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PubliihsJ by THI IVIN INS STAR NEWSPAPER COMPANY Samuel H. Kauffman*, President Beniamin M. McKelway, - Editor. MAIN OfflCli 110 i s♦. and Psrmiylvania Avs. (4) NIW YdWC: 420 Lexington Avs. (17) CHICAGO: 221 N. La Sail* Sf. (1) DETROIT: New Cantor Building (2) SAN FRANCISCO: Rum Building (4) LOS ANGELES: 412 S. Howe St. (14) Delivered by Carrier ■waning end Sunday Evanidg Sunday Monthly 1.75* Weekly 30c Monthly _ «9( Weekly 40c Monthly Uo* Weekly ...lJc *loe additional for Night Final Edition. ( Rotes by Mail—Payable in Advance Anywhere in the United State* feewing and Sunday Evening *' Sunday ] year. — 23.00 1 year 17.00 t year —- 10.00 6 menthi 13.00 4 month* 9.00 4 month*., 5-50 1 month 2.25 1 month 2.00 1 month 12] Telephone: STerling 3-5000 Intend at We Fo»t Office, Wachingtan, D. C. a* second-clcn* mail matter. Member es the Associated Press the Associated Frets I* entitled exclusively to the use for repuhllcatien of all the local news printed In this newspaper as well gt ell A. F. newt ditpotche*. A-4 The President Asks Caution The President of the United States opened his news conference this week with an appeal to the American people to be careful of their lives during this holiday week end. * It was an: unusual-but fully jus tifiable request and there was a grave sin- - cerity In the President’s voice as he asked the newspapers, television and radio to po everything they could to cut the toll of holiday fatalities. It Is a very worthy cause, he told the correspondents, and the grim record of past holiday week ends bears out his statement. The National .Safety Council has esti mated that 40 million automobiles will be on the highways during this week end and that 430 persons will die in traffic mishaps. The council has become remarkably adept at estimating correctly the death toll for any travel period, but its reputation for accu racy provides no comfort In this case. About 400 died over the Fourth of July holiday last year. In his appeal to the country—through the press—the President said he did not know how much “leeway” there is for cut ting the holiday fatality list. Whatever leeway there Is lies In the area of human behavior, for the statistics show that me chanical failures account for only about 2 per cent of the serious automobile crashes. Most of the others are traceable to the shocking carelessness or deplorable judg ment of the human beings who seem to value life so cheaply. Co-Existence or Co-Debth In line with Prime Minister Churchill’s views on the same subject, President Eisen hower holds to the belief—as he has made clear at his latest news * the hope of the world hinges on a continu ing earnest effort \o achieve the peaceful co-existence of all nations. Unhappily,- however, the men of the Kremlin have so persistently and so systematically discour aged*such co-exlsteqce that they apparently dd not want it unless they can have it on their own terms—meaning terms of global domination and enslavement. The Soviet leaders, of course, have re peatedly spoken a lot of fair words about their desire for friendship and peace with everybody, but their protestations have been constantly belied by their black deeds, by their unbroken record of bad faith, and by what the President has branded—with considerable restraint—as their aggressive attitude. Clearly, as long as such circum stances prevail, or until the Kremlin offers convincing evidence of a basic change in its policy—a change that would put an end to the cold war and make possible an honest and just settlement of major international issues—there can be no system of co-exist ence in which the world can have confidence or feel reasonably safe. Nevertheless, despite Soviet discourage s ments, the striving for a decent and endur ing peace must go on without letup. As General Eisenhower has put it, the nations on bbth sides of the Iron Curtain have got to find ways of living together. That is the great imperative of our atomic-hydrogen age—an age when the danger of an all-out nuclear war confronts mankind with a choice between co-existence and co-death. Accordingly, what the world must hope for Is that the men of the Kremlin, who pre sumably realize what such a war could mean, will slowly but surely begin to act along the lines urged upon them by the President. Meanwhile, however, since it is not enough merely to be hopeful, the United States and its allies—if they are to preserve themselves in freedom —must develop as much unity as possible and be as strongly armed as the present dark realities so plainly require. Washington at Fort Necessity Two hundred years ago today George Washington and his raw Virginia and South Carolina recruits met the French and In dians in the battle of Fort Necessity. Thp site of the conflict was the “fortified posi tion” at Great Meadows, 11 miles east of the modern city of Uniontown, Pennsyl vania, which Washington had developed and named. Sent toward the confluence of the Allegheny and the Monongaheia to hold back the enemy until reinforcements reached him, the young lieutenant colonel —he was only 22—was outnumbered two to one. This disadvantage was known to him, and he acted with great boldness to offset it. Setting out "in a heavy rain and in a night as dark as pitch,” Washington at tacked a detail of French and Indians under Jumonville with success, killing ten of the foe including the captain and capturing 21. But it was impossible to accomplish any thing further under prevailing conditions. Washington therefore fell back to Fort Necessity and held the stockade through an entire day of fighting. Then the French called for a parley. “About midnight,” Washington reported, “we agreed that each I f? side should retire without molestation, they j back to their fort at Monongaheia and we to Wills Creek.” 1 Thus ended the first real battle and the first campaign of the first great citizen commander in American history. Among the lessons it taught him was that of avoid ing besiegement. Be became a leading ex ponent of “war of movement,” and it was through fidelity to that poliey that he . finally won the Revolutionary contest. j ' , ' ■*‘ ' j i Senator Knowland Serves Notice There has been nothing of a public i nature to indicate that the President or any policy-making official in his administration is ready to support or to acquiesce in the j admission of Red China to the United Na- , tlons this year. 1 Senator McC&rran has stated, however, < that there is a “definite movement” to bring ] about the substitution of the Chinese Com munists for the Nationalist Government of < China 'in the U. N. General Assembly. And i the Nevada Democrat elaborates in this J fashion: “I think there is grave danger ( that the National Security Council may be , persuaded by those to whom it listens most i carefully and who have the largest share : in preparing and filtering the information which comes to it, and formulating the , language of its pronouncements; and on the basis of such persuasion, may counsel i that the Chinese Communists be permitted to replace the rightful government of China in the United Nations. If that should come about, I gravely fear that the Secretary of State would bow to the view of the Security Council ...” Although Senator McCarran offered nothing in detail to support this view, he may, of course, be right. There is no doubt that the Communists constitute the effec tive government of China, and while there are reasons why they should not be admit ted to the U. N., there is also a certain logic in the opposing point of view. The factual arguments, pro and con, have little -to do, however, with the practical question involved. This question concerns the realities of domestic politics in the United States today—realities which seem ingly would make it virtually impossible for the administration to appipve the seat ing of the Chinese Communists. Almost certainly, if the issue should be posed in the Security Council, we would veto the proposal. It may come up, however, in another way. The proposal may be presented as a procedural question, to be dealt with by a vote in the General Assembly. In that event the veto would not apply, and it is conceivable that Red China might be seated over our opposition. Presumably, it is this possibility to which Benator Knowland has addressed himself. He has served unequivocal notice that if Red China is admitted he will resign as maJor|ty leader and devote himself to a campaign to take the United States out of theU~N. Cther Senators, including the minorfty feader, have associated themselves with this warning. The result is a threat which cannot be lightly disregarded. For these Senators mean business. In evfnt the Communists are seated, they may very well be able to take this country out of the U. N. And if that happens, the U. N. is dead. The Way It Had to Be Done It has been suggested that the Atomic Energy Commission, in dealing with the case of Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer, could have followed a procedure that would have fully protected the Nation’s interests and at the same time spared him the personally tragic experience of being declared a secu rity risk. The fact is, however, that the AEC was obliged by the very nature of the problem involved to take the course it did. The reasons for this have been clearly set forth in Eugene M. Zuckert’s concurring opinion in the commission’s 4-to-l decision against Dr. Oppenheimer. .Mr. Zuckert, for his own part, gave serious consideration at one point to the possibility of avoiding or circumventing the security-risk question through a quiet, unpublicized procedure in which the AEC would merely have decided to put a permanent end to its use of the physicist’s services as a consultant. But then, the more Mr. Zuckert thought about the matter the more he realized that there could be, no such easy way out- of the situation. In other words, both before and after the findings of the Gray board, the issue had to be faced squarely and unequivocally. It could not be resolved simply by telling Dr. Oppenheimer that as of June 30—the expiration date of his contract—his con sulting assistance would no longer be wanted by the commission. Instead, re gardless of inescapable publicity, the AEC had to make up its "mind whether or not, in view of the derogatory data about him, his security clearance could be continued with out misgivings or reasonable doubt. This - was so, as Mr., Zuckert has explained, be cause if he were really a risk, and if he were merely dismissed as a consultant, he would still have access to the most secret and most sensitive types of information bearing upon atomic-hydrogen developments and the country’s defense activities in general. Thus, as Mr. Zuckert has emphasized, Dr. Oppenheimer—because of his great em inence in the scientific field—received re ports on the “most intimate - details of progress in the thermonuclear and fission programs” even when he was playing an in active role in the AEC. Similarly, until his clearance was suspended some weeks ago pending the hearings on his risk status, the Defense Department and other agencies of the Government were constantly calling upon him for advice in a manner that made him privy to highly classified information involving delicate problems of national security. Accordingly, because a decision simply to drop him as a consultant would not have affected His clearance or debarred him from ■ receiving the most restricted data, the AEC . had ho choice but to determine whether or not he was a security risk. Sven though i some may question the wisdom of the final i judgment, the commission followed the only ’ procedure it could have followed in line t with the natJoiyl intfertßt. - h SATURDAY, inly S, 1954 Not So Independent as We Used to Be By John Dos Passos (Mr. Dos Bassos is the 'author of '•The Head and Heart of Thomas Jefferson," "V. S. A." "Chosen Coun try” and other widely acclaimed hooks.) IT’S STARTLING to think that only 128 years, the span of a couple of lifetimes, have gone by since Thomas Jefferson died at Monticello on July 4. 1826. On the same Independence Day his old friend and political oppoe nent, John Adams, died at Braintree, whispering, so the old tradition has it: “Jefferson still survives.” A good many years of reading Jef ferson’s correspondence with his friends and opponents have strengthened my conviction that he does Indeed survive. His example and that of the extraor dinary group of men who dedicated their lives to the founding of this re public can be of use .to us today. What does it all boil down to? Which of these grand old notions can still move men’s lives? First you have to face the fact that in the compara tively short period that has gone by since Jefferson and Adams were in their primer-the structure of society has radically changed. Though there had been some evolution through the ages, the technology these men knew was not too different from that of the time of Abraham. The shape of society was simple. Farming, manufactures and commerce were still carried on by family-type organizations. The brains that made the decisions were never too far from the hands that did the work. Most men had first-hand knowledge of how every segment of their society operated. Today the average individual works away from his home with a random crowd of other individuals in some office building or factory, carrying out tasks set for him by planners whom he never sees. Except in the ever more limited field of his private life, he is Letters to The Star.. Unleashed Dogs It is very discouraging to read of the reaction of Sol J. Pokrass to his receipt of notice ot violation of the law when his dog was found roaming the streets. We live in Chevy Chase, D. C., have a dog who is kept in his fenced yard or on leash when on the street. The dog catcher is never seen in this area, and it is most unpleasant to walk a dog because of the number of uncon trolled dogs roaming the streets. Beagles are among the worst offenders in bark ing and charging at other dogs, which makes it difficult to enjoy a walk with one’s dog. If Mr. Pokrass’ dog was roaming with three others, they truly constituted a menace to children and adults; since dogs under those circum stances are more dangerous than when alone. AU dog breeders and true lovers of dogs know that the only happy dogs are those who are kept under control at aU times, and know what is expected of them. They are quick to assume responsibility, and will repay in loyalty and devotion the time required to take proper care of them. It la certainly not humane to permit dogs to roam the streets, where it is quite likely that they will be killed or injured by an automo bile. Moreover, they often become dis eased through eating garbage and root ing through trash- Also, delivery people and neighbors who are annoyed by them may kick or hurt them. It is an im position to one’s neighbors to aUow a dog to run loose, damaging their lawns and gardens, upsetting trash and gar bage in the aUeys, and constituting a public nuisance. WiU Judy, probably the greatest dog authority in this country today, states in the July issue of "Dog World Maga zine”: “... For years I have campaigned far better dew control byway of requir ing every dog to be on lead when off the owner’s premises. Dogs and their owners must adjust themselves to the crowded, regimented life we undergo in other matters. The days of free roaming dogs are past. My specific so lution to this problem is to treble the number of dog catchers. ...” If Mr. Pokrass did not intend to teach his son to care for the dog, he should not have accepted it. The training and care of a dog can be a fine experience for a boy, but to permit it to run wild isunkind and inhumane. It is my hope that the laws of the District regarding dogs will be enforced, so that dog lovers may enjoy their pets under proper conditions, and without the annoyance of untrained, undisci plined dogs bothering them. Mrs, F. K. Jamieson. * * Why is it that dog owners have to have their pets on leashes, yet cats are allowed to roam on anybody’s property? They climb over the fence, turn over garbage and trash containers, help themselves to your flower beds. If a dog barks he is reported to the police, yet somebody’s cat can squawk under your window from midnight until morning, keeping one awake. You can run them away and they will come back. Dogs have to have tags and are not This and That . . . By Charles E. Tracewell “BETHESDA, Md. "Dear Sir: “I would like to know your opinion of vacation reading. At this time of the year you are supposed to read •light fiction.’ whatever that is. This seems rather silly to me. “What is the difference in a reader’s likes and dislikes, that is, what differ ence does summer or winter make? "To my mind the season makes no difference at all, it is the reader who is the same, despite the season. "If he likes what is called something serious, maybe a classic, then he is just as likely to prefer it when the temperature la high as when it is low. “This business of hammock fiction, as it is sometimes called, strikes me as silly. There are readers, of course, who prefer light fiction. Every age has had its famous lady novelist who makes a smashing success. Her books sell in summer as well as winter, die makes a “hit” with those who read her, the rest of the book-reading population wonders why any one reads her. “It seems to me that there ought to be a definite abandonment of this absurd idea of summer fiction. Who ever thought it up in the first place? "Yours sincerely, H. J.” * •* There is, of course, no difference, at our correspondent says. H«iif continue to Show cartoons of youngsters gaping at aome T“ ; ; ■ I - ||p^ Mam jaaSiEBEBA * mBL JOHN ADAMS. THOMAS JEFFERSON. rarely called upon to make independent decisions. He has no way of knowing how the planners reached the decisions that affect his welfare. The planners themselves are subject to management from above. Our world is so cut up into segregated departments that hardly anybody is able to .see it as fc whole. Each one of us is walled up in his own particular kind of work. As a result, we have to take our opin ions on the questions affecting the gen eral good from what we read or bear over the air. We have no way of test ing these opinions by direct experience with men or events. We don’t under stand human cussedness the way the founding fathers did. This is a far cry from the independ ent citizen of the self-governing repub allowed to roam alone. Why not have the same law on cats? Constant Reader. First Virginia Regiment Those 300 volunteers composing Col. George Washington’s famous Ist Vir ginia Regiment who fought in the rain and the mud defending Fort Necessity on July 3,' 1754. seem to be getting the cold shoulder in the reports from the current bicentennial celebration up there in Pennsylvania. Washington’s men recently have been referred to as simply "Virginia militia,” a term that surely would arouse the ire of Washington and old Gov. Dinwiddle. It was their frustration toward getting the militia together that led to the or ganization of the Ist Virginia Regi ment, martial ancestor of military units of which Virginians today are proud. When Dinwiddle sought to raise an army to repell the French from the northwestern frontier, the question was raised whether militia could be used" outside the colony and his county lieu- ’ tenants developed the harsh fact , the militia was almost non-existent and a draft was not practical. The House of Burgesses voted 10,000 pounds for de- resolved to call Washington at Winchester. En Route to Fort Necessity. for volunteers, stimulating enlistments by offering recruits a share in 200,000 acres of land on the Ohio. Washington established headquar ters at the City Tavern in Alexandria— now called Gadsby’s—and six weeks later marched, away with something over 100 men and an ordnance train of two creaking farm wagons. Another company joined at Winchester and with this bobtail battalion he struggled over the mountains. On the eve of the attack by the French he was reinforced by three more Virginia companies and a company of regulars from South Carolina—but no militia. The Ist Virginia Regiment had a long and honorable career. Four years later when Forbes chased the French from the Ohio country the Virginians shared the final victory with the famed Scottish Highlanders. Heroio service in many engagements entitles the Ist Virginia to honorable mention on this 200th an niversary of its memorable baptism of U l *- John P. Cowan. selves hold copies of comic books, so called. That seems to be a bookman’s idea of something funny. Actually, there are more, bodes printed today in America than ever before. There are still Mg "best sellers,” and every publisher dreams of hitting that jackpot. The book stores are loaded down with beautiful volumes mostly selling for $5 or $8 when they do not sell for $7.50 each. > It la amazing for a bode lover to read in the bode magazines how hard pressed the publishers are. the poor things, they are making no money at all. * * * The only difference today is that if you want a book of light fiction you pay $3 for it instead of the old dollar or a dollar and a half. You pay it. that is, if you want the newest to take with you on vacation. You pay it, that is, unless you don’t mind getting an old one (which is just as good as it ever was) in a paper bode at 25 or 35 cents. The category ot "light fiction” was a clever dodge to intrigue people who don’t like "heavy” stories, which they assumed is what the "elassica” are. This classification of some tales as light, as summer fiction, aa good ham mock reading, depends upon the reader rather than upon the person who estahttehsif it fib the first place. lie who. Jefferson Imagined, would be educated in the political arts by the management of his own farm or small business to make shrewd decisions—and who would be constantly on the watch to protect his liberties from the en croachment of the leaders he had elect ed to manage the commonwealth. Man learns slowly, but he doers learn. We can hope that in spite of the dizzy speed of the technological spiral we can learn enough about our industrial so ciety to get it under control before it destroys us. In our emergency we can turn back to the record of Jefferson’s generation as a great storehouse of in formation on the art of politics—which, in the best sense of the word, is the art of adapting a society to human needs. (Copyright, 1854.) * Pen-names may be used if letters carry uniters’ correct names and addresses. Alt letters are subject to condensation. Confusion Over Integration In the welter of confusion resulting from the uninspired utterance of various District officials since the Su preme Court’s ruling with respect to segregated schools, at long last the trouble has been correctly diagnosed by the Federation of Citizens’ Associa tions in its telegram to the Board of Education, a copy of which was pub lished the other day. A little thought at the outset should have convinced every one concerned that the opinion of the Supreme Court could not and did not vest authority in the Board of Education or Superin tendent of Schools to desegregate the District schools; that the formulation of any policy with respect to school desegregation is a matter which can be accomplished legally only by the Congress; and that, in the interest of maintaining orderly government, which at the same time is responsive to and respected by its people, a prerequisite to the development of the desired "model” plan of desegregation was the submission of the problem to the legis lative process. Prom newspaper and other accounts of events which have taken place lo cally since the historic ruling, it seems that the Corporation Counsel has verbally told the Superintendent of Schools that legislation Is not required although he was first quoted as saying it was required. Developments indicate, however, that whatever statements were made, were made “off the cuff” so to speak; that no supporting legal memoranda have been prepared on the subject; and that the District commit tees of Congress have not been fur nished by the District Commissioners, Corporation Counsel, Board of Educa tion, Superintendent of Schools or other District officials with any de segregation plan or proposal for legis lation to cover the situation. In the meantime, haste, confusion and con troversy are the order of the day rather than the solid, constructive planning and action which can be a reality only when officials are acting pursuant to duly constituted authority. In this light, it matters little whether the board and superintendent ulti mately formulate a policy sound in substance. The lack of clear-cut legis lative recognition of the problems of desegregation and the absence of legal criteria relating thereto find the board and superintendent groping and fum bling with problems beyond their legal competence. The confusion and dis putes which have ensued were inevita ble and will persist so long as v the actions of local officials are not backed up with the requisite legislation. Once again, residents of the District are compelled to stand by helpless, while local officials, who have no par ticular expertness on the issues in volved and apparently little awareness of local needs, muddle through in typ ical style and dictate to such residents what is best for them. The futility of it all Is illustrated by the fact that the only recourse a citizen has in attempting to improve the situation is writing a "letter to the editor.” R. -N. Shewmaker. The dear old reader was willing to gobble it up, because It made him feel better. Just why he preferred a book when he was told it was "light” must go. clear back to school days. In school he was made to read the classics, as they were called. They may have been wonderful stories, most of them were, but when teacher ordered them to be read, the pioneer quality in little Jimmy asesrted Itself. He just wouldn’t read ’em. * * Many of them he never has read, which is too bad, because he loves books, and shouldn’t mist the good ones. The term "hammock fiction” we have always rather liked. Probably that is because one wonder ful summer down at Ocean City, Md., before it grew up, we spent several months reading H. Rider Haggard in a hammock. Haggard would be wonderful in any situation, but he seemed especially so that summer. Swung high under a porch roof, overlooking the sea, the hammock swayed in the breeze, a veritable ship at sea, at least as far as sun and sea and air were concerned. These provided exactly the right atmosphere for one of Victorian Eng land’s greatest writers, light fiction, perhaps, but wonderful stories, es course! It is always the reader's reac tion that The Political Mill Knowland Threat Seen Reflecting United Front U. S. Held Firmly Against Letting Red China in U. N. By Gould Lincoln Senator Knowland’s blast against admission of Red China to the United. Nations and any effort to appease the Communists in Southeast Asia wae made on his own—but it goes far to 1 bolster the attitude of the Eisenhower administration. No comment on the Knowland Senate speech was forth-T ; coming -at the White House. Never theiess, it is well understood, and hag been maify times reiterated, that Presi dent Eisenhower is against the recog nition of Red China by the United States and against admission of the Red Chinese government as a member of the United Nations. Secretary of State Dulles is firmly committed, too. against the admission of Red China to the U. N. , Great Britain has recognized Red China, and while none of the briefings of congressional leaders and others on the conversations recently held at the >. White House with Prime Minister Churchill and Foreign Secretary An thony Eden suggested that the British had urged American recognition of Red China or that governments ad mission to the U. N., there is more than a suspicion that these ticklish subjects were discussed. It appears cer tain, however, that if they were men tioned, the British went away empty handed. Further, if the French are proceeding in their negotiations with the Viet Minh in Indo-China. promising admis sion of Red China to the United Na tions or even their support of such admission, they will receive no en couragement from the Elsenhower ad ministration’s attitude or from the speech delivered by Senator Knowland, California Republican and his party’* leader in the Senate. Bypass Security Council. Ordinarily, admission of a govern ment or nation as a member of the United Nations is dealt with by the Security Council of the U. N. Under the U. N. Charter, a veto against the admission of an applying nation by one of the great powers is sufficient to deny membership. Such a veto has been exercised by Soviet Russia against proposed members on a number of oc casions. So, Red China; with a United States veto hanging over its head, haa no chance there. But, it is contended in some quar ters, China, tyie country, is already a member of the U. N., and when it is pro posed to substitute the Communist government of that country for the present Nationalist representation (that government is now on Formosa), the issue may be taken to the General Assembly of the U. N., where we have no veto. There is no precedent for the handling of membership applications by the General Assembly. The proposal, if strongly opposed by the United States, might be turned down Immediately. If the Assembly should agree to con sider the application, then it would have to decide whether it is a proce dural question and so may be decided by a majority vote, or whether it is a substantive matter and requires a two thirds vote. Decidedly, in the opinion of the United States, such an applica- * tion Would be a substantive matter. The belief here is that, ,even if Britain and France both agreed to go along with the proposal to admit Red China* this country, with the aid of the Amer ican republics and other friendly na tions, could defeat it. No Partisan Question. Obviously, if the British, who have been our closest ally, persist with a policy which we regard as appease ment, the administration must proceed with a reappraisal of our foreign policy. Particularly is this true if France goes along with Britain. Senate Democratic Leader Lyndon Johnson of Texas has made it clear that this is no partisan question: that he and other Democrats in Congress will go right along with the President and with Mr. Knowland in a strong stand against any appeasement of the Communists in Southeast 'Asia, or anywhere else, and against admis sion of Red China to the United Na tions. Senator Knowland will in all proba bility never be called upon to carry out his pledge to resign his party lead * ership in the Senate in order to cam paign to take the United States out of the United Nations, in the event Red Chine should be admitted to U. N. The British and the French and other mem bers of the United Nations, if they firmly understand that admission of Red China to the U. N. may well mean the withdrawal of this country from that organization, are likely to take a second and long look. The thing most necessary today is organization of the free nations against further Communist aggression in Southeast Asia. Secretary Dulles be lieved he had the assent bf the British to such organization before Geneva. It did not materialize. In consequence the free nations have been immobilized, while the Communists continued to talk in Geneva and to win military victories in Indo-China. Neither Senator Know land nor Senator Johnson is an isola tionist. On the contrary, they are in ternationally minded. When Interna tionally minded Americans talk as they have, British and French should take heed. Look for Him There On the green slopes of Arlington pray ers have been said And the medals awarded. Alone with her dead A mother standi clutching a tiny, boxed card : On bright ribbons pendent her minted reward. The chaplain’s condoling words: "Your loss is ours " Become one with the day and the yel lowing flowers. O, nowhere is comfort and nothing holds joy And two lives lie lost in the grave of a boy. But grief slowly gropes beyond shadow and stone To those happy pictures that aU moth ers own — Os gay times, and play times when she would have lead But eagerly, sturdily, he raced ahead.” Her way becomes sure. Like the promise of light That draws the spent traveler adrift ft* the night, A faith steadies in her, outdistancing dread: On far-away Mae slopes a boy rune ahead/ Louise A. Baldwin