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With Sunday Mamina Edition. WASHINGTON 4, D. C. Published by The Evening Star Newspaper Company. SAMUEL H. KAUFFMANN, President. MAIN OFFICE: 11th St and Pennsylvania Avo. NEW YORK OFFICE: 420 laxlngton Av. CHICAGO OFFICE: 433 North Michigan Ava. Delivered by Carrier. Evening and Sunday Evening Sunday Monthly 173* Monthly 1.30* Monthly «3c Weekly ... 40c Weekly 30c Weekly 13c *lor additional (or Night Final Edition. Rates by Mail—Payable in Advance Anywhere in the United State* Evening and Sunday Evening Sunday 1 year 23.00 I year 17.00 I year ..10 00 0 month* ..... 13.00 6 month* ... 9.00 6 month* ... 3.30 1 month 2.23 1 month* ... 2.00 1 month 175 Telephone Sterling 3-3000 Entered at the Po*t Office, Wothington D. C. a* tecond-do** mail matter Member of the Associated Press The Atsociated Pre*» I* entitled exclutively to the uie tor republication of all the local new* printed in thi* newspaper a* well a* all A. P. news dispatche*. A-12 When Economy Is Costly The theory underlying the gratifying action of a Senate Appropriations Subcommittee in restoring Capper-Cramton funds to the pend ing Independent Offices appropriation bill is that misdirected economy is worse than no economy at all. The Budget Bureau’s ill advised elimination of money for keeping the vital Capper-Cramton park program alive was misdirected economy. It is the type of economy that will cost the Government in the long run more than could be temporarily saved. Chair man Saltonstall and his colleagues of the sub committee have given proper recognition to the value of the park-preservation program as a part of the development plan for the Nation’s Capital. They have realized that since parks and playgrounds are essential, it is thrifty to acquire the land now before rising costs and residential expansion make further extension Impracticable. The Senate will not be indulging in an extravagance if it supports the recommendation of the Saltonstall group that more than half a million dollars be appropriated for land buying under the Capper-Cramton law. This act has had a great deal to do with the orderly growth of Greater Washington—a growth that balances streets and houses with open spaces for recreation. It has provided the Metropoli tan Area with a fine memorial highway along the Potomac River from Mount Vernon to North Arlington. It has enabled officials to plan the continuation of this boulevard through Fairfax County to Great Falls, there to connect by a bridge with a similar section of the George Washington Memorial Parkway on the Maryland-District side of the river. This park way is not just a scenic drive. It has become an important traffic-relief artery, any blocking of which would add to the area’s future traffic troubles. The Senate subcommittee also restored administrative funds needed by the National Capital Park and Planning Commission to carry out the regional planning reorganization ordered last year by Congress. Without this money the new National Capital Regional Planning Council would be unable to function. This council has the important responsibility of co-ordinating park and highway planning within the entire Metropolitan Area. The Budget Bureau and the House had slashed these funds drastically. Other money, restored by the Senate group, will pay for park sites in nearby Maryland, earmarked for purchase under the Capper- Cramton program. The full Senate Appropriations Committee should see to it that its subcommittee’s report is adopted and strongly backed on the floor of the Senate—and in conference. The future appearance and welfare of Washington are involved, in this Capper-Cramton issue. An Apology in Order Prior to the exchange of sick and wounded prisoners in Korea, the Defense Department issued a statement declaring that some of the released Americans might come back home in a pro-Communist mood as a result of having been subjected by their captors to endless indoctrination and other psychological tech niques, including “brain-washing.” More re cently, similar statements—apparently emanat ing from Army and Air Force sources—suggested that this applied especially to one planeload of 23 liberated Gls. Now that they have had a chance to speak for themselves, however, the Gls have hotly denied having ever been won over to the Red viewpoint. In the circumstances, it is small wonder that these young men—one of whom has ex plained that threats forced him into signing a “confession” about engaging in germ warfare —have reacted as bitterly and indignantly as they have. Although it is not improbable that some Americans still in captivity have been “brain-washed” into sympathy for commu nism. these particular GJs are not the ones. In any case, they should not have been exposed to special publicity treatment. The Defense Department ought to find out how, why and where their story received such clumsy han dling through military channels, the original source of the misleading impression about them. They should have somebody's apology. Senator Robert F. Wagner During the years of retirement and failing health which preceded his death, former Sena tor Wagner had dropped out of public notice. The history of our times, however, will not be lacking a passage on the mark made in Ameri can political life by one who first saw this country when he was an 8-year-old German Immigrant boy. Robert Wagner’s early years in the United States, during which he acquired his education and began his combined careers in law and in politics, established the coloration of his later life. He was, in his own eyes, a man of the people and his basic concern as a jurist and a legislator was with the social problems which come to bear most directly and most funda mentally upon ordinary men and women. While he is most easily remembered, per haps, for his sponsorship of the National Labor Relations Law, his record of legislative effort reflects a long list of related interests. He was serving his second term in the United States Senate when Franklin Roosevelt was elected President and through those early years of the New Deal he was a champion of a multitude of measures dealing with economic reforms, social security and the broad field of human rights. Many of his legislative proposals were con troversial ones then; some have remained so to FRIDAY, May Sr 1953 this day. Many of them, however, have become a lasting part of the American system and the philosoDhy of public responsibility for the welfare of the Nation’s citizens. There have been few, If any, who have questioned Senator Wagner’s sincerity or in tegrity. He was, in the words of Republican Governor Dewey, “a good and faithful public servant.” / General de Gaulle Retreats General de Gaulle’s record of favoring the unorthodox in political strategy is not contra dicted by his latest maneuver. Suffering a set back in the recent municipal elections, the broody general has announced that henceforth his party, the Rally of the French People, will enter no candidates in contests at the polls and will cease to function as a group in parliamentary activity. But by some unexplained means, he announced further, the party will continue to “organize and extend itself in the country to fulfill its mission.” Precisely what the general has in mind for himself and his party is not quite clear. He has, on at least one other occasion, publicly announced his own withdrawal from political activity, but that particular gesture at self exile lasted only a few weeks. In this instance, De Gaulle is retreating in some disorder with his party at its lowest ebb in discipline and parliamentary strength in several years. Fol lowing the national elections of June, 1951, the RPF held 121 seats in the National Assembly, the largest single-party bloc. Thirty-six of these deputies walked out of the party last summer in protest at the General’s order that they must vote according to instructions of the party committee—a steering group fully under his personal control. Last January, only one deputy followed the general’s “advice” on opposing Rene Mayer for the premiership. It would be unrealistic, perhaps, to con clude that De Gaulle has reached an end to his political influence. In its new role of a “shadow party” that will have a national “mission” but no formal responsibility for its conduct in the Assembly, the RPF may still be in position to make or fcreak governments that exist habit ually in France through a series of short-lived coalitions and compromises. Ironically, one of De Gaulle’s own causes—revision of the con stitution in away which could assure greater cabinet stability—has gained enough recent support to offer encouragement of its accept- * ance, a prospect that might deal a really fatal blow to his favorite tactic of forcing votes of no-confidence. , , Legislation embracing the constitutional changes is being submitted to the Assembly next week. Leading the fight for its adoption are several former Premiers, foremost among them being Rene Pleven, who feel that none of the country’s economic and social problems are unsolvable if any government could feel safe in office for long enough to carry out a constructive program. On one other major De Gaullist issue—that of opposition to the European army treaty other developments of the past few months are contributing to favor his point of view. The revival of French fears about German rearma ment, the sticky controversy. over the Saar land and the soothing effects of the Russian “peace offensive” have combined to bog down the drive within French political circles for ratification of the treaty. By the time some of these problems are resolved, General de Gaulle may be ready to return openly to the political arena, but whether for constructive or obstructive purposes is difficult to foretell. Shape of Things to Come? When the bill is presented for past errors in the foreign policy of the free world, it is always presented very suddenly, with no chance for comfortable payment, either in the form of a quick settlement or on easy terms. It is as though history, which presents the bill, had been watching all the time, observing the casual errors, the careless irresponsibility, the opti mistic hoping that all would come fight in the end with no real effort on the free world’s part. It does not, unfortunately, work that way; it never has and it never will. Now the bill has been presented again in Southeast Asia, and everybody is rushing about attempting to scrape up the payment. But the payment will not be found, either in a quick lump sum or in easy installments. It will be a long time before the account is settled, and blood is the ink with which the receipt will be marked paid. Os course we are all doing what we can. The United States Government is promising to hurry up its shipments of money and equipment—but not men—to Laos and Thailand; there is talk of appealing the matter to the United Nations; exclamations of pain and horror are reverber ating through the capitals of the free world. But resolutions and appeals and exclamations, and even a few moth-eaten planes and guns, are not the payment this bill demands. This bill has been outstanding a long time, and although all thinking men must have been at least dimly aware that it would presently be submitted, nothing has been prepared for it. So Southeast Asia may fall—a Japanese conquest repeated all over again, although this time without any Pearl Harbor to solve our moral dilemma and make it easy for us to go to war. All the Communists need to do is avoid the overt attack upon us, and we prob ably will sit here confused and arguing and upset and bafflled and talkative while the enormous riches of the Malay peninsula once more fall to an enemy. And after Malaya, as the Ambassador of Thailand remarked the other day, comes all of Asia; and after all of Asia comes Australia and New Zealand and then across the Pacific and beyojfl. Today this is happening in Southeast Asia; tomorrow it may well be happening in the Middle East. In all these areas, we know we are threatened, but we find ourselves uncertain exactly how we should meet the threat. So we compromise on doing nothing. Presently events move to a climax and we find it is too late to do anything. Then there is much out raged noise to mollify conscience and excuse past error. But the enemy moves on, flowing in his inexorable tide into new regions, and we learn anew what we knew already, that nothing can recapture the opportunity missed or the decisive moment allowed to pass. Perhaps something can be retrieved in Southeast Asia; maybe a little can be saved. More probably nothing can, until such time as we finally stop avoiding the logic of history and come really to grips with the threat which confronts us. This we will almost certainly never do without open pressure from the enemy; all we can hope is that it does not come too late for us to recover our determination and proceed without equivocation along the only course of firmness and integrity which can save the free world. War Reporters Have Come a Lonq Wav By Mary McGrory THE current bitterness between press and military over the deplor able Army story of “brain-washed” POW* returned by Korean Commu nists is as nothing compared to the fierce and open warfare that raged be tween correspondents and generals during the Civil War. In those days criticism of command ing officers was uninhibited to a degree unknown today. For running 30 corre spondents out of his camp, Gen. Henry Wager Halleck was called by a New York World writer "an irritated old maid, a silly schoolgirl and a vacillating coquette.” Gen. Sherman tried to have Thomas W. Knox of the New York Herald hanged for an unfavorable story and prophesied that the day would come when every officer “will demand the execution of this class of spies.” A new book, “Reporters for the Union,” by Bernard Weisberger (Little, Brown and Co.) shows that Sher man’s choler was to a large measure justified. In that period of no accred itation and no operable censorship, correspondents who freely reported troop movements and battle plans were plainly a menace to their own side. They could, moreover, with inflamed reports, cause panic among civilians. In fact, on many occasions the gentle men of the press more than deserved the epithet affixed to them by a Con federate commander who called them “the worst and most obhoxious of all non-combatants.” In that era of personal journalism, when a reporter was expected faith fully to mirror the sentiments of his employer, he rarely let facts interfere with his "reporting.” Objectivity was as much of a luxury as a battlefield bath. How the public managed to keep informed is a question. It was too often a matter of “Which paper do you read?” For instance, when Gen. Fremont was relieved of his command in the West, the abolitionist Horace Greeley's New York Tribune declared there was “overwhelming support for him in the face of vindictive personal attacks.” The New York Herald, which favored a compromise peace, said Fremont’s career, “both martial and political," had "proved very unfortunate.” It was the same with accounts of freed slaves. The Herald said the Army was “coddling an unbridled and I if . “pi Pi Pen-names may be used if letters carry LeTters to i ne Otar.. All letters are subject to condensation. President's Echo In his April 25 column, Lowell Mel lett. in his usual lucid and mellow style, expressed certain opinions and made certain statements about the Depart ment of State's international informa tion program. One of Mr. Mellett’s sentences—a combination of statement and opinion —referred to the part played by the program in handling President Eisen hower’s foreign policy speech of April 16. It read: “The information service's part in that was limited to carrying the speech to people everywhere, and that, generally speaking, indicates the proper limitation of its function.” I hope it may be reported for the sake of a complete record that the press arm of the service, in addition to car rying the speech, shipped to United States Information Service posts over seas the following products: A hand bill transmitted via Wireless File the night of April 15; a background pamphlet transmitted via Wireless File April 19; four poster ideas transmitted via Wireless File the night of April 16; three posters transmitted via Radio photo on April 17; feature photographs pouched to all posts the night of April 16; a 23-photo picture story pouched April 23 to Manila, to hit the deadline of eleven editions of the USIS “Free World” magazine; a leaflet. On the Highway to Peace, transmitted via Wireless File on April 24. In preparation for shipment this week and during the coming weeks are a picture pamphlet, plasticated picto graphs, more posters, more picture stor ies, and various other treatments of the theme of the presidential speech. These “variations on a theme” have been prepared, and are being prepared, with the knowledge and the encour agement of an Important member of the White House staff, as well as by ex press order of the information pro gram’s top command. They are nor mal and necessary devices of any alert program of public relations. After all, there are people who just do not read speeches—not even major speeches, like the one of April 16. .Very well: why not try to reach them with a hand bill about it, and with other easy-to follow media? Iteration and reiteration of policy must not be left exclusively to the Russians. If the President of the United States offers a major proposal for the achievement of world peace, the proposal deserves to be echoed and re-echoed abroad. Peoples’ minds are largely occupied first with their personal problems and then with the problems of their own country. The problems of the world, so close to them in actuality but not in consciousness, have to be made real and immediate to them. This can be done only by iterating and reiterating, echoing and re-echoing, policies which This and That . . . By Charles E.Tracewell Templeton Jones claims to have the worst typewriter in the world. It Is a home machine that worries him. It has been worrying him for many years. It works, but it doesn’t work well. He can use it. but he curses it. Sound peculiar? It is a malady found in thousands upon thousands of business offices. * * When it comes to faults, the Jones machine would win hands down. It does nothing right, according to Jones. Everything it does it performs with a protest of some sort. The carriage slides, but grudgingly. The little spool at the left has to be given a half roll every line. Unless this is done, only half the type prints. * * The action is atrocious, but here again, it continues to work, after a fashion. Templeton Jones just doesn’t like its fashion. Everything that shouldn’t stick, sticks. Everything that should hesitate, speeds like lightning. Sometimes the machine jumps a •pact, ooi of tti moot persistent faults. —U. •. Array Photo. Civil War correspondent for New York Herald takes a break at a press camp site during lull in battle. Ignorant class,” while the Tribune pic tured the fugitives as "faithful, cheer ful and . . . zealous,” making the dirt fly on a railroad under construction by Army engineers, selling homemade confections, laundering uniforms and finding enough energy in the evening to cheer up the camps with a touch of plantation harmony. Since censorship, such as it was, did not apply to soldiers and camp visitors, whose letters were regularly printed in their local gazettes, the enterprising reporter took pains to get a loftier pipeline. In many cases, he attached himself as a “volunteer aide” to a gen eral favored by his paper, and thus was privy to councils of war, and, as a matter of course, saw first copies of battle reports. Generals were repaid for these considerations by valentine like dispatches. Here is a Cincinnati Commercial re porter’s account of “his” general, Wil liam Rosecrans, in action: “There can be no mistake that in coolness, readiness, fertility of resource, celerity of thought and decision and complete grasp of mind in the midst of the most trying situations of peril, per sonal and military, Gen. Rosecrans proved himself perfectly equal to the tremendous responsibility which de volved on him.” are aimed at the solution of those problems. Granted, reiterating and re-echoing such policies must be done skillfully, not tiresomely. But they must be done. They are weapons of cold war. If the Russians use them, we too must use them. There is no alternative to not using them—except to let the Russians pre-empt the whole area of the appeal to peoples’ minds. John E. Dineen, Chief, General Services Branch, Inter national Press Service, State Depart ment. Checks Stokes on Oil I wish to join with other letter writers who have been extremely crit ical of Thomas Stokes for his effusion upon the tidelands oil question. He calls the President names that are dis graceful, misrepresents the case com pletely, fails to note that Mr. Eisen hower campaigned upon a platform promising return to the States of their property seized by the Federal Gov ernment. He also failed to mention that the same bill passed both houses of Congress previously by large major ities and was vetoed by the man who was repudiated last November. In fact this question has been han dled by most writers upon a “propa ganda” basis. No one yet, and this seems inexcusable, has pointed out that much of the discussion is shadow-box ing. Whoever extracts the oil, the Fed eral Government will get its 52 per cent corporation tax, and if excess taxes continue, far more. Whatever propor tion of these earnings is paid out to individuals will pay an additional In come tax of from 22 to 90 per cent depending upon the tax bracket. L. E. P. Non-political School Board Arlington fought hard in 1946 to get an elected school board free of politics, and the League of Women Voters of Arlington vigorously supported that movement. Alert citizens should work just as hard now to keep politics out of our schools. The league believes that no school board member should be committed in advance to any group of interests, but should be entirely free to serve Arlington’s children. The Arlington League of Women Voters in county-wide discussion meet ings has recently reviewed its position in regard to the convention method of selection of school board candidates, and reaffirms its conviction that the convention method is still the best. The league was active in helping to formulate the rules of the first School Board Nominating Convention in 1947; it has never been a member organiza tion of the convention because league by-laws do not permit it to participate In the choice of candidates. We believe Other times it goes right ahead cor rectly. Now and then, when set for double ' space, It suddenly decides to write single space. Or vice versa, especially the versa. It is at these moments that Jones breaks into verse, or at least so it sounds to others. it it Some fiend must have devised the way to change the ribbon. Only a very subtle fiend, at that, could have thought up this complete way to ruin one’s temper for the day and ink up one’s fingers so thoroughly. By the time Templeton Jones has done this job, the whole household is in an uproar. “Where is that oil can ” "You shouldn’t use oil,” he is told. “The less oil about a typewriter, the better.” Jones insists on at least one drop at each end of the carriage. * * Another little trick this machine has is to print one letter on top of the other. This is particularly infuriating to ths meticulous Jones, who believes the The Chicago Tribune sourly declared that much of the laudatory writing of the war was “emitted by army corre spondents with bellies full from the mess tables of major generals, the dis sonant few being swallowed up like pharaoh’s lean kine by the well-kept bullocks who form the majority.” On the other hand, the fury of the reporter scorned was like no other. Two reporters who were turned down in their requests to become aides to Col. Jacob D. Cox called his troops “a rabble of ruffians, burning houses, ravishing women, robbing and destroying prop erty." Such outbursts made the contempo rary opinion that “they were not a com pletely professional corps, selling their services impartially to the highest bid der” seem mild indeed. In the early days of the war, before Sherman was finally able to impose a strict censorship, Union correspondents busily divulging vital military secrets argued that spies got the information through anyway. This may have been so, but nevertheless one of the most careful readers of the Northern press was Gen. Robert E. Lee. Even the most security-minded gen eral at the Pentagon would have to ad mit that war correspondents have come a long way since then. that the convention rules, which have been amended many times since, are flexible enough to permit compromise to settle differences of opinion which may have arisen. It cannot be em phasized too often that the choice of school board candidates should be made solely on the basis of qualifications for that office. Mrs. Knud Stowman, President, League of Women Voters of Arlington. Smears In his April 22 column David Lawr ence cried his heart out because he felt Senator Bridges is being smeared by being mentioned in the Grunewald in vestigation. In the past Mr. Lawrence cried smear in behalf of McCarthy and Nixon among others* Just who is MY. Lawrence trying to fool? Are Republicans the only ones being smeared? During the last Presidential campaign when Vice President Nixon, then Senator, traveled across the country trying to create the impression that Gov. Stevenson was sympathetic to Communist causes be cause of his deposition in the Alger Hiss case, I never read in Lawrence’s column of Adlai being smeared. I guess it all depends who is on the receiving end of the smear. J. F. Banashek Suitland Parkway Crash The recent letters to The Star de ploring the tragic, needless death of two children by a speeding driver who had been drinking, certainly meets with a resounding ‘amen’ from all parents. But how about the thou sands of sober drivers who kill through willful disregard of the laws of traffic? Speeders, who are so anxious to save a minute that they will risk the lives of innocents should be forced to waste a few years in jail! If the legislators would pass a mandated two-year jail sentence for speeding and the death sentence for negligent murder (and no ifs, ands, and buts) our highways would be safer than our own homes. Annie (Oakley) Snyder. * * As the father of three small children as well as one who drives an automobile every day, I know that the tragic deaths of little Patricia Dodge and Inez Richie on Suitland Parkway were a horrible loss and shock to their parents. From all the newspaper accounts and a lot of letters to the editor columns I feel that Sergt. Lowe’s being condemned is a little too hasty. Let’s not forget that there is such a thing as an unavoidable accident. A person can step off a sidewalk in front of a car going 20 m.p.h. and be killed if he does it quite suddenly or unexpectedly enough. Virginia Motorist. machine does this in a personal and spiteful way. The machine knows, he feels, just when to do this at exactly the wrong place. When this is combined with the per sonal habits of Mr. Jones, common to all persons who use machines, of typ ing “girl” as “gilr,” for instance, a state of affairs exists that brings forth many odd words. He manages, however, in the way that most persons do, by pitting his in telligence against the machine’s idio syncrasies. Templeton Jones is forever threaten ing to junk the typewriter, but he has had it so long he hates to do it. After all, it gives him a certain sense of satisfaction to realize that he is master, after a fashion, of this bull headed, stubborn, contrary, ornery product of American inventive genius. It makes him feel that at no time, now or in the future, will the machine ever take the place of the human brain. That is why he refuses to accept the stories about wonderful "thinking machines” at their inventors’ values. All he has to do, when the wonders of the machine versus man are re counted. is to think of his old type writer at home. Blood Pressure Raised By Tiny Bit of Nicotine Medical Journal Urges Study of Smoking Effects By Thomas R. Henry Nicotine serves as a trigger to re lease a hormone which raises blood pressure from the pituitary gland at the base of the brain. This hormone, a substance of which extremely minute amounts produce great effects, is similar to and probably ‘identical with vasopressin. This is one of the first-known chem ical mediators secreted by the posterior lobe of the pituitary. This finding by Dr. J. H. Burn, re cently reported in the British Medical Journal, has just been cited by the American Medical Association as among the most potent reasons for more Intensive scientific study of the effects of the most commonly used of all drugs. The effect does not take place when nicotine-free cigarettes are used. It is produced by injections of minute amounts of the material. Doctors More SkepticaL Medical men in both the United States and Europe apparently are get ting more and more skeptical about the cigarette, once described as a “coffin nail” on the basis of practically no scientific evidence. Partially as a re action from the unsupported charges, this form of smoking got an almost clean bill of health for a time until, within the past two or three years, evi dence has started to pile up against it. This began with studies which showed considerable probability that it might be a major cause for lung Cancers, the most rapidly increasing type of malig nant growths. The thesis still is un proved. It was the subject of a major report before the last meeting of the National Academy of Sciences. The nicotine in cigarettes, per se, never has been charged specifically with causing lung cancer, but the latest findings tend to lend some justification to the present costly advertising cam paigns of cigarette manufacturers stressing the lack of harmful amounts of this drug in their products. Usually the Cigarette. The pituitary hormone presumably would be released by nicotine taken into the blood stream by any means, but the cigarette happens to be the most common way. “It is now generally agreed,” says ths Journal of the American Medical Asso ciation, “that the large majority of normal persons respond to cigaretts smoking with definite peripheral vaso constriction, lasting from a few minutes to a half hour or even longer before the blood vessels gradually return to normal. There is increase in the pulsa rate of from five to 20 beats per minute. There is, however, considerable indi vidual variation. There is some evi dence to suggest that smoking occa sionally produces a symptom complex similar to angina pectoris.” It sometimes has been claimed that alcohol is an effective counteragent to the effect of nicotine in raising blood pressure. This may be true some of the time, according to the American Medical Association editorial, but re cent experiments have shown that it is not necessarily so, and that a great deal depends on the individual. There is substantial evidence, it is claimed, that nicotine either causes or intensi fies various other conditions. Study Needed. “Although,” says the Journal, “it may be generally concluded that cigarette smoking is most likely a contributory factor and not primarily an etiological one in the production of cardio-vascular disease, the present state of medical knowledge points up the need for inten sive investigation of the relation. Phy sicians should pay more attention medi cally and pharmacologically to a nico tine-containing agent that is used by the public to an equal, if not greater, extent than any other drug.” Still a broad field is left for doubt and many physicians continue to smoke a pack or two a day in the face of the evidence coming from the medical laboratories. For all the experiments tend to show that effects are quite different for different Individuals—and everybody is an exception until it la proved otherwise. Questions and Answers The Star’* reader* can set the answer to any question of fact by either writing The Zvrntna Star Information Bureau. 1200 I atreet N.W., Washincton 3. D. C.. and lncloslnc 3 cents re turn nostage, or by telephoning Sterling 3-7383. By THE HASKIN SERVICE. Q. Is daylight-saving time standard time?—V. R. A. Daylight-saving time is not a dif ferent kind of time, only a different clock setting. It is still standard time. Daylight-saving time and summer time are popular designations for what Is technically called advanced time or fast time. Q. Where did Negro Freemasons in this country establish their first lodge? —B. W. T. A. In Boston. African Lodge No. 459 was organized on July 3, 1775, at the Golden Fleece on Water street. It was the first lodge of Negro Freemasons on the American continent. Q. May rain water be used in a stor age battery?—B. W. A. Authorities advise that distilled water be used in storage batteries when ever obtainable. Rain water, like tap water, can be used but it is more harm ful than distilled water. The Auction The London dealert, bland but gimlet eyed, Had priced and picked the lots of glass, The Sheratons, the silverware, the Spode That gleamed from trampled grass. Their callous imprint and the rain’s defiled The lawn that scholar loved to pace — The shy dead man whose private loves lay bare. His home, their market place. But what most wrung my heart was not the greed Os kestrel beak and serpent eye For pillage of material worth, nor yet The grief that all must die; It was the shilling bundles of his books, Which were his spirit and his blood, And which the milling soul-impover ished crowd Ignored, or dropped in mud. ' Geoffrey Johnson Ely. England.