Evening star. [volume], August 21, 1951, Page A-9, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
David Lawrence:
'U. S. Air Navy' Could Be Title
Sea Forces Now Set to Conduct Offensive or Defensive
By Use of Latest Type of Bombers and Fighter Planes
Some one might well oiler a
prize for a new name for the
United States Navy.
Maybe the name should be the
"U. S. Air Navy.” For the latest
announcement from the Navy
Department reveals that here
after even submarines will en
gage in aerial warfare.
Unfortunately, the Navy has
been laboring under a handicap
in postwar years. Members of
Congress and some commenta
tors still think of the Navy as
primarily a ferry service or a
patrol to guard the transporta
tion of troops across the seas or
just as a means of hunting
down enemy submarines.
Actually the Navy today is set
up to conduct offensive as well
as defensive warfare by the use
of the latest type of bombers
and fighter planes. The Navy
has just revealed, for example,
that three more aircraft car
riers will be modernized so as
to handle bombing planes ca
pable of delivering the atomic
bomb.
For several months now it has
been the policy of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff to allow every
one of the three armed services
to use atomic energy for its
weapons—each service adapting
these to its own special purposes.
The aircraft carrier, however,
with its floating base is not the
only ship that will engage in
aerial warfare. Guided missiles
will be fired from the decks of
cruisers and battleships? The
time is near when even a sub
marine will run close to an
Doris Fleeson:
Mulishness of the Bureaucrats
Air Force Thus Far Successfully Has Resisted Vinson Order
For Fair Test of Plane Support for Ground Troops
This is the second of three
articles on new developments tn
the Defense Department battle
for air vower expansion.
On July 22 last. Chairman
Vinson of the House Armed
Services Committee formally
requested Lt- Gen. Mark Clark.
Chief of the Army Field Forces,
to include in the projected field
maneuver, Southern Pine, a fair
test of Navy versus Air Force
doctrines of air support of
ground troops.
The Air Force has success
fully resisted this test and, so
far, all Mr. Vinson’s efTorts to
revive it.
Mr. Vinson, as he is now vig
orously pointing out to the serv
ice secretaries and Joint Chiefs,
was only carrying out the rec
ommendations of his committee
following the bitter 1949 serv
ice disagreements. After explo
sive public hearings, the com
mittee virtually commanded the
department to establish joint
training programs so as to re
move the “lack of understand
ing which breeds suspicion,
undue' rivalry and questioning
of motives.”
The committee still has very
little information on the rela
tive efficacy of Navy and Air
Force doctrines and procedures
for close air support, Mr. Vin
son wrote Gen. Clark. He
suggested also that Southern
Pine tests would represent a
timely use of the lessons learned
in Korea where both Air Force
and Navy have put their best
air wings forward.
Gen. Clark replied co-op
eratively. He said that Admiral
William M. Fechteler, com
mander In chief of the Atlantic
Fleet, had promised to partici
pate, that Maj. Gen. Glenn
Barcus, Deputy Chief of Air
Force TactiCal Air, was agree
able and that Lt. Gen. John R.
Hodge would direct the show.
(Admiral Fechteler has just
been named Chief of Naval Op
erations to succeed the late Ad
miral Sherman.)
When the actual planning
began, Admiral Fechteler ex
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enemy shore and, coming to the
surface, will discharge guided
missiles which will do damage
several hundred miles inland.
The so-called ‘‘carrier task
force” is built around aerial
warfare. The aircraft carrier of
today gets a ring of protection
from battleships, cruisers and
destroyers, and all are equipped
with rapid - fire anti - aircraft
guns. The whole concept of a
modern navy turns primarily on
aerial combat.
Before the Korean war broke
out, the Navy had a hard time
convincing its critics in other
services that lots of aircraft car
riers should remain in commis
sion and not be put in ‘‘moth
balls.” In fact, money for mod
ernizing aircraft carriers was
withheld because of the belief
that there wouldn’t be much use
for the Navy’s air arm as long
as intercontinental strategic
bombers could do the same job.
During the first weeks of the
Korean war, fortunately, the
aircraft carriers of the Navy
transported some of the United
States Air Force’s fighter planes
across the Pacific. This is be
cause a fighter plane, as dis
tinguished from a long-range
bomber, cannot fly across long
stretches of water.
Thus, not only was the aircraft
carrier’s use as a ferry in an
emergency confirmed, but an
awakening took place at the
same time as to the true power
of naval aviation as an offensive
force. The Navy’s fighters and
bombers ranged up and down
both coasts of Korea and its
plained that he would order his
Naval and Marine air units to
report directly to the appropri
ate Army commander. This, he
said, would most closely follow
Navy practice in which the sup
porting air arm is under the
operational control of the sup
ported forces.
But the Air Force attitude had
hardened. Lt. Gen. Joseph K.
Cannon, Gen. Barcus’ superior, -
quickly disputed these concepts.
He contended that the Air Force
had ample aircraft to support
the operation and should fix the
conditions under which the
Navy, only a guest, would par
ticipate. It was an Air Force
show, he insisted, and the Air
Force must be boss. He also
made lt plain that the Air
Force did not desire any quali
tative tests of Air Force versus
Navy methods of close air sup
port.
This is the insistence which
will get the Air Force in trouble
with the Congress. Congress
does want such tests before it
votes more money for air power
expansion.
Representative Sterling Cole of
New York in fact noticed that
the tactical air tests were not
forthcoming from the Southern
Pine exercise and has com
plained on the House floor re
garding it. Unification, he sug
gested, has gone too far; tacti
cal air power should be re
turned to the Army or at least
recognized specialists in the
field should do lt for the Army.
In his reply to Mr. Vinson,
Navy Secretary Kimball in
closed Admiral Fechteler’s ex
planation of his withdrawal
from the arguments at South
ern Pine. The admiral cited his
agreement with Gen. Clark and
said he became convinced his
forces would not be used accord
ing to Navy concepts and tech
niques. Therefore, he said, the
exercises would not be valuable
to his men nor contribute to
the Navy’s development of the
art of close air support.
The new Secretary supported
his new Chief of Naval Opera
tions, being thus more frank
about the facts than Gen. Brad-
planes regularly gave close air
support to ground troops, espe
cially when fields in Korea were
not available.
More and more, therefore, the
U. S. Navy has become an air
navy. There are very few officers
today who think of the battle
ship and the cruiser as the back
bone of the fleet any more. As
the late Admiral Sherman used
to say, the modem aircraft car
rier is the new “ship of the
line.”
Incidentally, the Navy is
happy about the evolution of its
new large-sized carrier known
as the “James V. Forrestal.” A
sister ship is -likely to be
planned soon. Louis Johnson,
who was Secretary of Defense in
1950, revealed recently at Sen
ate Armed Services hearings
that he had promised Admiral
Sherman there would be two
new large-sized carriers. While
this hasn’t been brought before
the Joint Chiefs as yet, it prob
ably will be in due course. It is
believed the new carrier will be
named the “Forrest P. Sher
man.” Chairman Carl Vinson of
the House Armed Services Com
mittee approves of the idea.
But, speaking of names, Con
gress has specifically recognized
“naval aviation” in its statutes.
Yet the “naval air arm” is no
longer an adjunct by itself. With
guided missiles and atomic
bombs fired from all manner of
naval vessels, the name "U. S.
Air Navy” would now, as a term
of identification, embrace the
entire naval establishment.
(Reproduction Right* Reserved)
ley. But like Gen. Bradley he
backed away from the argu
ment by citing the many splen
did boards that are studying
the problem.
Such boards bow only to
those awe-inspiring, “Top Se
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yards for the incompetence, bad
guesses or general mulishness
of the Washington bureaucrats.
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The salary stabilization board puts a partial Jreeze on bonuses.
A bonus is- what your wife says the neighbor’s- husband gets at
Christmas, and he’s always been a frozen-puss amyway.
• • • •
The Pentagon announces that soldiers and sailors can do part
time work on farms and in defense plants. ACber several months
in the service, you’re well trained to stand on yoftir own feet in any
line.
• • • •
Two Republican RFC investigators attack (President Truman
and Democratic Chairman Boyle for letting Gcjvernment morality
sink to its “lowest ebb” in history. Now, let’s see. Whs that an
ebb tide or a flood tide when we used to go boating with Warren
Harding’s crew?
• • • •
The OPS removes price ceilings from cars ./more than 25 years
old. Anything has a right to move in free that’s old
enough to remember one.
•• • •
Vice President Barkley, hinting he may ran again, says a man
of 70 today is what a man of 50 was 50 years ago. Oh, no, he isn’t.
Fifty years ago a man of 50 was a Republican*
• • • •
The House plans a two-week vacation starting this week end.
A fence can only take so much sitting before it needs mending.
#• * •
The Red Chinese radio says our peace negotiators are “cun
n.ng. deceitful and arrogant.” In other wools, they haven’t been
bluffed once yet.
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India Playing Middle-Way Role
Nehru Hopes to Keep Prestige and Influence in Far East
By 'Catwalk' Between Communists and Western World
Internal political considera
tions are exerting a measurable
influence in the middle-way role
which India is playing today in
the struggle between the Com
munist and anti-Communist
portions of the world. «
On January 3, India begins
its first general elections since
it became an independent coun
try. Approximately 180 million
voters will have the privilege
during the succeeding three
weeks of recording their choices
for the Central Parliament, the
Legislative Assemblies of the in
dividual states and the munici
pal and village councils. Nearly,
a dozen parties, probably includ
ing the Communist Party, will
present candidates.
While the Congress Party,
which is now virtually the gov
ernment itself, is expected to
maintain its dominance, there
are quite certain to be success
ful minority candidates and an
end to what in effect has been
a one-party rule of the country.
As it approaches the elections,
the Congress Party has some
rather deep internal differences
both on domestic issues and on
foreign policy. Prime Minister
Nehru, the strong man of the
party, has led the government
in a carefully calculated course
of disassociation from either the
Western world or the Commu
nist bloc. To a considerable de
gree he is disapproving of the
West and suspicious of what he
considers a hangover of colonial
motivation. To perhaps an even
greater degree he is anti-Com
munist. Nehru believes that the
future of Asia lies with Asiatics
and those close to him feel that
he envisions an Asiatic bloc
dominated by India and China
which would hold itself aloof
from entanglements with the
rest of the world.
Within his thinking, it is be
lieved, is the idea that China
will not permanently be under
Moscow’s Communist domina
tion even though it might follow
a Chinese Communist pattern.
Such an evolution, he believes,
will enable an Asiatic bloc to
extract from the Western world
more of what it wants in terms
of economic and technical as
sistance without political com
mitment.
Within the Congress Party,
however, there has been a some
what more pro-Western senti
ment represented by the late
President Patel and his succes
sor, Tandon. Patel and Tandon
have been influential in the
Working Committee of the
party, a structure comparable to
one of our own national party
THE EVENING STAR, Washington, D. C.
TUESDAY. AUGUST 21. IMI
committees, and this committee
has been both actively and pas
sively resistant to the extremes
of Nehru’s personal convictions.
A further division was created
recently when one Kripalani,
whom Nehru had quietly sup
ported against Tandon, walked
out of the Congress Party to
form a new coalition group in
the forthcoming elections.
The future of Japan and
particularly its treaty relation
ship with the West is another
factor which has been disturb
ing to Nehru’s long-range
thinking. Some of those who
have been close to Nehru in
recent years feel that the im
minent emergence of Japan as
a free postwar nation has de
veloped more quickly than he
expected. His present ques
tioning attitude toward the
proposed peace treaty seems to
stem from two things: First, he
is suspicious that the present
form of the treaty and agree
ments which may be reached
after its signature will leave
Japan too closely allied with
the West, a circumstance which
would be contrary to his Asia
tic bloc philosophy, and, sec
ond, he is not quite prepared
to antagonize Soviet Russia
and particularly Communist
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China by a ready acceptance
of such a treaty. Quite con
sistently, Nehru is reported to
feel that the reason the Com
munist government of China
has greater public support lies
in the fact it has destroyed all
ties with the West as contrasted
with the close relationship
which existed between the West
and the Chiang Kai-shek Na
tionalist regime. The next
logical step, he feels, is a Tito
-Ist disassociation from Russian
Communist influence.
Cutting across this instinc
tive anti-Western philosophy,
however, are the hard facts of
economic life. Nehru recognizes
that the economic well being of
his country requires Western
support and that recalcitrance
to a point of losing such sup
port would have destructive
political effects within the
country. While he probably
never would abandon his deep
est convictions to retain this
support, neither is he likely to
risk it by overly close associa
tion with the enemies of the
West. Along this middle-way
catwalk he hopes to maintain
his prestige and influence with
in his own country and to per
petuate his position as one of
the leaders of the new Asia.
A-9