Evening star. [volume], July 03, 1954, Page A-4, Image 4

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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A-4
The President Asks Caution
The President of the United States
opened his news conference this week with
an appeal to the American people to be
careful of their lives during this holiday
week end. * It was an: unusual-but fully jus
tifiable request and there was a grave sin- -
cerity In the President’s voice as he asked
the newspapers, television and radio to po
everything they could to cut the toll of
holiday fatalities. It Is a very worthy cause,
he told the correspondents, and the grim
record of past holiday week ends bears out
his statement.
The National .Safety Council has esti
mated that 40 million automobiles will be on
the highways during this week end and that
430 persons will die in traffic mishaps. The
council has become remarkably adept at
estimating correctly the death toll for any
travel period, but its reputation for accu
racy provides no comfort In this case. About
400 died over the Fourth of July holiday last
year.
In his appeal to the country—through
the press—the President said he did not
know how much “leeway” there is for cut
ting the holiday fatality list. Whatever
leeway there Is lies In the area of human
behavior, for the statistics show that me
chanical failures account for only about 2
per cent of the serious automobile crashes.
Most of the others are traceable to the
shocking carelessness or deplorable judg
ment of the human beings who seem to
value life so cheaply.
Co-Existence or Co-Debth
In line with Prime Minister Churchill’s
views on the same subject, President Eisen
hower holds to the belief—as he has made
clear at his latest news
* the hope of the world hinges on a continu
ing earnest effort \o achieve the peaceful
co-existence of all nations. Unhappily,-
however, the men of the Kremlin have so
persistently and so systematically discour
aged*such co-exlsteqce that they apparently
dd not want it unless they can have it on
their own terms—meaning terms of global
domination and enslavement.
The Soviet leaders, of course, have re
peatedly spoken a lot of fair words about
their desire for friendship and peace with
everybody, but their protestations have
been constantly belied by their black deeds,
by their unbroken record of bad faith, and
by what the President has branded—with
considerable restraint—as their aggressive
attitude. Clearly, as long as such circum
stances prevail, or until the Kremlin offers
convincing evidence of a basic change in its
policy—a change that would put an end to
the cold war and make possible an honest
and just settlement of major international
issues—there can be no system of co-exist
ence in which the world can have confidence
or feel reasonably safe.
Nevertheless, despite Soviet discourage
s ments, the striving for a decent and endur
ing peace must go on without letup. As
General Eisenhower has put it, the nations
on bbth sides of the Iron Curtain have got
to find ways of living together. That is the
great imperative of our atomic-hydrogen
age—an age when the danger of an all-out
nuclear war confronts mankind with a
choice between co-existence and co-death.
Accordingly, what the world must hope for
Is that the men of the Kremlin, who pre
sumably realize what such a war could
mean, will slowly but surely begin to act
along the lines urged upon them by the
President. Meanwhile, however, since it is
not enough merely to be hopeful, the United
States and its allies—if they are to preserve
themselves in freedom —must develop as
much unity as possible and be as strongly
armed as the present dark realities so
plainly require.
Washington at Fort Necessity
Two hundred years ago today George
Washington and his raw Virginia and South
Carolina recruits met the French and In
dians in the battle of Fort Necessity. Thp
site of the conflict was the “fortified posi
tion” at Great Meadows, 11 miles east of
the modern city of Uniontown, Pennsyl
vania, which Washington had developed
and named. Sent toward the confluence
of the Allegheny and the Monongaheia to
hold back the enemy until reinforcements
reached him, the young lieutenant colonel
—he was only 22—was outnumbered two to
one. This disadvantage was known to him,
and he acted with great boldness to offset it.
Setting out "in a heavy rain and in a
night as dark as pitch,” Washington at
tacked a detail of French and Indians under
Jumonville with success, killing ten of the
foe including the captain and capturing 21.
But it was impossible to accomplish any
thing further under prevailing conditions.
Washington therefore fell back to Fort
Necessity and held the stockade through
an entire day of fighting. Then the French
called for a parley. “About midnight,”
Washington reported, “we agreed that each
I f?
side should retire without molestation, they j
back to their fort at Monongaheia and we
to Wills Creek.” 1
Thus ended the first real battle and the
first campaign of the first great citizen
commander in American history. Among
the lessons it taught him was that of avoid
ing besiegement. Be became a leading ex
ponent of “war of movement,” and it was
through fidelity to that poliey that he .
finally won the Revolutionary contest. j
' , ' ■*‘ ' j
i
Senator Knowland Serves Notice
There has been nothing of a public i
nature to indicate that the President or any
policy-making official in his administration
is ready to support or to acquiesce in the j
admission of Red China to the United Na- ,
tlons this year. 1
Senator McC&rran has stated, however, <
that there is a “definite movement” to bring ]
about the substitution of the Chinese Com
munists for the Nationalist Government of <
China 'in the U. N. General Assembly. And i
the Nevada Democrat elaborates in this J
fashion: “I think there is grave danger (
that the National Security Council may be ,
persuaded by those to whom it listens most i
carefully and who have the largest share :
in preparing and filtering the information
which comes to it, and formulating the ,
language of its pronouncements; and on
the basis of such persuasion, may counsel i
that the Chinese Communists be permitted
to replace the rightful government of China
in the United Nations. If that should come
about, I gravely fear that the Secretary
of State would bow to the view of the
Security Council ...”
Although Senator McCarran offered
nothing in detail to support this view, he
may, of course, be right. There is no doubt
that the Communists constitute the effec
tive government of China, and while there
are reasons why they should not be admit
ted to the U. N., there is also a certain
logic in the opposing point of view.
The factual arguments, pro and con,
have little -to do, however, with the practical
question involved. This question concerns
the realities of domestic politics in the
United States today—realities which seem
ingly would make it virtually impossible
for the administration to appipve the seat
ing of the Chinese Communists. Almost
certainly, if the issue should be posed in
the Security Council, we would veto the
proposal.
It may come up, however, in another
way. The proposal may be presented as a
procedural question, to be dealt with by a
vote in the General Assembly. In that
event the veto would not apply, and it is
conceivable that Red China might be seated
over our opposition.
Presumably, it is this possibility to
which Benator Knowland has addressed
himself. He has served unequivocal notice
that if Red China is admitted he will resign
as maJor|ty leader and devote himself to
a campaign to take the United States out
of theU~N. Cther Senators, including the
minorfty feader, have associated themselves
with this warning.
The result is a threat which cannot be
lightly disregarded. For these Senators
mean business. In evfnt the Communists
are seated, they may very well be able to
take this country out of the U. N. And if
that happens, the U. N. is dead.
The Way It Had to Be Done
It has been suggested that the Atomic
Energy Commission, in dealing with the
case of Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer, could
have followed a procedure that would have
fully protected the Nation’s interests and
at the same time spared him the personally
tragic experience of being declared a secu
rity risk. The fact is, however, that the
AEC was obliged by the very nature of the
problem involved to take the course it did.
The reasons for this have been clearly
set forth in Eugene M. Zuckert’s concurring
opinion in the commission’s 4-to-l decision
against Dr. Oppenheimer. .Mr. Zuckert, for
his own part, gave serious consideration at
one point to the possibility of avoiding or
circumventing the security-risk question
through a quiet, unpublicized procedure in
which the AEC would merely have decided
to put a permanent end to its use of the
physicist’s services as a consultant. But
then, the more Mr. Zuckert thought about
the matter the more he realized that there
could be, no such easy way out- of the
situation.
In other words, both before and after
the findings of the Gray board, the issue
had to be faced squarely and unequivocally.
It could not be resolved simply by telling
Dr. Oppenheimer that as of June 30—the
expiration date of his contract—his con
sulting assistance would no longer be
wanted by the commission. Instead, re
gardless of inescapable publicity, the AEC
had to make up its "mind whether or not, in
view of the derogatory data about him, his
security clearance could be continued with
out misgivings or reasonable doubt. This
- was so, as Mr., Zuckert has explained, be
cause if he were really a risk, and if he were
merely dismissed as a consultant, he would
still have access to the most secret and most
sensitive types of information bearing upon
atomic-hydrogen developments and the
country’s defense activities in general.
Thus, as Mr. Zuckert has emphasized,
Dr. Oppenheimer—because of his great em
inence in the scientific field—received re
ports on the “most intimate - details of
progress in the thermonuclear and fission
programs” even when he was playing an in
active role in the AEC. Similarly, until his
clearance was suspended some weeks ago
pending the hearings on his risk status, the
Defense Department and other agencies of
the Government were constantly calling
upon him for advice in a manner that made
him privy to highly classified information
involving delicate problems of national
security.
Accordingly, because a decision simply
to drop him as a consultant would not have
affected His clearance or debarred him from
■ receiving the most restricted data, the AEC
. had ho choice but to determine whether or
not he was a security risk. Sven though
i some may question the wisdom of the final
i judgment, the commission followed the only
’ procedure it could have followed in line
t with the natJoiyl intfertßt. -
h
SATURDAY, inly S, 1954
Not So Independent as We Used to Be
By John Dos Passos
(Mr. Dos Bassos is the 'author of
'•The Head and Heart of Thomas
Jefferson," "V. S. A." "Chosen Coun
try” and other widely acclaimed
hooks.)
IT’S STARTLING to think that only
128 years, the span of a couple of
lifetimes, have gone by since Thomas
Jefferson died at Monticello on July
4. 1826. On the same Independence
Day his old friend and political oppoe
nent, John Adams, died at Braintree,
whispering, so the old tradition has it:
“Jefferson still survives.”
A good many years of reading Jef
ferson’s correspondence with his friends
and opponents have strengthened my
conviction that he does Indeed survive.
His example and that of the extraor
dinary group of men who dedicated
their lives to the founding of this re
public can be of use .to us today.
What does it all boil down to?
Which of these grand old notions can
still move men’s lives? First you have
to face the fact that in the compara
tively short period that has gone by
since Jefferson and Adams were in
their primer-the structure of society
has radically changed. Though there
had been some evolution through the
ages, the technology these men knew
was not too different from that of the
time of Abraham. The shape of society
was simple. Farming, manufactures
and commerce were still carried on by
family-type organizations. The brains
that made the decisions were never too
far from the hands that did the work.
Most men had first-hand knowledge of
how every segment of their society
operated.
Today the average individual works
away from his home with a random
crowd of other individuals in some
office building or factory, carrying out
tasks set for him by planners whom
he never sees. Except in the ever more
limited field of his private life, he is
Letters to The Star..
Unleashed Dogs
It is very discouraging to read of the
reaction of Sol J. Pokrass to his receipt
of notice ot violation of the law when
his dog was found roaming the streets.
We live in Chevy Chase, D. C., have
a dog who is kept in his fenced yard
or on leash when on the street. The
dog catcher is never seen in this area,
and it is most unpleasant to walk a
dog because of the number of uncon
trolled dogs roaming the streets. Beagles
are among the worst offenders in bark
ing and charging at other dogs, which
makes it difficult to enjoy a walk with
one’s dog. If Mr. Pokrass’ dog was
roaming with three others, they truly
constituted a menace to children and
adults; since dogs under those circum
stances are more dangerous than when
alone.
AU dog breeders and true lovers of
dogs know that the only happy dogs
are those who are kept under control
at aU times, and know what is expected
of them. They are quick to assume
responsibility, and will repay in loyalty
and devotion the time required to take
proper care of them. It la certainly not
humane to permit dogs to roam the
streets, where it is quite likely that they
will be killed or injured by an automo
bile. Moreover, they often become dis
eased through eating garbage and root
ing through trash- Also, delivery people
and neighbors who are annoyed by them
may kick or hurt them. It is an im
position to one’s neighbors to aUow a
dog to run loose, damaging their lawns
and gardens, upsetting trash and gar
bage in the aUeys, and constituting a
public nuisance.
WiU Judy, probably the greatest dog
authority in this country today, states
in the July issue of "Dog World Maga
zine”: “... For years I have campaigned
far better dew control byway of requir
ing every dog to be on lead when off
the owner’s premises. Dogs and their
owners must adjust themselves to the
crowded, regimented life we undergo
in other matters. The days of free
roaming dogs are past. My specific so
lution to this problem is to treble the
number of dog catchers. ...”
If Mr. Pokrass did not intend to teach
his son to care for the dog, he should
not have accepted it. The training and
care of a dog can be a fine experience
for a boy, but to permit it to run wild
isunkind and inhumane.
It is my hope that the laws of the
District regarding dogs will be enforced,
so that dog lovers may enjoy their pets
under proper conditions, and without
the annoyance of untrained, undisci
plined dogs bothering them.
Mrs, F. K. Jamieson.
* *
Why is it that dog owners have to
have their pets on leashes, yet cats are
allowed to roam on anybody’s property?
They climb over the fence, turn over
garbage and trash containers, help
themselves to your flower beds. If a dog
barks he is reported to the police, yet
somebody’s cat can squawk under your
window from midnight until morning,
keeping one awake. You can run them
away and they will come back.
Dogs have to have tags and are not
This and That . . . By Charles E. Tracewell
“BETHESDA, Md.
"Dear Sir:
“I would like to know your opinion
of vacation reading. At this time of
the year you are supposed to read
•light fiction.’ whatever that is. This
seems rather silly to me.
“What is the difference in a reader’s
likes and dislikes, that is, what differ
ence does summer or winter make?
"To my mind the season makes no
difference at all, it is the reader who
is the same, despite the season.
"If he likes what is called something
serious, maybe a classic, then he is
just as likely to prefer it when the
temperature la high as when it is low.
“This business of hammock fiction,
as it is sometimes called, strikes me as
silly. There are readers, of course, who
prefer light fiction. Every age has had
its famous lady novelist who makes a
smashing success. Her books sell in
summer as well as winter, die makes a
“hit” with those who read her, the rest
of the book-reading population wonders
why any one reads her.
“It seems to me that there ought to
be a definite abandonment of this
absurd idea of summer fiction. Who
ever thought it up in the first place?
"Yours sincerely, H. J.”
* •*
There is, of course, no difference, at
our correspondent says.
H«iif continue to Show
cartoons of youngsters gaping at aome
T“
; ; ■
I - ||p^
Mam jaaSiEBEBA
* mBL
JOHN ADAMS. THOMAS JEFFERSON.
rarely called upon to make independent
decisions. He has no way of knowing
how the planners reached the decisions
that affect his welfare. The planners
themselves are subject to management
from above. Our world is so cut up
into segregated departments that
hardly anybody is able to .see it as fc
whole. Each one of us is walled up in
his own particular kind of work.
As a result, we have to take our opin
ions on the questions affecting the gen
eral good from what we read or bear
over the air. We have no way of test
ing these opinions by direct experience
with men or events. We don’t under
stand human cussedness the way the
founding fathers did.
This is a far cry from the independ
ent citizen of the self-governing repub
allowed to roam alone. Why not have
the same law on cats?
Constant Reader.
First Virginia Regiment
Those 300 volunteers composing Col.
George Washington’s famous Ist Vir
ginia Regiment who fought in the rain
and the mud defending Fort Necessity
on July 3,' 1754. seem to be getting the
cold shoulder in the reports from the
current bicentennial celebration up
there in Pennsylvania.
Washington’s men recently have been
referred to as simply "Virginia militia,”
a term that surely would arouse the ire
of Washington and old Gov. Dinwiddle.
It was their frustration toward getting
the militia together that led to the or
ganization of the Ist Virginia Regi
ment, martial ancestor of military units
of which Virginians today are proud.
When Dinwiddle sought to raise an
army to repell the French from the
northwestern frontier, the question was
raised whether militia could be used"
outside the colony and his county lieu- ’
tenants developed the harsh fact , the
militia was almost non-existent and a
draft was not practical. The House of
Burgesses voted 10,000 pounds for de-
resolved to call
Washington at Winchester.
En Route to Fort Necessity.
for volunteers, stimulating enlistments
by offering recruits a share in 200,000
acres of land on the Ohio.
Washington established headquar
ters at the City Tavern in Alexandria—
now called Gadsby’s—and six weeks
later marched, away with something
over 100 men and an ordnance train of
two creaking farm wagons. Another
company joined at Winchester and
with this bobtail battalion he struggled
over the mountains. On the eve of the
attack by the French he was reinforced
by three more Virginia companies and
a company of regulars from South
Carolina—but no militia. The Ist
Virginia Regiment had a long and
honorable career. Four years later when
Forbes chased the French from the
Ohio country the Virginians shared the
final victory with the famed Scottish
Highlanders. Heroio service in many
engagements entitles the Ist Virginia
to honorable mention on this 200th an
niversary of its memorable baptism of
U l *- John P. Cowan.
selves hold copies of comic books, so
called.
That seems to be a bookman’s idea
of something funny.
Actually, there are more, bodes
printed today in America than ever
before.
There are still Mg "best sellers,” and
every publisher dreams of hitting that
jackpot.
The book stores are loaded down with
beautiful volumes mostly selling for
$5 or $8 when they do not sell for
$7.50 each. >
It la amazing for a bode lover to read
in the bode magazines how hard pressed
the publishers are. the poor things,
they are making no money at all. *
* *
The only difference today is that if
you want a book of light fiction you
pay $3 for it instead of the old dollar
or a dollar and a half.
You pay it. that is, if you want the
newest to take with you on vacation.
You pay it, that is, unless you don’t
mind getting an old one (which is
just as good as it ever was) in a paper
bode at 25 or 35 cents.
The category ot "light fiction” was
a clever dodge to intrigue people who
don’t like "heavy” stories, which they
assumed is what the "elassica” are.
This classification of some tales as
light, as summer fiction, aa good ham
mock reading, depends upon the reader
rather than upon the person who
estahttehsif it fib the first place.
lie who. Jefferson Imagined, would be
educated in the political arts by the
management of his own farm or small
business to make shrewd decisions—and
who would be constantly on the watch
to protect his liberties from the en
croachment of the leaders he had elect
ed to manage the commonwealth.
Man learns slowly, but he doers learn.
We can hope that in spite of the dizzy
speed of the technological spiral we can
learn enough about our industrial so
ciety to get it under control before it
destroys us. In our emergency we can
turn back to the record of Jefferson’s
generation as a great storehouse of in
formation on the art of politics—which,
in the best sense of the word, is the art
of adapting a society to human needs.
(Copyright, 1854.)
* Pen-names may be used if letters carry
uniters’ correct names and addresses.
Alt letters are subject to condensation.
Confusion Over Integration
In the welter of confusion resulting
from the uninspired utterance of
various District officials since the Su
preme Court’s ruling with respect to
segregated schools, at long last the
trouble has been correctly diagnosed
by the Federation of Citizens’ Associa
tions in its telegram to the Board of
Education, a copy of which was pub
lished the other day.
A little thought at the outset should
have convinced every one concerned
that the opinion of the Supreme Court
could not and did not vest authority
in the Board of Education or Superin
tendent of Schools to desegregate the
District schools; that the formulation
of any policy with respect to school
desegregation is a matter which can
be accomplished legally only by the
Congress; and that, in the interest of
maintaining orderly government, which
at the same time is responsive to and
respected by its people, a prerequisite
to the development of the desired
"model” plan of desegregation was the
submission of the problem to the legis
lative process.
Prom newspaper and other accounts
of events which have taken place lo
cally since the historic ruling, it seems
that the Corporation Counsel has
verbally told the Superintendent of
Schools that legislation Is not required
although he was first quoted as saying
it was required. Developments indicate,
however, that whatever statements
were made, were made “off the cuff”
so to speak; that no supporting legal
memoranda have been prepared on the
subject; and that the District commit
tees of Congress have not been fur
nished by the District Commissioners,
Corporation Counsel, Board of Educa
tion, Superintendent of Schools or
other District officials with any de
segregation plan or proposal for legis
lation to cover the situation. In the
meantime, haste, confusion and con
troversy are the order of the day
rather than the solid, constructive
planning and action which can be a
reality only when officials are acting
pursuant to duly constituted authority.
In this light, it matters little whether
the board and superintendent ulti
mately formulate a policy sound in
substance. The lack of clear-cut legis
lative recognition of the problems of
desegregation and the absence of legal
criteria relating thereto find the board
and superintendent groping and fum
bling with problems beyond their legal
competence. The confusion and dis
putes which have ensued were inevita
ble and will persist so long as v the
actions of local officials are not backed
up with the requisite legislation.
Once again, residents of the District
are compelled to stand by helpless,
while local officials, who have no par
ticular expertness on the issues in
volved and apparently little awareness
of local needs, muddle through in typ
ical style and dictate to such residents
what is best for them. The futility of
it all Is illustrated by the fact that
the only recourse a citizen has in
attempting to improve the situation is
writing a "letter to the editor.”
R. -N. Shewmaker.
The dear old reader was willing to
gobble it up, because It made him feel
better. Just why he preferred a book
when he was told it was "light” must
go. clear back to school days.
In school he was made to read the
classics, as they were called. They may
have been wonderful stories, most of
them were, but when teacher ordered
them to be read, the pioneer quality
in little Jimmy asesrted Itself.
He just wouldn’t read ’em.
* *
Many of them he never has read,
which is too bad, because he loves
books, and shouldn’t mist the good
ones.
The term "hammock fiction” we have
always rather liked.
Probably that is because one wonder
ful summer down at Ocean City, Md.,
before it grew up, we spent several
months reading H. Rider Haggard in a
hammock.
Haggard would be wonderful in any
situation, but he seemed especially so
that summer.
Swung high under a porch roof,
overlooking the sea, the hammock
swayed in the breeze, a veritable ship
at sea, at least as far as sun and sea
and air were concerned.
These provided exactly the right
atmosphere for one of Victorian Eng
land’s greatest writers, light fiction,
perhaps, but wonderful stories, es
course! It is always the reader's reac
tion that
The Political Mill
Knowland Threat Seen
Reflecting United Front
U. S. Held Firmly Against
Letting Red China in U. N.
By Gould Lincoln
Senator Knowland’s blast against
admission of Red China to the United.
Nations and any effort to appease the
Communists in Southeast Asia wae
made on his own—but it goes far to 1
bolster the attitude of the Eisenhower
administration. No comment on the
Knowland Senate speech was forth-T ;
coming -at the White House. Never
theiess, it is well understood, and hag
been maify times reiterated, that Presi
dent Eisenhower is against the recog
nition of Red China by the United
States and against admission of the
Red Chinese government as a member
of the United Nations. Secretary of
State Dulles is firmly committed, too.
against the admission of Red China to
the U. N. ,
Great Britain has recognized Red
China, and while none of the briefings
of congressional leaders and others on
the conversations recently held at the >.
White House with Prime Minister
Churchill and Foreign Secretary An
thony Eden suggested that the British
had urged American recognition of
Red China or that governments ad
mission to the U. N., there is more
than a suspicion that these ticklish
subjects were discussed. It appears cer
tain, however, that if they were men
tioned, the British went away empty
handed.
Further, if the French are proceeding
in their negotiations with the Viet
Minh in Indo-China. promising admis
sion of Red China to the United Na
tions or even their support of such
admission, they will receive no en
couragement from the Elsenhower ad
ministration’s attitude or from the
speech delivered by Senator Knowland,
California Republican and his party’*
leader in the Senate.
Bypass Security Council.
Ordinarily, admission of a govern
ment or nation as a member of the
United Nations is dealt with by the
Security Council of the U. N. Under
the U. N. Charter, a veto against the
admission of an applying nation by
one of the great powers is sufficient to
deny membership. Such a veto has
been exercised by Soviet Russia against
proposed members on a number of oc
casions. So, Red China; with a United
States veto hanging over its head, haa
no chance there.
But, it is contended in some quar
ters, China, tyie country, is already a
member of the U. N., and when it is pro
posed to substitute the Communist
government of that country for the
present Nationalist representation (that
government is now on Formosa), the
issue may be taken to the General
Assembly of the U. N., where we have no
veto. There is no precedent for the
handling of membership applications by
the General Assembly. The proposal, if
strongly opposed by the United States,
might be turned down Immediately.
If the Assembly should agree to con
sider the application, then it would
have to decide whether it is a proce
dural question and so may be decided
by a majority vote, or whether it is a
substantive matter and requires a two
thirds vote. Decidedly, in the opinion
of the United States, such an applica- *
tion Would be a substantive matter.
The belief here is that, ,even if Britain
and France both agreed to go along
with the proposal to admit Red China*
this country, with the aid of the Amer
ican republics and other friendly na
tions, could defeat it.
No Partisan Question.
Obviously, if the British, who have
been our closest ally, persist with a
policy which we regard as appease
ment, the administration must proceed
with a reappraisal of our foreign policy.
Particularly is this true if France goes
along with Britain. Senate Democratic
Leader Lyndon Johnson of Texas has
made it clear that this is no partisan
question: that he and other Democrats
in Congress will go right along with the
President and with Mr. Knowland in a
strong stand against any appeasement
of the Communists in Southeast 'Asia,
or anywhere else, and against admis
sion of Red China to the United Na
tions.
Senator Knowland will in all proba
bility never be called upon to carry
out his pledge to resign his party lead
* ership in the Senate in order to cam
paign to take the United States out of
the United Nations, in the event Red
Chine should be admitted to U. N. The
British and the French and other mem
bers of the United Nations, if they firmly
understand that admission of Red
China to the U. N. may well mean the
withdrawal of this country from that
organization, are likely to take a second
and long look.
The thing most necessary today is
organization of the free nations against
further Communist aggression in
Southeast Asia. Secretary Dulles be
lieved he had the assent bf the British
to such organization before Geneva. It
did not materialize. In consequence
the free nations have been immobilized,
while the Communists continued to talk
in Geneva and to win military victories
in Indo-China. Neither Senator Know
land nor Senator Johnson is an isola
tionist. On the contrary, they are in
ternationally minded. When Interna
tionally minded Americans talk as they
have, British and French should take
heed.
Look for Him There
On the green slopes of Arlington pray
ers have been said
And the medals awarded. Alone with
her dead
A mother standi clutching a tiny,
boxed card :
On bright ribbons pendent her minted
reward.
The chaplain’s condoling words: "Your
loss is ours "
Become one with the day and the yel
lowing flowers.
O, nowhere is comfort and nothing
holds joy
And two lives lie lost in the grave of
a boy.
But grief slowly gropes beyond shadow
and stone
To those happy pictures that aU moth
ers own —
Os gay times, and play times when
she would have lead
But eagerly, sturdily, he raced ahead.”
Her way becomes sure. Like the promise
of light
That draws the spent traveler adrift ft*
the night,
A faith steadies in her, outdistancing
dread:
On far-away Mae slopes a boy rune
ahead/
Louise A. Baldwin