Evening star. [volume], April 16, 1953, Page A-4 **, Image 4

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
A-4 **
THE EVENING STAR
Washington, D. C.
THURSDAY. APRIL 16, 19*3
Order so Slowdown
On Ammunition Laid
To Truman by Byrd
By John A. Giles
Senator Byrd, Democrat, of
Virginia indicated today top
level officials all the way up to
the White House may have
shared responsibility for am- 1
munition shortages in Korea.
Referring to what he termed
“slowdown orders" issued at the '
Pentagon September 27, 1950, he ;
said he couldn’t help but believe
they had former President Tru
man s approval.
The order, signed by Secretary
of Defense George C. Marshall
a few days after he took office,
stated flatly that budgeting
should be based on the assump
tion “combat operation in Korea
will be concluded by June
30. 1951.”
Reserve Buildings Retarded.
Lt. Gen. George C. Deck.ir,
Army controller, told the special !
Senate subcommittee this sys- j
tern ol budgeting for Korean ■
consumption had retarded the
Army in building up its reserves.
The subcommittee will meet
again at 2 p.m. today to hear
fuhher Army explanations.
Senator Byrd said it was
“amazing" to him that such a
policy was followed and contin
ued to be followed even after the
Chinese Communists entered the
conflict.
“I assume the policy would
not have been made without
White House approval,” he com
mented to reporters. “It also is
difficult for me to understand
why the Joint Chiefs of Staff ■
were not consulted, if they were j
not.”
Directed to Joint Chiefs.
The Senator pointed out the
directive was addressed to the j
Joint Chiefs, along with the Sec
retaries of the Army, Navy and
Air Force. He asked Gen. Decker
if that meant the chiefs w-ere
not consulted, but the general
said he did not know.
Under questions by Chairman
Smith, Republican, of Maine, j
Gen. Decker admitted that if
Army Ordnance had met its pro- j
auction schedules “we would be
in much better position today.
But he also maintained that
the appropriations “came too
late to materially affect deliv
eries in 1952.”
Accounting Systems.
At another point the general |
testified the Army had 33 dis- j
ferent accounting systems “de- j
signed for different purposes
which have grown up over -the
years.” i
Top Pentagon officials have
complained the Ajmy had so
many different accounting
methods it was impossible to get ;
a true picture of supplies. Gen:’ |
Decker said the systems were
currently under study but he
could not tell Senator Byrd when
some results would be obtained.?
“It appears the anged services
lack as much unification as ever
four years after Congress passed ’
legislation to correct such things
as the 33 accounting methods in
the Army,” the Senator com
mented.
Programming too Slow.
Maj. Gen. William O. Reeder,
retired, said ammunition pro
gramming was too slow when he
was assistant chief of staff for
logistics. He said it took some
thing like a month to get pro
grams approved by the office of
the Secretary of Defense.
The explanations of the Ko
rean ammunition problems led
Senator Byrd to declare “There
has just been one tragic mis
take after another."
“If you say the war will end
on a certain date, it is more or
less a directive not to proceed
with procurement for stepped-up
combat consumption—and pro
curement is vital to fighting a
war,” he added.
Maryland News
Mortgage Sold
The $53,000 mortage on the
Maryland News, Montgomery j
County weekly newspaper, has;
been sold.
E. Brooke Lee, former owner, |
said the mortgage notes were
bought Tuesday by John F. C. j
Bryce and Ernest Cuneo. both
of New York, in behalf of the i
North American Newspaper Al
liance. Drew Pearson, the col
umnist. said he was associated
with the buyers and planned to I
take an active part in running
the paper.
The mortgage notes covered
the entire News property, in- 1
eluding plant, circulation and
good will, Mr. Lee said.
Originally, an auction sale of
the newspaper was scheduled for
last Saturday, but was called
off at the last minute.
Robert Jerome Smith, pub
lisher of the News, said he
valued the paper and the plant
at $120,000.
Mr. Smith, who bought the
paper from Lee. said that as of
the present “I still have an in
terest in the Maryland News
and the other papers. I am still j
publisher Os the Nev/s.”
Mr. Smith added, however, i
that there would be a further
announcement at a later date.!
He would not elaborate.
Mr. Smith also publishes the
Record in Bethesda and the
Rockville Times.
/iffSSvj I* tK« #von, jwtt ••
POMPEIAN
PWC, IMOOHTtO YWWH OUVC OIL _
Ife. #
iiMißiiuiijhj' JPJT
WAIVES IMMUNlTY—Repre
sentative Hoffman, Republi
can, of Michigan, cleared of
a speeding charge because of
congressional immunity, in
sists on a hearing and has
agreed to appear at 9 a.m.
Tuesday in Hagerstown, Md.
Mr. Hoffmann, 77, was ar
rested April 2 by State police
and charged with exceeding
65 miles an hour in a 50-mile
zone. —AP Photo.
Press Group Rejects
Survey of Coverage
In 1952 Campaigns
A proposed survey of the fair
i ness of press, magazine, radio
and television coverage of the
1952 Presidential campaign has
been rejected by Sigma Delta
; Chi, national journalistic fra
ternity, as too unwieldly a job.
After long study, a special
committee of the group reported
such a survey “is not feasible.”
; The committee report, adopted
at the semiannual meeting of
Sigma Delta Chi’s Executive
Council at the Hotel Statler last
night, declared:
"The committee knows of no
formulae that would meet the
magnitude and complexities of
i the problem of evaluating the
fairness of public information
media in their news coverage of
the 1952 presidential campaign.
No Feasible Solution.
“Cataloguing the performance
of individual newspapers, maga
| zines, radio and television net
works and stations would, in the
i committee’s opinion, be possible.
But properly to weigh such ma
terial objectively to arrive at a
sound collective judgment of bias
or lack of bias is a problem for
which we have found no feasible
solution.”
The seven-member committee
had been asked to study feasi
bility, and possible financing, of
such a survey after complaints
were raised about news treat
ment of the heated campaign.
The written committee report
was concurred in by Chairman
J. D. Ferguson, editor of the
! Milwaukee Journal; Turner Cat
; ledge, managing editor of the
; New York Times; B. M. McKel
way, editor of The Star: Carson
Lyman, managing editor of U. S.
News & World Report, and Earl
English, dean of the School of
Journalism, University of Mis
souri.
Murrow Concurs.
i In addition, Edward R. Mur
row. Columbia Broadcasting
System commentator, unable to
attend the Washington meeting,
concurred by mail on the diffi
! culty of surveying radio and
! television coverage of the cam
ipaign.
The committee’s seventh mem
ber. Barry Bingham, president
and editor of the Louisville
Courier-Journal and Times,
submitted a minority report rec
ognizing the problem of "making
a fair and representative survey.”
But he believed that "a founda
tion could be interested in under
taking such a survey and em
ploying a staff of competent
technicians who could formulate
a plan and carry it into execu
tion.”
Dean English, in a separate
statement urged Sigma Delta
Chi to direct its energies “toward
basic research and personnel
training in preparation for the
day when at least segments of
the over-all undertaking may be
properly evaluated.” He said
journalism educators are well
aware “that we have not devel
oped the techniques and designs
necessary to accurately measure
the various factors that con
tribute to these generalizations
of ‘fair’ and ‘unfair.’”
Subject Too Complex.
Mr. Bingham, in his minority
I report, said he felt the basis of
i such a survey should be to find
whether the press “in general
was fair to its readers in carry
ing full and unbiased news. . . ”
Mr. Ferguson, in a letter to
Lee Hills, Sigma Delta Chi presi
dent and executive editor of the
Miami Herald and the Detroit
Free Press, noted that the com
mittee had considered results of
several limited surveys on the
j subject.
“The feeling of the majority
as we explored the subject,” he
declared, “was that it was so
complex that no adequate job
could be done.”
Woshington & Virginia Stores
RINTtoOWN
a NEW
PIANO
MONTH \WM\
Selest the piano you prefer ond
we will deliver it to your home.
If you decide to buy later, you
get full credit for rental paid.
I J; - •
Phone REpublic 7-6212
or King 8-8686
KITT'S
1330 6 Street N.W.
2621 Mt. Vernon Are., Alox.
Text of President's Disarmament Address Before Newspaper Editors
The text of President Eisen
hower’s speech to a luncheon
of the American Society of
Newspaper Editors here today
follows:
In this spring of 1953, the
free world weighs one question
above all others: The chance
for a just peace for all peoples.
To weigh this chance is to
summoi> instantly to mind
another receent moment of
great decision. It came with
that yet more hopeful spring
of 1945, bright with the pro
mise of victory and of free
dom. The hope of all just
men in that moment, too, was
a just and lasting peace.
The eight years that have
passed have seen that hope
waver, grow dim, and almost
die. And the shadow of fear
again has darkly lengthened
across the world.
Today the hope of free men
remains stubborn and brave,
but it is sternly disciplined by
experience.
It shuns not only all crude
counsel of despair, but also
the self-deceit of easy illu
sion.
It weighs the chance for
peace with sure, clear knowl
edge of what happened to the
vain hope of 1945.
In the spring of victory, the
soldiers of the Westerp allies
met the Soldiers of Russia in
the center of Europe. They
were triumphant comrades in
arms. Their peoples shared
the joyous prospect of build
ing, in honor of their dead,
the only fitting monument—
an age of just peace.
All these war-weary peoples
shared, too, this concrete, de
cent purpose: To guard vig
ilantly against the domination
ever again of any part of the
world by a single, unbridled
aggressive power.
This common purpose lasted
an instant—and perished. The
nations of the world diVided to
follow two fiistinct roads.
The United States and our
valued friends, the other free
nations, chose one road.
The leaders of the Soviet
Union chose another.
Five Clear Precepts
Mark U. S. Conduct
The way chosen by the
' United States was plainly
marked by a few clear pre
cepts which govern its con
duct in world affairs.
First: No people on earth
can be held—as a people—to
be an enemy, for all human
ity shares the common hunger
for peace and fellowship and
justice.
Second: No nation's secur
ity and well-being can be last
ingly achieved in isolation, but
only in effective co-operation
with fellow-nations.
Third: Any nation's right to
a form of government and an
economic system of its own
choosing is inalienable.
Fourth: Any nation’s at
tempt to dictate to other na
tions their form of government
is indefensible.
And fifth: A nation's hope
of lasting peace cannot be
firmly based upon any race in
armaments, but rather upon
just relations and honest un
derstanding with all other
nations. ■'>
In the light of these prin
ciples. the citizens of the
United States defined the way
they proposed to follow,
through the aftermath of war,
toward true peace.
This way was faithful to the
spirit that inspired the United
Nations: To prohibit strife, to
relieve tension, to banish fears.
This way was to control and
to reduce armaments. This
way was to allow all nations
to devote their energies and
resources to the great and good
tasks of healing the war's
wounds, of clothing and feed
ing and housing the needy, of
perfecting a just political life,
of enjoying the fruits of their
own free toil.
The Soviet government held
a vastly different vision of the
future.
In the world of its design,
security was to be found—not
in mutual trust and mutual
aid —but in force: Huge
armies, subversion, rule of
neighbor nations. The goal
was power superiority—at all
cost. Security was to be
sought by denying it to all
others.
The result has been tragic
for the world and, for the
Soviet Union, it has also been
ironic.
The amassing of Soviet
power alerted free nations to a
new danger of aggression. It
compelled them in self-defense
to spend unprecedented money
and energy for armaments. It
forced them to develop weap
ons of war now capable of in
flicting instant and terrible
punishment upon any aggres
sor.
It instilled in the free na
tions—and let none doubt this
ZJ- /0 flSi
—the unshakeable conviction
that, as long as there persists
a threat to freedom, they must,
at any cost, remain armed,
strong and ready for any risk
of war.
It inspired them—and let
none doubt this—to attain a
unity of purpose and will be
yond the power of propaganda
or pressure to break, now or
ever.
There remained, however,
one thing essentially un
changed and unaffected by
Soviet conduct: The readiness
of the free nations to welcome
sincerely any genuine evidence
of peaceful purpose enabling
all peoples again to resume
their common quest of just
peace.
The free nations, most sol
emnly and repeatedly, have as
sured the Soviet Union that
their firm association has nev
er had any aggressive purpose
whatsoever.
Soviet Union Shares
Fears It Has Fostered
Soviet leaders, however,
have seemed to persuade
themselves—or tried to per
suade their people—otherwise.
And so it has come to pass
that the Soviet Union itself
has shared and suffered the
very fears it has fostered in
the rest of the world.
This has been the way of
life forged by eight years of
fear and force.
What can the world—or any
nation in it—hope for if no
turning is found on this dread
road ?
The worst to be feared and
the best to be expected can
be simply stated.
The worst is atomic war.
The best would be this: A
life of perpetual fear and ten
sion: a burden of arms drain
ing the wealth and the labor
of all peoples; a wasting of
strength that defies the Amer
ican system or the Soviet sys
tem or any system to achieve
true abundance and happiness
for the peoples of this earth.
Every gun that is made,
every warship launched, every
rocket fired signifies—in the
final sense—a theft from those
who hunger and are not fed,
those who are cold and are
not clothed.
This world in arms is not
spending money alone.
It is spending the sweat of
its laborers, the genius of its
scientists, the hopes of its
children.
The cost of one modern
heavy bomber is this: A mod
ern brick school in more than
30 cities.
It is: Two electric power
plants, each serving a town
of 60,000 population.
It is: Two fine, fully
equipped hospitals.
It is some 50 miles of con
crete highway.
We pay for a single fighter
plane with a half million
bushels of wheat.
We pay for a single de
stroyer with new homes that
could have housed more than
8,000 people.
This—l repeat—is the best
way of life to be found on the
load the world has been tak
ing.
This is not away of life at
all, in any true sense. Under
the cloud of threatening war,
it is humanity hanging from a
cross of iron.
These plain and cruel truths
define the peril and point the
hope that come with this
spring of 1953.
This is one of those times in
the affairs of nations when
the gravest choices must be
made—if there is to be a turn
ing toward a just and lasting
peace.
It is a moment that calls
upon the governments of the
world to speak their intentions
with simplicity and with
honesty.
It calls upon them to answer
the question that stirs the
hearts of all sane men: Is there
no other way the world may
live?
New Russian Leaders
Confront Aroused World
The world knows that an
era ended with the death of
Josef Stalin. The extraordi
nary 30-year span of his rule
saw’ the Soviet empire expand
to reach from the Baltic Sea
to the Sea of Japan, finally to
dominate 800 million souls.
The Soviet system shaped
by Stalin and his predecessors
was born of one world war. it
Enroll Now for Classes
Starting April 20
SPANISH
MtENCH-GEMUN
i nt Berlin Metnoa It Available Only at
The Berlitx School of Languares
830 ITth St (at Eye). ST. 3-0010
survived with stubborn and
often amazing courage a sec
ond world war. It has lived to
threaten a third.
Now a new leadership lias
assumed power in the Soviet
Union. Its links to AhC past,
however strong, cannot bind it
completely. Its future is. in
great part, its own to make.
This new leadership con
fronts a free world aroused, as
rarely in its history, by the
will to stay free.
This free world knows—out
of the bitter wisdom of experi
ence—that vigilance and sacri
fice are the price of liberty.
It knows that the defense of
Western Europe imperatively
demands the unity of purpose
and action made possible by
the North Atlantic Treaty Or
ganization, embracing a Eu
ropean Defense Community.
It knows that Western Ger
many deserves to be a free
and equal partner in this com
munity; and that this,, for
Germany, is the only safe way
to full, final unity.
It knows that aggression in
Korea and in Southeast Asia
are threats to the whole free
community to be met by united
action.
This is the kind of free world
which the new Soviet leader
ship confronts. It is a world
that demands and expects the
fullest respect of its rights and
interests. It is a world that
w ill always accord the same re
spect to all others.
So the new Soviet leadership
now has a precious opportunity
to awaken, with the rest of
the world, to a point of peril
reached, and to help turn the
tide of history.
Will it do this?
We do not yet know. Recent
statements and gestures of So
viet leaders give some evidence
that they may recognize this
critical moment.
We welcome every honest act
of peace.
We care nothing for mere
rhetoric.
We care only for sincerity
of peaceful purpose—attested
by deeds. The opportunities
for such deeds are many. The
performance of a great num
ber of them waits upon no
complex protocol but upon the
simple will to do them. Even
a few such clear and specific
acts—such as the Soviet
Union's signature upon an
Austrian treaty, or its release
of thousands of prisoners still
held from World War ll—
would be impressive signs of
sincere intent. They would
carry a power of persuasion
not to be matched by any
amount of oratory.
Armistice in Korea
Is First Step to Peace
This we do know: A world
that begins to witness the re
birth of trust among nations
can find its way to a peace
that is neither partial nor
punitive.
With all who will work in
good faith toward such a
peace, we are ready—with re
newed resolve—to strive to
redeem the near-lost hopes of
our day.
\ Now! Royal Brings You an ~f
) Exciting New Kind of Pudding (
/ You Don} Have to Cook! ‘
""S' 4 | JUSTMOC WITH MILK! J
m dCK
«4i
—; —For Richer Flavor! Creamier Texture!
Easy Digestion!
I a I ( Wonderful )
K* m I |4O r° T J At last! The Instant Pudding that you’ve been \ flavors— /
)) V u l s waiting for—genuine ROYAL INSTANT ( CHOCOLATE i
Pudding! Needs absolutely no cooking because ( VANitIA J
\ w£V it’s pre-cooked! Tastes better—looks better— / rv/mwyvtT)*// \
I l^^ 000 ■JV. and is better because ROYAL INSTANT ( j
jT% \JL nCd Wh'^P €r * » Pudding is homogenized f
/ til#* auffV^ e>rtUt€ ’ New homogenized ROYAL INSTANT \ k^»L
/ U>mP£~ |A jU Pudding makes your favorite desserts turn out [7. *•
( better than ever! Try ROYAL INSTANT VV'
V ** '*Z?ZIrMZE D! for luscious, easy-to-fix fruit and nut puddings,
V pies, ice creams, parfaits, refrigerator cakes, Jw*
V beverages, sauces, cake frdstings and fillings! /
*- & * AT VOUR GROCER'S NOW!
The first great step along
this way must be the conclu
sion of an honorable armistice
in Korea.
This means the immediate
cessation of hostilities and the
prompt initiation of political
discussions leading to the hold
ing of free elections in a united
Korea.
It should mean—no less im
portantly—an end to the di
rect and indirect attacks upon
security of Indo-China and Ma
laya. For any armistice in
Korea that merely released ag
gressive armies to attack else
» where would be a fraud.
We seek, throughout Asia
as throughout the world, a
peace that is true and total.
Out of this can grow a still
wider task—the achieving of
just political settlements for
the other serious and specific
issues between the free world
and the Soviet Union.
None of these issues, great
or small, is insoluble—given
only the will to respect the
rights of all nations.
Again we say: The United
States is ready to assume its
just part.
We have already done all
within our power to speed con
clusion of a treaty with Aus
tria which will free that coun
try from economic exploita
tion and from occupation by
foreign troops.
We are ready not only to
press forward with the pres
ent plans for closer unity of
the nations of Western Eu
rope but also, upon that foun
dation, to strive to foster a
broader European community,
conducive to the free move
ment of persons, of trade, and
of ideas.
This community would in
clude a free and united Ger
many, with a government
based upon free and secret
elections.
This free community and
the full independence of the
east European nations could
mean the end of the present
unnatural division of Europe.
Five-Point Program
For Disarmament
As progress in all these
areas strengthens world trust,
we could proceed concurrent
ly with the next great work—
the reduction of the burden of
armaments now' weighing upon
the world. To this end, we
would welcome and enter into
the most solemn agreements.
These could properly include:
(1) The limitation, by abso
lute numbers or by an agreed
international ratio, of the
sizes of the military and se
curity forces of all nations.
(2) A commitment by all
nations to set an agreed limit
upon that proportion of total
production of certain stvate
give materials to be devoted to
military purposes:
(3> International control of
atomic energy to promote its
use for peaceful purposes only,
and to ensure the prohibition
of atomic weapons;
(4) A limitation or prohibi
tion of other categories of
weapons of great destructive
ness;
(5) The enforcement of all
these agreed limitations and
prohibitions by adequate safe
guards, including a practical
system of inspection under the
United Nations.
The details of such disarm
ament programs are mani
festly critical and complex.
Neither the United States nor
any other nation can prop
erly claim to possess a perfect,
immutable formula. But the
formula matters less than the
faith—the good faith without
which no formula can work
justly and effectively.
The fruit of success in all
these tasks would present the
world with the greatest task—
and the greatest opportunity
—of all. It is this: To dedica
tion of the energies, the re
sources of all peaceful nations
to a new kind of war. This
would be a declared, total war,
not upon any human enemy,
but upon the brute forces of
poverty and need.
The peace we seek, founded
upon decent trust and co-op
erative effort among nations,
can be fortified—not by weap
ons of war—but by wheat and
by cotton: by milk and by
wool: by meat and by timber
and by rice.
These are words that trans
late into every language on
earth.
These are needs that chal
lenge this world in arms.
This idea of a just and
peaceful world is not new or
strange to us. It inspired the
people of the United States
to initiate the European Re
covery Program in 1947. That
program was prepared to treat,
with like and equal concern,
the needs of Eastern and
Western Europe.
We are prepared to reaffirm,
with the most concrete evi
dence, our readiness to help
build a world in which all peo
ples can be productive and
prosperous.
Ready to Propose
World Aid Fund
This Government is ready
to ask its people to join with
all nations in devoting a sub
stantial percentage of t'he sav
ings achieved by disarmament
to a fund for world aid and
reconstruction. The purpose
of this great work w’ould be:
To help other peoples to de
velop the undeveloped areas
of the world, to stimulate
profitable and fair world trade,
to assist all peoples to know
the blessings of productive
freedom.
The monuments to this new
kind of war would be these:
Roads and schools, hospitals
and homes, food and health.
We are ready, in short, to
dedicate our strength to serv
ing the needs, rather than the
fears, of the world.
We are ready, by these and
all such make of
the United Nations an insti
tution that can effectively
guard the peace and security
of all peoples.
I know of nothing I can add
to make plainer the sincere
purpose of the United States.
I know’ of no course, other
than that marked by these and
similar actions, that can be
called the highway of peace.
I know of only one question
upon which progress waits. It
is this: What is the Soviet
Union ready to do?
Whatever the answer be, let
it be plainly spoken.
Again we say: "The hunger
for peace is too great, the hour
in history too late, for any
government to mock men's
hopes with mere words and
promises and gestures.
The test of truth is simple.
There can be no persuasion
but by deeds.
Is the new leadership of the
Soviet Union prepared to use
its decisive influence in the
Communist world including
control of the flow of arms—
to bring not merely an expedi
ent truce in Korea but genuine
peace in Asia?
Is it prepared to allow other
nations, including those of
Eastern Europe, the free
choice of their own forms of
government and the right to
associate freely with other na
tions in a w'orld-w’ide com
munity of law?
Is it prepared to act in con
cert with others upon serious
disarmament proposals to be
made firmly effective by strin
gent U. N. control and inspec
tion?
If not—where then is the
concrete evidence of the So
viet Union's concern for
peace?
The test is clear.
There is, before all peoples,
a precious chance to turn the
black tide of events.
If we failed to strive to seize
this chance, the judgment of
future ages would be harsh
and just.
If we strive but fail, and the
world remains armed against
itself, it at least need be di
vided no longer in its clear
knowledge of who has con
demned humankind to this
fate.
The purpose of the United
States, in stating these pro
posals, is simple and clear.
These proposals spring
without ulterior purpose or
political passion from our
calm conviction that the hun
ger for just peace is in the
hearts of all peoples—those of
Russia and of China no less
than of our own country.
. They cohfonn to our film
faith that God created men to
enjoy, not destroy, the fruits
of the earth and of their own
toil.
They aspire to this: The
lifting, from the backs and
from the hearts of men. of
their burden of arms and of
fears, so that they may find
before them a golden age of
freedom and of peace.
McKinley Cadet Ball
The McKinley High School
cadets’ annual brigade ball will
be held at 9 p.m. tomorrow in
the sail loft of the Naval Gun
Factory.