the precarious fate of Westerners in Asia. Nobody can foresee the result of this war, which will be instigated by Moscow in the same fashion that the Korean war was. At present there Is some pessimism in American military quarters over the ability of the French to win against the Reds. It is true that the French have only about 150, 000 men in Indo-China, but these are considered the best in France’s army. They have to contend, however, not only with a Red Indo-Chinese army at least equal in numbers to their own, but also with a defi nitely hostile population, which has lost faith in the French ability to defend it, as well as the pos sibility that well-trained forces from Southern China will support Ho’s troops if the latter meet major setbacks. While the French must draw all their reinforcements from the small manpower pool at home some 8,000 miles away—Ho has only to reach a few hundred miles across the Chinese border to get all the support he needs. It is true that the French mili tary units are better equipped now than they have been 'n the past. For at least two months Ameri can war material has been arriv ing in fairly adequate quantities. Masterminded by Russia. The problem today is entirely different from what it was a year or two ago. Until the Chinese Communisms reached Southern China the Indo-Chinese Commu nists were confined to mere guer rilla warfare. Russia was masterminding the campaign, but could not offer any positive and substantial military assistance to its stooges. Moscow had to wait until the Nationalist forces throughout the Chinese mainland had been utterly de feated before it could put in effect its major plans to dominate the whole of Asia. The Korean campaign, which had been prepared for at least a year before the actual invasion took place, was one of the con sequences of the domination of China by the Soviets. This cam paign now is in full swing and has become, diplomatically speak ing, an affair of S3 nations be longing to the United Nations. The campaign to expel the French from Indo-China and to unite the various states of that large peninsula under the scep ter of Josef Stalin is closely tied in with the Korean war, in which we have become fully engaged. It follows closely the Hitlerian strategy in Norway, which pre ceded the major attack against France. While the attention of the free world is focussed on the see-saw battle in Korea, Russia is ready now with the second diversion in Indo-China. But unlike his de ceased pal, Adolf Hitler, Stalin is not engaging any of his forces in actual combat. The Russians have at their dis posal vast Oriental armies, con servatively estimated at 3 million, trained by Soviet instructors. They are equipped with arms from Russian arsenals as well as Japanese war booty and some American vehicles, the remnants of unused lend-lease. These well-equipped and mod emly trained Asiatic troops will do the job for the Kremlin, re gardless of what is said at the United Nations. Thus, while Rus sia is engaging the limited man power of the free Western na tions, her own vast forces are still waiting for the major job assigned to them. Out to Repair Fences Hayden, Senate’s ‘General Manager,’ Admits Having Primary Troubles By Doris Fleeson Senators who had watched five of their colleagues bite the dust in the primaries realized it was a hard year for incumbents but they really panicked this week. Senator Carl Hayden, Demo crat of Arizona, apologized for not being able to stand by on various prob lems but said rather diffident ly that he was having primary troubles, and would have to go home. Sen ators concede D#rto that it’s a free country and any body can run for office who wants to. But their story is that if it can happen to Carl, it can happen to anyone. Senator Hayden is genuinely unique. He is a Senator loved for his personal qualities who has by hard work attained great power and influence but he has a real passion for anonymity. Only in siders know how effective he is in the work of the Senate. ‘General Manager.’ As chairman of Rules, Senator Hayden is in a sense the Senate's general manager wtih power over the conduct of its business and its physical property. He parcels out the offices, for example, including those prized cubbyholes in the Capitol, so convenient to the Senate floor, so inaccessible to the importunate constituent. It is hard to believe that anyone with that power can be popular but Senator Hayden by reason of his consideration and unselfish ness is. A notable example: When the Republicans expected to take over the Government in 1948, the then Rules chairman. Senator Brooks of Illinois, spent $60,000 fixing up a handsome hide away in the center of the Capitol, complete with recreational fa cilities. When the Republicans and Senator Brooks were defeated, Senator Hayden fell heir to it. He promptly put in a call to Senator Lucas of Illinois. “I have a present for you,” he said. “It’s the best office in the Capitol, you’re majority leader and besides it’s poetic justice.” The delighted FROM HOT SPRINGS, ARK. AMERICA’S ARTHRITIS SPA PAIN AND SWELLING in muscular and joint conditions were improved in a majority of observed cases after drink ing Mountain Valley Water for a few weeks. This delicious, pure-tasting water is delivered right to you. Phono Ml. 1062 tor a case today Writo 904 12th St. N.W. Senator Lucas promptly held open house amid his splendors and told the tale. Renowned for Word. But it is as ranking Democrat on Appropriations, the most powerful committee of all, that Senator Hayden does the day in, day out, work for which he is renowned. Chairman McKellar, for reasons of age and health, can do little and Senator Hayden is the steersman. Appropriations is also the committee which contains the most rampant Republican minority—Wherry, Bridges, Fer guson et al.—attempting to sway events through the power of the purse. It is definitely not a place for softies which both parties bear in mind when assigning members to it. Senator Hayden’s major tri umph this year was to produce an Interior Department appropria tion bill with which Secretary Chapman not only found no fault but added: “If I can’t do a good job next year with that bill I’m plain incompetent.” The bill gave Interior—the most important de partment of all to Arizona—what it asked, free ol the hampering restrictions with which it has often had to contend. Even pub lic power projects were spared. The defensive excuse of one Re publican: “Carl always gets this stuff on the floor anyway and I’m tired of fighting him.” Senator Hayden is not a New Dealer, in fact he is definitely right of center and the South erners count him a civil rights ally. Nobody ever seems to be angry at him though. TRANSFER & STORAGE CO. 460 New York Ave. N.W. NA. 1070 LOCAL HAULING OUR SPECIALTY Save by Mail Your savings—$5 to $10, 000 — are welcome. Our Save-By-Mail Plan makes opening an Account easy. Just mail check, giving cor rect name. Your Savings Book will be promply for warded. Federally-Insured Savings District 2370 FIRST FCDCRfll SAVINGS uSmASS'N Conveniently Located: 610 13th St. N.W. (bet. F & G) (No Branch Offices) LOUIE —By Harry Hanan t . On the Record U. N., by Basic Weakness, Becomes Favorable Instrument for Aggressor By Dorothy Thompson Under the United Nations Char ter members are expected to con tribute force to resist aggressions, so declared to be by the vote of the Security Council. Any of the permanent members can, however, by veto, prevent any action from being branded ag gression. Since the Se curity Council is divided by a fundam ental rift, it is impos sible to secure necessary unan- Dorothy Thompson, imlty to resist aggression, if all great-power delegates are present. It was the self-imposed absence of the Russian delegate which made it possible to declare the Invasion of South Korea aggres sion and secure U. N. authority to resist it. If Russia stays in the Security Council it will be impossible to secure U. N. sanction to defend Formosa, if that island is attacked. Why the Soviets continued ab sent when the North Korean in vasion occurred is speculative. I think it an error to believe that they were convinced that the Council would not act. Probably they welcomed the political and military test. They had nothing to lose. Had the Council refused to act, its prestige would have evaporated, and another territory fallen without resistance; if it acted, either force might arrive too late, or be engaged in a pro longed war to the dissipation of strength elsewhere and, if resist ance won, the victory would be in decisive. Rests on Tenuous Base. The action rests, in any case, on a tenuous base. The United Nations never has defined aggression, in relation to violence. In Soviet argument, Korea is engaged in civil war. On the North Korean side no external forces are engaged. On the South Korean side external forces are. These latter, being external, are invaders and aggressors, and the action is illegal, for U. N. cannot act without great-power unanim ity. But all states that have passed under Soviet control have fallen through violence—Soviet-inspired civil wars, or internal putsches. Yet, the United Nations, even without Russia, has not formu lated a definition of violence to fit the aggressions of this century. Neither has it managed (even without Russia) to create an in ternational defense force. And this raises, for the U. S. A., a con stitutional question. Under the charter, member states are expected, but not re quired, to furnish military force to counteract declared aggressions. Thus, even states that declare and denounce an aggression may check out of the consequences. In fact, most states that declared the Ko rean invasion aggression have checked out, leaving nothing more than token forces or moral sup port. But checking in removes the war-making powers from repre sentative bodies and puts them in the hands of the executive. The President, not the American Con gress, decided to fulfill American obligations under the charter. It must be emphasized that there is no such obligation. It is an ob ligation implicit but not com pulsory. At no time has the American Congress pledged itself to fur nish armed forces to repel any aggression that might be so de clared by the Security Council-^ or not to repel any others. A bipartisan Congress ratified the decision and, indeed, it was practically impossible not to do so. In foreign affairs, decisions taken cannot be undone without grave international consequences. Fundamental Weakness. But assuming that there were a United Nations obligation to en force its own decrees, how, logi cally, should they be enforced? If they are to be enforced, as presently provided, only by the voluntary diversion of the armed forces of the member states, these forces will be granted or withheld according to the situation of the states involved. Laying aside Mr. Nehru’s views on the Asian situa tion, a government faced with the possibility of war over Kashmir ! Open Sats. 8 to i j j {Closed Monday, Labor Day.) ! RUCKER LUMBER | j 1320 Wilton Blvd. JAckton 4-1231 { is unlikely to divert substantial forces to Korea; or France, with only five divisions to face the ex plosive German situation; or Sweden, in imminent danger in the Baltic; or Yugoslavia, walk ing a tight rope in the Balkans; or Turkey, sitting precariously at the Dardanelles. Russia holds the initiative and, despite abstract idealism, wise governments limit their actions to their military ca pacities and give priority to home defense. Thus, if United Nations decrees can be enforced only by the diver sion of home and regional forces, these are either withheld or a dozen places are weakened in be half of one—the aggressors pick ing the one. United Nations decrees could only logically be enforced by a separate police force, responsible to the United Nations, paid out of United Nations budget and com posed, like most air forces, en tirely of volunteers, attracted by their allegiance to the United Na tions, by high pay and by the con viction that, equipped with the finest modem weapons and kept in a high state of mobility, they would hold the balance on behalf of law and order. The absence of such a force, together with the presence of sanctions whose ap plication is not compulsory, re veals a fundamental U. N. weak ness. I doubt the constitutional right of the American Government to draft a single citizen to enforce United Nations decrees wherever the President may decide to en force them. Under what statute? At what point did this country assume any such automatic obli gation? The United Nations is a ram shackle organization, without clear definitions and without compul sory sanctions. It cannot enforce anything. It is therefore, a more favorable instrument for aggres sors, who know exactly its limita tions, than for abstract idealists willing to risk their peoples in be half of a nonexistent law of na tions. (Released by the Bell Syndicate, Ine.) McLemore— Sees Top Fashion Show in Paris By Henry McLemore PARIS.—I imagine that thou sands, if not hundreds of thou sands of American women would have loved to have swapped places with me be tween the hours of 3 and 6 yes terday after noon. It is a mortal cinch that I wish they could have. For during the hours be tween 3 and 6, I was on the third floor of Avenue Mon taigne, going through what Mr- M«Lem0r«. can only be adequately described by a four-letter word which be gins with H and ends with L. It is on the third floor of 30 Avenue Montaigne, just a few blocks off the Champs Elysees, that the arch-enemy of American husbands, Christian Pior, is show ing his autumn and winter col lection of glad rags. Tough to Get In—or Out. Why did I go? I went because my wife insisted that I go, and don’t tell me you never went any place you didn’t want to go just because your wife insisted on it. That settles that, I hope. M. Dior’s place is not an easy one to get into, and it is even tougher to get out. To get in, you almost have to have a letter from President Tru man, in which he crosses his heart and hopes to die that you are not in the fashion business, have no friends who are in the fashion business, that you don’t know how to sketch, that you have a rotten memory, and won’t run back to your sewing machine and stitch up a dress like any you’ve seen there. To get out, you have to wait until models parade 191 outfits before bona fide buyers and as many women as can get in the three sumptuous showrooms, and as many husbands as can be dragged along. For every one who gets in, hundreds are turned away, and trying to get up the stairs is like trying to get a hot dog between halves at the Yale Bowl. Jean and I were given gilded damask-covered chairs on what was about, I suppose, the 30 yard line. Just before the kick off the spectators were given programs in which the dresses were listed by name and number. Fast and Furious Action. Once play got underway action was fast and furious. Cocktail dresses swept the ends tailored suits hit the tackles, evening gowns pulled nearly naked reverses, and hats, gloves, and costume jewelry broke through a line of mink and leop ard. As the models roboted around I couldn’t help but wonder how 99 per cent of the women spec tators could gain any idea of how the dresses would look on them Wfost of the women were middle aged and had middle-aged figures whereas the models were close to six feet tall and looked as if they had been on a life raft for the past six months. None of them had a waist a turtle couldn’t run around in six seconds flat. After inquiring about the prices LAST 2 DAYS FRIDAY AND SATURDAY FINAL CLEARANCE ALL TROPICAL SUITS n» $25^ to $54^ Originally $32.50 to $75.00 [SLACKSK»w,.s5^ BELTS Genuine Alligator $2^ Reg. 2.95 to 3.95 Tee Shirts. $1.99 Reg. 3.95 to 5.00 Sport Shirts. $2.69 Reg. 5.95 Rayon Sport Shirts.$3.99 Reg. 10.95 Terry Cloth Robes. $7.99 Reg. 19.95 Rayon & Cotton Jackets .. $10.99 Reg. 3.95 White Broadcloth Shirts. $2.49 Reg. 3.65 to 5.00 Famous Make Shirts . $2.88 Reg. 1.50 and 2.00 Ties. 99c Special Group SUMMER SHOES White*, white combination* and woven*. Leather and rubber sole*. Regularly $Q.95 fn $1 fu.95 SIOM to $20 O ro 1U Use Your Convenient Bruce Hunt Charge Account of a few of M. Dior’s creations I had a resurgence of the pioneer American spirit. What’s wrong with American women buying a few of those yellow tissue paper patterns that were always scattered about home when I was a youth, and making their own clothes? (Distributed by McNsuiht Syndicate. Inc.) Lewis & Thos. Saltz 1409 G Street will be open all day tomorrow... Saturday It is also the Last Day of the After-Inventory Qearance Sale Open Saturdays Until 6 P.M, FRIDAY AND SATURDAY LAST TWO DAYS ell’s Final CLEARANCE Summer Suits Here's your chance to effect an Important savings on men's summer clothing. Buy to wear now thru October and for next year. All sizes but not every size in every style. $ $24.50 and $29.50 MEN’S SUMMER SUITS Including nationally famous make NYLON CORD suits. Smart single and double breasteds in regulars, longs, shorts and stouts. Reduced to_ $32.50 MEN’S NATIONALLY FAMOUS SUITS Handsome wrinkle-resistant suits in plain shade, neat stripes, plaids and sharkskins _ Advance Sale! NEW FALL SUITS TOPCOATS • OVERCOATS AND ZIP-LINED COATS Choose from all of the newest 1950-1951 styles, colors and patterns in fine imported and domes tic woolens. All handsomely tailored by nation ally famous makers. Buy now and enjoy a sub stantial savings. $50 SUITS, OVERCOATS ^ A 85 & ZIPPER-LINED COATS.. J Q $55 SUITS, OVERCOATS O 85 & ZIPPER-LINED COATS.. Cfi ’ CHARGE IT-—4 MONTHS TO PAY or a small deposit will hold your selection until November 1st BELL CLOTHES 916 F STREET