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Attlee Stirs New Criticism Discussion of '38th Parallel' Sounds Absurd As Navy and Air Force Attack North of Line Again the “38th Parallel” has been interjected into the mili tary operations of the United Nations forces by Great Brit ain. Prime Minister Attlee’s admission in London that the views of the British govern ment on this point had been presented to the American Gov ernment and that the U. N. forces should not move across the parallel without consulta tions among the U. N. powers illustrates dramatically the way American forces have been ham strung in Korea. The utter absurdity of such a discussion in the midst of fighting will be apparent wheji it is noted that there has here tofore been no ban against crossing the parallel by our forces. Even now nobody is seriously advocating that the naval forces or the planes of the Air Force and the Navy be prevented from attacking tar gets in North Korea. It is only the land forces which are to be ordered to stop their crossing. The idea that a war can be fought successfully by pro hibiting ground forces from pun ishing the enemy, while sea and air forces continue the at tack. is one that doesn’t make sense to military men. If wars hereafter are to be managed by politicians and if future U. N. operations are to be commanded by foreign offices, then it might be well worth considering whether American forces should ever again be committed to resist aggression unless the U. N. specifically agrees in ad vance to let the military power be exerted to its maximum in every way until there is a “cease Are” agreed to by both sides. What the British government is evidently attempting to offer is a “cease fire” so far as the U. N. forces are concerned but with no guaranty or assurance that the Communist Chinese will feel obligated to x-efrain from sudden attack on U. N. forces. Merely to state what is in volved from a military view point is to reveal the impracti cability of conducting military operations on such a basis. But what is more disconcerting is that the great government of Britain, which has tried as siduously to prevent the Red China regime from being pro nounced an aggressor by the U. N„ now insists that the ag gressor shall have the right to do as he pleases north of the 38th Parallel. This must be sad news to the Korean people, who have been expecting the U. N. to liberate all of them and not just those south of the 38th Parallel. To stop at the parallel is to admit that all the military effort ex pended since last June, when the North Koreans marched across that line, has been in vain. Even to suggest publicly that the Allies should consider stopping at the 38th Parallel is to notify Communist China that the U. N. forges are afraid to proceed further or that they are coming cravenly to beg for a “cease fire.” Does Prime Minister Attlee think such tactics can inspire American soldiers hereafter to make sacrifices for the U. N.? It can only result In severe criticism directed toward any government which sponsors a limitation on the right of an army in the midst of war oper ations to pursue its legitimate military objectives. The United States has suffered nearly 50, 000 casualties, and yet the Brit ish Prime Minister is willing to stop our troops at the 38th Parallel. There is no objection, of course, to a demand on Red China for a “cease fire’’ based on a willingness of U. N. forces to withdraw from Korea in due time, but certainly not until after every Communist soldier has first been withdrawn and fool-proof guarantees have been given against a re-crossing of the Yalu River. The Red Chinese will hardly be impressed by any maneuver now which orders U. N. forces to stop and wait for the Peiping government to agree to stop fighting. Every communication from the Red China regime thus far has been defiant. There isn’t the slightest sign that stop ping at the 38th ParUlel would accomplish anything. Yet the British Government, which has borne very little of the pain of the Korean war is perfectly willing to see the operations of General Ridgway impaired by a restrictive order. Opinion here is that the British might better confine their help in the Korean war to a stoppage first of the British supplies that have been going through Hong Kong to the Communists. That would truly speed the victory for the U. N. in Korea. (Reproduction Riihts Reserved.) Dorothy Thompson: Has Tito Won Another Ally? Reported Escape of Czech Leader to Belgrade May Bring Voice to Stalinist Foes If Vladimir Clementis, de moted as Czechoslovak Foreign Minister in 1949, has, as ru mored. escaped to Belgrade, the fact will soon be known. For Clementis, like Marshal Tito, Is an obstinate, prideful man, who will undoubtedly continue from other soil the fight that led to his demotion. Normally speaking, Clementis would have disappeared from public office following his con demnation in 1949 by the 9th Congress of the Slovak Commu nist Party, on the grounds of "Nationalist bourgeois devia tlonism.” But Clementis, though removed from the foreign office, was not ousted by the party. He became the director of the Czechoslovak National Bank. This relative tenderness to ward a condemned, deviationist is explicable only because of Clementis’ exceptional popular ity in Czechoslovakia with Com munist rank-and-flle and bor der-line left-wingers. Especially In Slovakia, he was easily one of the most popularly accept able Communist personalities. In a country where the regime Is anything but loved he was therefore a party asset. Whether he now has fled Prague because he was again threatened, or decided to go where he could openly continue his fight is a still unanswered question. But if he has reached Belgrade, he will not be silent, and his voice added to the Stalinist opposition fighting the Cominform from Yugoslavia will be highly embarrassing to the rulers in Prague, Moscow, and elsewhere. Clementis is not a career Com munist. He was Communist when communism offered no dividends of immediately fore seeable power. His party mem bership dates from 20 years or more. For some 10 years prior to World War II, he was a Com munist deputy from Slovakia to the Czechoslovak Parliament. He founded the Slovak Commu nist Monthly, "DAV” (Masses), and was well known and popu lar as a writer in left-wing cir cles much broader than the Communists. Nor is his opposition to cer tain Stalinist policies recent. In 1939, he was in Paris and op posed the pact between Stalin and Hitler. When war broke out he went to London where he was admitted on condition that he refrain from political activities. He did not keep this promise, but was subterraneanly active. He had his own spies in the Czechoslovak legation where Jan Masaryk was then minister. Later, w’ith Russia’s entrance into the war, the British re leased him from his pledge and he broadcast to Czechoslovakia over the BBC. He published a book, attacking Pan-Slavism, which also put him off the party line, which was unofficially ex ploiting the old Russian imperial “Union of all Slavs” dream. Clementis’ viewpoint, even then, was precisely what Tito’s be came: That although there was a natural kinship between Slavic peoples, the Slav states are, and should be, sovereign and inde pendent. As a Communist of long standing and experience, Clem entis has friendships and fol lowers who ramify into many countries outside his own. both in East and West Europe. One of these was another Slovak, Ivan Horwath, Czechoslovak ambassador to Hungary, who, according to reports, was ar rested by the Hungarian secret police and disappeared. If, therefore, Clementis—ac companied, it is rumored by four other civil servants—has reached Belgrade, Marshal Tito will have won a valuable ally for his anti-Stalinist ideological campaign in behalf of the “true” Communist faith. Bel grade, not any of the Western bourgeois countries, would be his logical port. For, like Mar shal Tito, he is not sympathetic to the anti-Communist world. He is another heretic to the Stalinist line, but no renegade to communism. It is interesting to speculate what the effects might have been in Russia, had the old guard, purged in 1936 and 1937, had another Communist coun try to which to flee. Their fate, as it was. demonstrated how seriously Stalin feels threatened by deviation within Communist ranks. (Released by the Bell Syndicate. Inc.) Lowell Mellett: Can't Escape Cry of 'Politics' Any Way They Work It, New Administrators Sure to Be Accused of Playing Political Game A democracy in the process of organizing for war is apt to look pretty clumsy and confused at times. This is partly because the last thing that is relin quished, if it ever is relin quished, is freedom of speech, the right to protest to high heaven against anything or everything the Government may be doing or attempting to do. The good citizens who have been called to Washington to put the machinery together and oper ate it are finding this out. They need men to staff their organizations and, naturally, they want good men. They may know a few good men personally and among these they may find some who are willing to give up whatever they are doing and become “bureaucrats” for the period of the emergency or as long as they can stand the beat ing that befalls bureaucrats. But if it is a big organization, one requiring State and local administrators, personal ac quaintanceship doesn’t go very far. It is necessary to fall back on recommendations from vari ous sources. Government jobs are at least semi-political jobs and most of the recommenda tions come from political sources. Appointments are made and then freedom of speech begins. The cry is, “Politics.” There is no way for the man at the top to escape this. When Leon Henderson set up the original Office of Price Admin istration he thought he could. He relied largely on the gover nors of the States for the se lection of the State Administra tors. Democratic governor, Democratic administrator. Re publican governor. Republican administrator. See, no politics! Futhermore that would also fasten responsibility on the State government in office and ^ssure the proper zeal. But it didn't always work •ut that way. Some of the Republicans thus chosen found that some aspects o. price con trol were not too popular. Not having made the rules and regu lations, they had an easy an swer for their critics—a shrug of the shoulders and, “That's Washington.” Meaning, some more of that crazy New Deal: some more of the Roosevelt brain trust. And this alibi wasn’t confined to Republicans. Some anti-Roosevelt Democrats ap pointed by anti-Roosevelt Gov ernors likewise indulged in it. It didn't happen in-all States, of course. Most State adminis trators probably were as good men as the Governors could find, regardless of politics. But the volume of complaints that poured into Washington was staggering. Wasn’t it a Demo cratic administration? Then why not appoint loyal Demo crats? Above all, why appoint men to sabotage the price con trol system they were supposed to enforce? ' Leon Henderson, a stubborn fellow, chose to bull his way through the political storm, re lying on the soundness of his basic premise. He could do this, so far as the complaints coming directly to him from the States were concerned. The smarter boys back home, however, routed their outraged protests through their Senators and Representa tives and that meant real trouble. Members of Congress wanted to know why he was conferring patronage on then political enemies. Mr. Henderson had a bad time every time he went to The Hill for legislation or appropriations. Good adminis Oriental Cream • o u ■ * u o give* • pleasing com plexion and alluring loveliness for thil important occasion tration Democrats felt he was wrecking his own party out of pure stubbornness. I don’t recall that he changed his ways very much, but it could be that he passed his experience on to Mike DiSalle and that the criticism Mr. DiSalle is now get ting results from his desire to avoid the kind of criticism Mr. Henderson got. Mike, it is said, is consulting the Congressmen as much as possible. LOUIE —By Harry Hainan Henry McLemore: Declares Gov. Talmadge Is Out to Muzzle Press With the passing of his father, ol' Gene, Herman Tal madge automatically became my most unfavorite Governor. To mention all the things Herman and, before him, his gallus-snapping, spittoon sharp shooting dad, have done or tried to do against the simple rights of man, would require a book. And I’m in no mood to write a book. All I want to do is say a few words about his latest effort to silence the voices which would speak against him and his Dark Ages approach to government of men and women. Word comes from Atlanta— and what a lovely city to have been the dateline for so many stories of persecution and unen lightenment—that Gov. Her man seeks to slip the muzzle on Georgia’s newspapers, partic ularly the two most influential, the Atlanta Journal and Con stitution. Under the guise of break ing up a monopoly, he wants to bend Georgia’s newspapers to his will. Because former Gov. James M. Cox of Ohio owns both the Journal and the Constitution, Herman wants to dissolve that ownership. Every one with so much as one fragment of sense in his head knows that Herman’s “hate” of monopoly is as pure a mask as ever worn by the Ku Klux Klan. Name me one Georgian who does not owe his living to Herman’s patronage, or one Georgian who has enough sense to know that hominy is eaten with a fork, who doesn't also know that Herman, if the Georgia papers were solidly behind him, wouldn’t stoop to anything to keep them going full blast. In all fairness to Herman his interest in newspapers comes naturally. His father, ol’ wool hat Gene, owned and published a weekly sheet. Its name I do not remember, as who would. It was the worst journalistic effort I ever saw. The copies I saw consisted of attacks on any one "who, through either nausea or anger, attacked the State government of Geor gia. And the attacks sounded as if they had been written by an eight-year-old child who had fallen off his tricycle and landed on his head. * What has Georgia done to deserve the Talmadges, pere et Ills? 'It is an original 13th State. Its sons fought gallantly in the Revolutionary War. It contrib uted its share in World War I and World War II and World War III, as the Korean war will sometime be known. There are lots and lots of fine, solid people who live in my home State, but due to an elec toral system that makes about as much sense as Herman, him self, some very odd characters make inaugural addresses in that State. If Herman succeeds in muz zling the newspapers, I suggest we change the name of Geor gia to Talmadge and raise the hammer and sickle over the capitol. (Dl«trlbut«d by McNamht Syndicate. Inc.) KODAK FINISHING t or R tip. Roll m Developed and W W /* Printed, JUMBO X| m. M V. Site Album L 5-HOUR SERVICE M RITZ CAMERA CENTERS 618 12th N.W. (Bet. FAG) 8T. 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M Constantine Brown: , Rhee Offers Replacements Korea Seeks to Buy U. S. Military Equipment To Put 250,000 Trained Men in Battle The Republic of Korea is try ing to buy—from its meager dollar reserves—light military equipment in this country to arm 250,000 men who are not now in the army, but who have had basic training and are anxious to fight for their coun try. President Syngman Rhee con tends that if the American Gov ernment took advantage of the manpower available in Korea, it would not need to send as many replacements to Korea. According to figures presented to the American high command by the Korean president, there are 500,000 young Koreans anxious to fight the Reds. Half that number are adequately trained. The other half could be employed successfully as guerrillas after a few weeks training in that type of war fare. Unfortunately, weapons are not available for such a large mumber of South Koreans. President Rhee points out in his appeals to Tokyo and Wash ington that it is illogical for America and other countries to bear the brunt of the fighting. United Nations forces have little interest in Korea itself. They are there to carry out a "police” measure. The South Koreans, however, are fighting for their own free dom and for their homes. Con sequently, a larger number of them than at present should be drafted and trained for combat. This is being done on a very limited scale. Dr. Rhee points out that some of the best Ameri can officers attached to the gov ernment of South Korea as mili tary instructors have been transferred to Japan, where they now are engaged in drilling the new Japanese police. When the Communist aggres sion occurred the South Korean army, trained exclusively as a police force, could not hold its ground against the North Koreans. It lacked weapons to resist the tanks and fire power of the enemy. • But it showed that under proper training the Korean soldiers could fight. This was illustrated last fall when Korean units, properly equipped and with a minimum of combat training, did an excellent job against the North Koreans. The ROK divisions which we hastily organized did not do so well during the winter, after the Chinese Reds entered the fight. But now they have caugnt up, and are doing a good job. Hundreds of thousands of young Koreans between the ages of 17 and 25 are refugees in the Pusan area. A small percent age have been inducted into the army as replacements and have joined the ranks of the Ameri can forces. But a large number of others are clamoring for weapons to fight for their home land, either as regulars or as guerrillas. Gen. MacArthur is said to have promised Dr. Rhee to do his best to get these men weap ons. But unfortunately, there seems to be a shortage in the stockpile we maintain in Japan, and Washington can send suffi cient equipment only to replace losses suffered in battle by the American and Allied forces. The case of Korea is typical. It demonstrates that it is not manpower which is lacking, but a sufficiency of military equip ment. If our factories could pro duce the needed quantities it would take a relatively short time to train and use in battle native troops which are anxious to defend their country. Meanwhile, American soldiers are wondering what will happen next. The United Nations, under whose flag soldiers of so many nationalities are fighting, has branded the Chinese Commu nists as aggressors. It took that organization five weeks to reach that momentous decision. “What now?” the men in th« field are asking. Since the deci sion was l-eached the United Nations has rested on its laurels and nothing more has been heard from its diplomats. 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