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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, October 22, 1950, Image 57

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With Daily Evening Edition.
Published by
The Evening Star Newspaper Company.
B. M. McKELWAY, Editor.
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well as all A. P. news dispatches.
*—* _SUNDAY, October 22. 1950
More Than a Parkway
It is welcome news that the Baltimore
Washington Parkway has survived the economy
operations being carried out at the Budget Bureau
by congressional edict. This road, when com
pleted, will be more than a parkway for the
pleasure of the motoring public. It will be a vital
contribution to the safety of traffic between
Baltimore and Washington, as well as a highway
of definite military value in an emergency.
The Budget Bureau has allotted $1.5 million
from impounded park funds for resuming work
on the parkway, the Baltimore-Jessup section of
which is being built by Maryland. The Federal
Government began grading its part of the high
way during World War II, but work halted when
the war ended. The release of funds will make it
possible to proceed with bridge construction and
other major preliminary work.
Construction of the parkway will provide
traffic relief for the parallel Baltimore Pike
(U. S. Route D, which, in the Washington
Baltimore stretch, has become one of the more
dangerous main highways in the country. The
money spent in building the parkway will be
a worthwhile investment from the accident
prevention standpoint alone.
For Postal Self-Support
Postmaster General Donaldson’s appeal to the
Interstate Commerce Commission for approval of
a raise in parcel post rates revives a rate-fixing
method that has been in the discard for 20 years.
Apparently the Post Office Department in the
past has avoided use of the ICC course for fear of
being put in the position of by-passing Congress
in rate-fixing matters. Yet Congress authorized
the method in 1925 and presumably wanted it to
be employed when postal authorities deemed it
desirable. Mr. Donaldson cannot be accused of
undercutting Congress, because he was specifi
cally authorized to go to the ICC by an obscure
provision of the deficiency bill passed just before
congressional adjournment.
The 1925 law was last invoked in 1930 by
Postmaster General Walter F. Brown. Since then
all requests for postal rate changes have been
made direct to Congress. Mr. Donaldson used the
congressional approach unsuccessfully during the
past session. The House approved a mail rate
increase bill but the measure was interred by the
Senate Post Office Committee. This was the
same House that passed a resolution directing
the Postmaster General to cancel his economy
order curtailing mail deliveries. This resolution
fortunately was lost on the Senate side in the
rush to adjourn. Also lost, Incidentally, was the
Hoover Commission proposal to “take the Post
Office Department out of politics,” by removing
postmasterships from the patronage list. Both
the Postmaster General and the President backed
this reform, but the bill remained in a committee
Mr. Donaldson wants to raise parcel post
rates an average of 25 per cent, which would
make the service pay for itself. The increase
would cut the department’s expected deficit of
$550 million by more than $100 million. Parcel
post, like most other postal services, has been a
losing proposition for a long time. Until rates
for the losing services are boosted to somewhere
near the cost of handling, the Post Office De
partment must continue to operate on a sub
sidized basis. There is no good reason why
taxpayers in general should help postal customers
pay their mailing bills. Mr. Donaldson deserves
public support in his efforts to put his department
on a businesslike, self-supporting basis.
Henry L. Stimson
The free world at large has good cause to
Join with Americans in mourning the death of
a great statesman, Henry L. Stimson. An out
standing crusader for peace in an era clouded
by aggression, he nevertheless stood steadfast
against pacifistic compromise. He was among
the first to perceive and warn against the
dangers of appeasing power-hungry dictators.
There was much truth in his jesting comment
once to a Senate committee: “If you go on
reading from my past statements you’ll make
me feel like Winston Churchill for having been
right so often.”
Mr. Stimson was right when he foresaw the
risks of permitting Japan to have its way in
Manchuria. As Secretary of State he urged Great
Britain and France to join with the United
States in taking a firm stand against the Japa
nese invaders, but was rebuffed. As a private
citizen he sought in vain to have the United
States co-operate with the League of Nations
In enforcing rigid economic sanctions against
Italy for the latter’s attack on Ethiopia. He
deplored Britain’s refusal to support a French
effort to eject Hitler’s troops from the Rhineland,
first victim of Nazi aggression. He recommended
that Congress outlaw shipment of arms, scrap
Iron and oil to Japan. He twice invoked the
Briand-Kellogg Anti-War Pact—first during the
Russian-Chinese clash over the Chinese Eastern
Railroad in Manchuria and again against the
Japanese when they took control of Manchuria—
both times without success. The latter effort
brought into being a new American policy of
refusing to recognize sovereignty changes effected
by military force. This “Stimson doctrine” has
been a keystone of American foreign policy ever
With this background of clear thinking and
forthright action, Mr. Stimson was exceptionally
well fitted for a return engagement as Secretary
of War during World War II. Always a believer
In strength as a preserver of peace, Secretary
^jison, despite his years, entered enthusias
tically and tirelessly into his Job of building up
the Nation’s military power in the shortest period
possible. He gave unstintingly of his time and
energy during the darkest days of the conflict
and until victory had been won. He never
regretted having been a party to the decision
to use the atomic bomb in a climactic move to
bring the war to a quick end. He consoled
himself with the fact that use of the bomb
probably saved thousands of American lives.
The heart attack which he suffered not long
after retiring from public service' quite probably
was aggravated by the physicaUand mental strain
of five years of grueling active duty as civilian
head of the greatest American military machine
in history. He recovered from that attack
sufficiently to resume writing on the subject
dearest to his heart—national defense for peace.
His wise counsel will be missed in the still
troubled era which he leaves behind him.
The Will to Fight
Herbert Hoover touched on a subject that is
in many minds when he raised the question of
the willingness of our Allies in Western Europe
to take the steps necessary to erect a firm front
against Russian aggression.
These nations have achieved a greater indus
trial production than before either the First
or the Second World War. They have greater
manpower. Yet, although in the former wars
they put 140 trained and equipped combat divi
sions in the field within 90 days, they could not
muster enough troops today to fight a delaying
action against the Russians.
This country, in addition to building up its
own armed strength, has spent billions of dollars
and is planning to spend billions more to
strengthen the economy of Western Europe and
revive its military potential. It is doing this in
the interests of its owm defense and the defense
of European civilization. The question is whether
the investment is a sound one in either respect.
Mr. Hoover thinks our Allies are dragging
their feet, that they may not have the will to
fight if attacked, and that “we should say, and
at once, that we shall provide no more money
until a definitely unified and sufficient European
army is in sight.” This, of course, raises the
matter of what alternative we have. The former
President sees it this way: “If we do not find
real military action of powerful strength in
Western Europe; if there is no definite and
effective mobilization of the other members of
the United Nations so as to take up the major
burden of their own defenses, then we had better
reconsider our whole relation to the problem. In
that event we had better quit talking and paying,
and consider holding the Atlantic Ocean with
Britain (if they wish) as one frontier, and the
Pacific Ocean with an armed Japan and other
islands as the other frontier.’’
There will be those who will say that this
is the old isolationism cropping out. Buf Mr.
Hoover’s views do not differ greatly from those
expressed a month ago by John Sherman Cooper,
former Republican Senator and nowr a Republican
adviser to the State Department.
Mr. Cooper said that the action w'hich has
been taken by Western Europe, and he included
Britain, is inadequate and cautious. “Emergencies
call for emergency action,” he said, “and decisions
regarding survival cannot be made upon the basis
of whether or not economic and social programs
might be disturbed.” The £rst requirement, he
declared, is the adoption of a defense plan for
Western Europe. Without such a plan, said Mr.
Cooper, “the aid that we furnish will be mis
directed, and in part wasted. The entire effort
may repeat the familiar “too little—too late”
Within the past few days France has an
nounced a program looking toward the military
expenditure over the next three years of $5.8
billion, including the raising of 15 new divisions.
This is an encouraging step in the right direction,
but it falls far short of the total effort that
should be made in Western Europe.
It is to be hoped that the requisite effort
will be forthcoming. If it is not, if the will to
fight for their own survival is not present among
the people of Western Europe, then, soon or late,
we shall have to turn to the grim question of
what can and should be done to safeguard
ourselves. That will be a very difficult thing to
do. But the worst thing we could do is to pin
our hopes on Allies if they will not prepare them
selves to stand up to the test when it comes.
Sit Stafford Retires
In the past few years, as Britain's “economic
czar” and Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Staf
ford Cripps has capped a long and distinguished
legal, diplomatic and political career with a
record of achievement well deserving of his
countrymen’s deepest thanks.
Moreover, in a broader sense, the free world
at large has reason to pay tribute to him as he
leaves office now because of ill health. For Sir
Stafford, among all Britons, has earned the lion’s
share of the credit for his country’s remarkable
economic recovery since 1947—a recovery of vast
importance not merely to the security of Britain
but to the security of America and every other
like-minded nation as well.
In 1947, owing chiefly to the grave losses and
dislocations caused by the Second World War,
Britain was deep in a dangerous crisis. It was
this crisis, with all its enormously difficult
problems, that was dumped in Sir Stafford’s lap
when he became Chancellor. From then on, in
what amountted virtually to a one-man rescue
effort, he displayed an extraordinary ability to
lead his country out of the morass. With the
indispensable help of the Marshall Plan, and
with a rigorous no-favors-to-anybody austerity
program, he carried on an unremitting drive that
slowly but surely lifted the United Kingdom from
the depths of depression to where it is today—in
a relatively very healthy and strong economic
and financial position.
Accordingly, now that he has resigned be
cause of his doctors’ insistent warnings that he
must have rest or soon die, few Britons—even
among the Conservatives—can fail to hail him
as a man who has served his country remarkably
well. Further, although a Socialist and a stalwart
of the Labor Party, he has done so without
engaging in partisanship or striving to achieve
narrow, doctrinaire objectives.
In short—as he turns over the seals of his
office to Hugh Gaitskell, who has been his under
study—it may rightly be said of Sir Stafford that
he has placed the interests of all Britain high
above the interests of personal politics. The
results shine, and the free world as a whole is
the gainer.
On advice of his handlers, Senator Quagmire
is not standing on his record in the campaign
for re-election, but from here on in will emphasize
“the great task ahead.”
Vishinsky, at U. N„ is still in there pitching,
but thejre are moments when he ought also to
wear a catcher’s mitt.
Spires of the Spirit
So Help Me, God.
By Frederick Brown Harris
Minister. Foundry Methodist Church;
Chaplain. United States Seriate.
“So help me. God". That quartet of
mighty monosyllables is the solemn con
clusion of the oath of allegiance taken
by every citizen of the Nation who as
sumes public office. If those now carry
ing the responsibilities of the executive,
the legislative and the judicial phases
of our Government could be called
together for a mass meeting and should
be asked to repeat in concert the words
uttered individually when they took over
their office, what a deafening affirmation
would be heard, "So help me, God ’.
In the Nation’s Capital a man of
blameless integrity was appointed to
head an important commission. Having
just taken the oath of office, he turned
to preside at the first meeting of the
body, to the carrying out of whose func
tions he had just dedicated all his
powers, calling upon the Almighty to
witness his determination. As he as
sumed the chair his first words indicated
that he was under the stress of great
emotion. He stood silently for a moment,
and then said: “Several times before,
when assuming some governmental 'as
signment, I have repeated that oath; but,
somehow, never did it seem to mean to
me what it does this hour. I would like
to begin the first session of this body
by repeating with all my heart those
last four words. ‘So help me, God’. That
means that there is a flag of final allegi
ance lifted above the national ensign. It
means that the affairs, the methods, the
goals of the Nation are all under God.
No official, from the President on
through the list of public servants, ends
his oath to uphold the Constitution with,
‘So help me, the United States of
America,’ but with ‘So help me, God’
These four rugged, one-syllable, Anglo
Saxon words suggest a moral climate in
which certain things simply cannot live
—such as compromise which crucifies
principles, shoddy workmanship which
betrays one’s best, cowardly expediency
which is treason to the highest integrity.
But these words, “So help me, God’,
can mean everything or nothing. In all
human relationships there is no more
important question today than: How
much do they mean?
A recent survey conducted by a popu
lar American magazine showed that
while 95 per cent of those interviewed
asserted belief in God, only 39 per cent
declared that their religious beliefs had
any real effect cfti their political and bus
iness attitudes. In summing up the
situation, the reviewers said: “The suc
cess of communism is the result of the
failure of Christians who have forgot
ten the revolutionary demands of their
faith,” The revolutionary demands have
evaporated into a mild and manageable
version that makes people comfortable,
winks at pagan practices and blunts
sensitiveness to anything that hurts men
and women and little children. The
large percentage who admitted that their
religious beliefs did not color their politi
cal or business attitudes would, neverthe
less, expect to be put in the category of
the religious.
A modern novelist eloquently described
the religion of one of her characters in
the sentence: "She had God on her vis
iting list.” How aptly that jibe sug
gests the widespread, formal, polite, con
ventionality which so often masquerades
as religion. It was said in the obituary
notice of an English squire: “He was not
interested in religion. But in all other
respects he was a consistent Protestant.”
If one really believes in God, he will
automatically face every day, every
responsibility, every task, both private
and public, in the spirit of “So help me,
God,” making that not a pious ejacula
tion, but a fervent supplication. It can
not help but mold every thought and
action if, out of an inner faith and a
satisfying sense of deep reserves, we say,
"So help me, God” in the glorious per
sonal sense in which Sidney Lanier, gal
lantly fighting tuberculosis, cried out:
"By so many roots as the marsh grass
sends In the sod,
I will heartily lay me a hold on the
greatness of God!”
Robert Louis Stevenson was no naive
believer in second-hand religion, nor a
contender for orthodoxy. Yet, in his
long-drawn-out battle against disease
which was sapping his physical strength,
he laid hold on the greatness of God.
Describing a decisive stage in his soul's
career, he testified: “I came about like a
well-handled ship. There stood at the
wheel that unknowm steersman whom we
call God.”
The Apostle Paul said, "Whether we
eat or whether we drink, or whatsoever
we do, we should do it unto Him.” By
that “whatsoever” he meant, w'hether
we work or whether we play, whether we
rule a state or rock a cradle, we are to
do it as unto God. How' drab and boring
life can be if, like a galley slave, we go
on with any kind of a task, even the most
lowly, and never see the light of God
upon it. A steady awareness of the di
vine, a great prophet has declared, Is
by far the best and most important thing
that ever can happen to us in this world:
and to miss it is the ultimate tragedy.
That awareness of the Living God trans
forms life utterly and imparts to it a
depth and a dignity unknown before.'It
is far and away the most vital experience
that ever can happen to one.
An ecclesiastical tag tells little about
a person’s religipn. To be genuinely re
ligious is to face every experience, every
toil, in the spirit of four lines which
breathe the reverential awe of our four
"Thou Life w'ithin my life, than self
more near,
Thou veiled Presence infinitely clear.
From all elusive show's of sense I flee.
To find my center and my rest in
Here is a w'hite altar for the pravc
So help me, God”.
Letters to The Star. .
Pen-names may be used if letters carry
# writers’ correct names and addresses.
All letters subject to condensation.
v-opy Lat
In one of the letters appearing in your
Issue of October 17, under the head
“Socrates and Dogs,” the writer, Eddie
Miller, refers to Socrates’ reply, when
elected as city dog-catcher: “It is not the
job which honors the man. it is the man
who honors the job.”
This is in line with the oft-quoted
response of Epaminondas, one of Greece’s
ablest generals, who, when his enemies
sought to humiliate him by offering him
the office of public scavenger of Thebes,
accepted the position with the statement:
"If the office will not reflect honor upon
me, I will reflect honor upon it.”
Gertrude E. Mackenzie.
'How About Us'
When are we going to have price ceil
ings and wage controls? When is the
Council of Economic Advisers going to
st-op talking about "voluntary" controls
holding prices down and recognize that
Mr. Baruch was right some weeks ago
in advocating immediate controls? When
will the President cease to be "gravely
concerned” about rising prices and do
something about them—employing the
broad powers which the Congress has
given him? Just as soon as the railroad
men, the steelworkers, and all the rest
of organized labor gets its next W’age
increase and not before. Naturally, farm
parity will then have to be adjusted so
that farm income won’t be diminished
by the inevitable price increases that will
follow the above wage increases. And so
it goes, on and on and on.
But when is this overgrown Govern
ment of ours going to have some con
sideration for the millions of us in the
low income group who are not fortunate
enough to belong to the new aristocracy,
which the present administration ap
parently considers the sole foundation
of the Republic. I refer to the millions
of us who are secretaries, civil servants,
soda clerks, store clerks, bookkeepers,
copywriters, teachers, bank tellers, ac
countants, shipping clerks, the people
living on fixed pensions, etc.
When will we again have government
of the people, by the people, and for the
people—all the people?
H. Blakely Harvey, Jr.
Dogs and Children
It is good to see the citizens of this
area taking up the cudgels for the dog
owning residents of a section of Alex
andria now being subjected to the “get
rid of them or else" type of landlordly
One point, however, has not been made
by those who rightly see this as perse
cution, and not so petty. That is—that
the success of any fanatic drive against
something leads to the next step, in a
greater degree of intensity.
It is easy to make the misbehavior of
one or two hungry, roving strays or one
noisy, badly behaved, privately owned
dog (for there are such) an excuse for
decreeing the extermination of several
hundred well-trained pets and guardians
of as many families. Next—if the Hous
ing Authority succeeds with this fiat—
comes what? Children.
It has happened before and can hap
pen again. Children can be noisy, badly
behaved and destructive of property. Ou
with them, says the fanatic. Let their
parents move somewhere else, and that
includes the parents of well-behaved
youngsters—of all youngsters.
Just as there is an affinity between
dogs and children, so they are linked. as
nuisances in the minds of the “antis."
Alexandria's reputation as a city of
homes is in jeopardy—if its citizens do
not realize that success of the eviction
threat of controlling the private lives of
community residents will only encourage
greater stringency on the part of the
victorious fanatics.
Gabrielle E. Forbush.
Steady, Gentlemen!
In your issue dated October 13, there
appears a letter from Mr. Modjadidi of
the Royal Afghanistan Embassy, in which
he has “officially” stated that no Afghan
troops took part “in any action against
Pakistan. Although allegedly Afghan
troops have taken no part in the action,
the action came from the Afghanistan
side of the border, and when the raiders
were pursued they fled back into Afghani
stan territory to seek shelter.
It is a strange movement for freedom
which speaks with no voice except that
of the Afghan official clique, and has no
existence except in the fevered imagina
tion of these champions of liberty who
keep their own people under an anachro
nistic medieval tyranny, and who run the
government of Afghanistan not as a
public agency but as a family business.
U. Ahmad Ansari,
Press Attache, Embassy of Pakistan.
Fifty Years Ago in The Star . . .
ine society column ot The Star for
October 23, 1900, led off with an account
n „ of the wedding of Helen
jj-rnS Dunn and William Galt
Wedding Burns at St. Patrick's
Church on the previous
day. "As the bride entered the church
with her brother-in-law, Addison A.
Ashburn, who gave her away, Prof.
Armand Gumprecht. the organist of the
church, rendered the wedding march
from ‘Lohengrin.’ The four ushers
(George Edward Boyd, Edward Lacey
Burns, brother of the bridegroom; Leroy
Whitley Herron and Frank Fish Rogers)
led the bridal procession to the altar.
The bridesmaid was Annie Dunn, sister
of the bride. At the entrance to the
chancel the bride was met by the bride
groom and his best man, Harmon Burns,
another brother. . . . The Rev. Dr. Staf
ford performed the ceremony. The bride
wore a becoming gown of white taffeta
and mousseline de soie, with pearl trim
mings, and a tulle veil.” Mr. Burns
was an employe of The Star for half a
century. He started selling papers at 13
and was circulation director when he
died at 68, March 14, 1946. His photo
graph is in the gallery of Star nota
bles in the clubroom on the eighth floor
of The Star Building, but his practical
memorial is the circulation department,
which he spent his lifetime developing
and which is carried on in the tradi
tion of service which he established.
* * ,
On October 24, 1900, The Star an
nounced: "Gilbert Grosvenor, son of Prof.
. , Grosvenor of Amherst
jj- College, and Edith Bell,
Wedding daughter of Prof. Alex
ander Graham Bell, were
married in London yesterday morning.
Mr. and Mrs. Grosvenor will spend their
honeymoon traveling and will not return
to America until some time in December.
Prof, and Mrs. Bell, with the relatives
of the bridegroom and the family, were
in London to attend the wedding. The
bride was attended by Marian Bell as
maid of honor and Helen Bell and Miss
Crossman as bridesmaids.” A golden
wedding anniversary reception is to be
held at the present home of Dr. and Mrs.
Grosvenor in Bethesda, Md„ tomorrow
evening. Dr. Grosvenor celebrated his
50th anniversary as editor of the Na
tional Geographic magazine last year.
* *
Former Secretary of State John Sher
man died early on October 22, 1900, and
The Star of that day
John Sherman contained a lengthy
Dead obituary article about
him. He had been a
younger brother of the famous Union
Army leader, Gen. William Tecumseh
8herman, but had developed his own
career along independent lines and with
great success. He served in the House
of Representatives from Ohio, from 1855
to 1861, and in the Senate, from 1861 to
1877, then was Secretary of the Treas
ury for four years and returned to the
Senate for the period between 1881 and
1897. His term as William McKinley’s
"premier” was spoiled by “humiliating
weakness of memory which incapacitated
him for functioning out of his usual rou
tine.” But despite his relative failure as
head of the State Department, Mr. Sher
man left a name which has endured—if
only in regard to the Anti-Trust Act
which he sponsored in 1890. The Star's
verdict on his life was that "he was a
man worthy to stand in the front rank
of the Nation-makers.”
* *
The Star of October 16, 1900, said:
“Shortly after 7 o'clock last night Mar
. , garet Gast finished
Useless and her ride of 2,000
Brutal Contest' miles on a bicycle at
Valley Stream, Long
Island. She has been paced throughout
in this useless and brutal contest by
friends and members of the Century
Road Club of America, all of whom
assert that she has covered the distance
she is credited with. If so. Miss Gast
has broken all road records for that
distance, made by either man or woman.”
Time consumed was 222 hours and 5V2
minutes. The Star's correspondent
seemed to believe that the public dis
approved of women exerting themselves
on long-distance bicycle rides. His com
ment closed with the statement that:
"Miss Gast's trainers denied that in
jections of cocaine or morphine had
been given to the woman.” When Miss
Gast attempted to ride an additional
500 miles, a deputy sheriff stopped her
with a threat of punishment under a
State law prohibiting racing more than
12 hours in 24. The actual distance she
traveled on her bike up to the moment
when the law interferred was 2,625 miles.
* *
The Star for October 18, 1900, report
ed: “At last evening’s weekly meeting of
the Board of Educa
No More tion it was decided to
Home Work! do away with the re
quirement for home
study in the case of all pupils under the
sixth grade and to reduce the hours of
study in the higher grades, including the
high school, as much as possible. This
action was the outcome of a long dis
cussion held behind closed doors and
was said to have been based on the
recommendation of Supt. Stuart and his
assistants, who have had the subject
under consideration for some time. It
was the general sentiment of the school
authorities that the present system de
velops the mental faculties of the chil
dren to the detriment of their general
health and that too much study is in
jurious. The average age in the sixth
grade is 12 years, and it was the opinion
of the board that no good resulted from
compelling children at that age and
under to study at home.” A different
philosophy prevails in 1950. Teachers
are authorized to assign home work and
parents expect them to do so.
* ★
An editorial in The Star of October
19, 1900, said: ‘‘A New York jury has
. , just awarded the
value or widow of the victim of
Human Life' a street railway acci
dent $37,000 damages.
The husband's income was $10,000 a
year. On the same day in the same
court a jury awarded the widow of an
other victim of a street railway’s care
lessness $1.500,. his income having been
about $1,000 a” year. The disparity in
the two cases is attracting marked at
tention, particularly in view of the fact
that the usual practice in these damage
ca^es is to limit the award to $5,000
* *
"The fourth continuous automobile
trip from New York to Washington,” an
nounced The
New York to Star on Oc
Washington by Auto tober 20, 1900,
was completed
at 5:30 o’clock yesterday afternoon, when
Dr. W. H. Stemmerman of Passaic, N. J„
accompanied by W. J. Lampton, formerly
of this city but now residing in the me
tropolis, reached the east front of the
Capitol in the doctor’s runabout steam
carriage. Tire trip between the two im
portant cities in the new style of con
veyance has attracted much interest
among automobilists throughout the East
and its successful completion is excep
tionally gratifying to them. The jour
ney was replete with entertaining inci
dents. . . . Dr. Stemmerman was at the
lever and guiding bar the entire distance
over and will direct the vehicle through
out the .return trip. . . . The doctor is an
experienced automobilist and pilots the
carriage with adeptness.” His machine,
it was explained, was "driven by steam,
generated in a gasoline-burning boiler.”
The car weighed 750 pounds and the load
about 400 pounds. During part of the
trip. Dr. Stemmerman and his passenger
“did” 10 miles an hour. They were en
route from Monday morning until sun
down Friday. The first motor trip from
New York allegedly was made by George
E. Scott, the second by Capt. Frank T.
Avery, U. S. A., and the third by Mr.
Weston. Wonder if Mr. Weston was Ed
ward Weston, the electrical engtneer?
* i
Hoover's Speech Praised
As Basis for Peace
Writer Says Former President's
Views Should Be Popular
By Frank R. Kent
If we are not to drift steadily into an
impossible situation, it seems essential
that some one should clarify the collec
tive mind of the American people as to
the international facts that now confront
us. Admirable in some respects as Mr.
Truman’s San Francisco address was, he
gave neither a clear nor a complete pic
Yet there was never r time when
real understanding was more vital than
now'. That is why the speech of Herbert
Hoover on Thursday night ought to be
read by every citizen everywhere. Devoid
of partisanship or any suspicion of per
sonal ambition, by reason of his experi
ence and character, Mr. Hoover is one
of the few men in the country whose
views carry weight with the people, re
gardless of party. Calmly and clearly,
he reviewed the history of our Russian
relations from 1933 to now. Realistically,
he appraises our military weaknesses
and made certain suggestions, the sound
ness of which it seems difficult to dispute.
Four Presidents and five Secretaries of
State—Democrats and Republicans alike
—prior to 1933 had refused to invite
Communist representatives into this
Nation on the ground that all Com
munists carried germs of conspiracy in
tended to turn America into a police
state, destroy all religious faiths, over
throw' the freedom of men and the in
dependence of nations.
Since 1933, American statesmanship
became lost when it came to the borders
of communism. Mr. Hoover recites
the acquiescences and appeasements pf
Russia after we entered the war in 1941
—Moscow in 1943; Teheran a month
later; Yalta in February, 1945, and Pots
dam in August of the same year. The
results of “lost statesmanship” in this
period are presented and documented.
So. too. is the lack of guns, men and ma
terial which now afflict our armed forces.
He speaks with enthusiasm of our indus
trial energies and of the brilliant. per
formance of Gen. MacArthur in Korea.
But, he points out, the great danger is in
the overrunning of Western Europe be
fore adequate resistance can be or
w *
"The time has come,” Mr. Hoover says,
when the American people should speak
out in much stronger tones than the dip
lomatic phrases of conference halls. We
should be willing to aid, but if Western
Europe wants defense from the Com
munists’ tide they must do most of it
themselves—and do it fast. Some one
proposed that we at once increase our
forces in Europe to 10 combat divisions.
That would be only a slaughter of Amer
ican boys unless many times that num
ber were standing by their sides. We
should say, and at once, that we shall
provide no more money until a definitely
unified and sufficient European army is
in sight.”
Nor is such an army in Europe, even
with American forces, alone sufficient to
dull Kremlin ambition in Europe and
Asia—according to Mr. Hoover. He re
calls that five months ago, and again
three months ago, he urged that the
United Nations be so reorganized as to
permit the mobilization of the non-Com
munlst world on military, economic and
moral lines to meet Soviet aggressions.
The impotency to which the Soviet vetoed
had reduced the United Nations made
this impossible. 1
The step taken on Wednesday tb
change the rules of the United Nations
by which Russian obstructions within
that organization might be defeated is
applauded by Mr. Hoover and is along
the lines suggested by him. "To get ac
tion.” Mr. Hoover now says, “either the
potency of the United Nations under
Chapter VII should be so restored, as to
take over a real job, or, alternatively, we
should enlarge the North Atlantic Alli
ance into a world alliance, which could
in this fashion implement Chapter VII.
In either case we should ask all nations
who want to stop Russian aggression to
join—and to specify what they will join
with and when. We should further say
at once that the United States, with all
its resources, cannot long endure the
present drain on our economy.” Thesb
suggestions from Mr. Hoover are bold
but concrete, specific and understand
able. They should get a very large and
favorable response from the American
people as a whole.
All Himself
By Bruce Barton
A man died recently who was one of
the most conscientious I ever have
known. He was. in fact, so conscien*
tious that he hurried himself Into an
early grave, and nearly Jiusted the com
pany he sought so earnestly to serve. -
As president he had personality, judg
ment, initiative—every executive quali
fication but one. He never could stop
worrying, never could conquer his moth
er-hen complex. He tried to do it ail
All of his subordinates respected
him, and their grief at his funeral was
genuine. But every one of them knew
in his heart that the business would
make better progress under his less bril
liant successor—a quiet, easygoing man.
who would be content to call the signals
and let the team carry the ball.
Moses, the great law giver, came close
to killing himself by trying to do it all.
The story is in the 18th chapter of
“ it came to pass on the mor
row, that Moses sat to judge the peo
ple and the people stood by Moses from
the morning unto the evening.
"And when Moses' father-in-law
< Jethro) saw all that he did to the
people, he said, the thing that thou
doest is not good.
"Thou wilt surely wear away, both
thou, and this people that Is with thee:
for this thing is too heavy for thefr:
thou art not able to perform it thyself
“Hearken now unto my voice, I will
give thee counsel . .
Jethro’s counsel was that Mos'es
should appoint able and honest assist
ants, to be "rulers of thousands, rulers
of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers
of tens.” These would be the people's
judges, hearing "every small matter,"
letting only "every great matter” come
up to Moses himself. “So,” said Jethro,
“shall It be easier for thyself, and tliey
shall bear the burden with thee.”
In my early business life I hearkened
unto the voice of the then brilliant young
sales manager of a big publishing house,
now the president of a bigger one. He
had hired me as his assistant.
"What do you expect me to do?” I
asked him.
"Take over as much of my job as you
can, and as fast as you can.” he an
swered, “and when ygu have taken it all
over I shall expect to continue to draw
my salary just for having been smart
enough to hire you.”
(Copyright, 1950, King Features Syndicate, Ins.)

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