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THE EVENING STAR, Washington, D. C. rosso ay, aran. t*. teas Stevenson's As Partial Text of CHICAGO, April 12 UP)~- Following is ~a-partial text of last night's radio speech on Par Pastern affairs by Adloi E. Stevenson: I have not spoken to my fellow countrymen for more than four months. And I do so tonight only because I have been deeply dis turbed by the recent course of events In the Far East and be cause many of you have asked for my views. I have waited until the first excitement about the islands, Quemoy and Matsu, has subsided and we can more calm ly examine our situation in the Straits of Formosa and in Asia.... . . . The possibility of war just now seems to hinge updn Que moy and Matsu, small islands that lie almost as close to the coast of China as Staten Island does to New York. Why are we in this bleak situation? Why is all the world anxious? Well, the implications of our country’s recent Formosa policy cannot be overstated. But I shall not enlarge now on the injury it has done us and the confusion it has wrought, not only among the uncommitted nations of Asia, but among our allies in Europe Wavering Policy In brief, having first “un leased” Gen. Chlang Kai-shek, presumably for attacks on the mainland, it appears that after some sober second thoughts President Eisenhower is now trying to releash him and re turn to the previous policy. Just a couple of months ago when the Chinese Communists made menacing gestures at other coastal islands occupied by the Nationalists, our Government had the disagreeable task of forcing Gen. Chiang to evacuate the Tachen Islands which he had reinforced as a by-product of our own policy of encouraging the threat of invasion. And oday we find ourselves facing another difficult decision over the defense of the Quemoy and Matsu Islands, also presum ably fortified by the Chinese Na tionalists with our approval and assistance. Having hinted at American intervention in Indo china, and then done nothing; having forced Chiang Kai-snek to evacuate the Tachen islands; we now face the bitter conse quences of our Government’s Formosa policy once again; either another damaging and hu miliating retreat, or else the haz ard of war. modern war, un- i leashed not by necessity, not by j strategic judgment, not by the honor of allies or for the detense j of frontiers, but by a policy based j more on political difficulties nere 1 at home than the realities of our situation in Asia. If vie should withdraw under fire from the defense of these islands, we again act the "paper tiger”; if we join in their defense, we are at war, perhaps world war, without ma jor allies and with most of pub lic opinion in Asia and Europe against us. Given these unhappy choices. It ippears that President Eisen hower will decide what to do it and when the attack comes, de pending on whether in his judg ment it is just an attack on these islands or a prelude to an as sault on Formosa. While our President has great military ex perience. perhaps it is not im proper to ask whether any man can read the mind of an enemy within a few hours of such at attack and determine whether at some later date, the enemy plans to go further and invade For mosa. Is it wise to allow the dread question of modern war to hinge upon such a guess? Moreover, it would seem to me difficult for any leader to make a rational, calculated decision under fire In the explosion of emotion, it is i easy to be swept into war. . . .; Argument Disputed Those who demand a pledge to go to war say that Having | gone this far with Chiang Kai- | shek, to let him down now when he is reinforcing these islands j and preparing an all-out standi would deal a heavy blow to the i morale of his forces and en- J danger the defenses of Formica Itself. Now there is undeniable merit : to these and other arguments. I but I must say in all candor that they seem to me overdone by the counter arguments, and I have the greatest misgivings about risking a third world war in de fense of these little islands in which we would have neither the same legal justification nor the same support as in the defense of Formosa. They are different from Formosa. They have always belonged to China. But Formosa belonged to Japan and was ceded by the Japanese peace treaty. We have as much right to be there as anybody, except perhaps the real Formosans. But, cf course the President’s judgement must be final. He asked for and got from Congress the sole responsibility for making this decision. . . . The President will have my prayers for his wisdom and forti tude in making this critical deci sion, if he must and when he must. I only hope that inflam matory advice in his party and his administration does not un to, lance his consideration of these critical questions; Are the offshore islands es-1 sential to the security of the United States? Are they, indeed, even essential to the defense of Formosa—which all Americans have been agreed upon since President Truman sent the 7th Fleet there five years ago. Or is it, as the Secretary of Deiense says, that the loss of Quemoy and Matsu would make no significant military difference? Can they be defended without resort to nuclear weapons? If not, while I know we now have the means to incinerate, to burn up, much of living China, and quickly, are we prepared to use such weapons to defend Islands so tenuously related to American security? Finally, are we prepared to ia Plan; Speech shock and alienate not alone our traditional allies but most of the major non-Communist pow ers of Asia by going to war over Quemoy and Matsu, to which the United States has no color of claim and which are of question able value to the defense of For mosa? Would Stand Alone Are we, in short, prepared to face the prospects of war in the morass of China, possibly global war, standing almost alone in a sullen or hostile world? .. At this late date there may be no wholly satisfactory way of resolving the dilemma we have ; stumbled into over the offshore islands. But if we learn some thing from this experience, if we realize at last that we have been pursuing a dead-end policy in Asia, then perhaps we can turn our present difficulties to good account and devise an ap ! proach more in keeping with the realities of Asia and of the hy drogen age. And that causes me to say that the division of our coalition over these offshore islands, the weakening of the grand alliance of free nations pledged to stand together to defend themselves, is in my judgment a greater peril to enduring peace than the is lands themselves. I know some politicians who tell us that we don’t need allies. Life would certainly be much simpler if that were so, for our friends can be highly irritating. But it is not so. We need allies because we have only 6 per cent of the world's population. We need them because the overseas air bases essential to our own se curity are on their territory. We need allies because they are the source of indispensable strategic materials. We need, above all, the moral strength that support of the world community alone can bring to our cause. Let us never underestimate the weight of moral opinion. It was a great general, Napoleon, who wrote that: "In war. moral considera tions are three-quarters of the battle. . . .” Way Out Is Seen How shall we mend the walls of our coalition? And is there any hope of a peaceful solution of the offshore island question? I think so. . . . ... I would urge our Govern ment to promtply consult out friends, yes, and the uncommit ted States too, and ask them all to join with us in an open decla ration condemning the use of' force in the Formosa Strait, and agreeing to stand with us in the defense of Formosa against any aggression, pending some final settlement of its status—by in dependence, neutralization, trus teeship. plebiscite, or whatever is wisest. Nor do I see any reason why we should not invite Soviet Rus sia. which is united by treaty with Red China, to declare its position, to indicate whether it prefers the possibility of ultimate settlement by agreement to an unpredictable, perhaps limit less conflct. started bv an arro gant, fool hardy Communist China either by miscalculation or by design. With the assurance provided by such a common position con curred in by the nations whose weight and prestige are essential to the utimate success of any Formosan policy, neither we nor Gen. Chiang Kai-shek should any longer need to rely upon a militarily precarious position in these little offshore islands to resist the aggressive ambitions of the Chinese Communists to ward Formosa. . . . No Rigid Formula Diplomacy prescribes no rigid formula for accomplishing our objectives, and another major avenue in the quest for a peace ful solution in the Far East re mains unexplored; the United Nations. I should think that the United States, together with friends and allies in Europe and Asia, could submit a resolution to the United Nations General Assembly, calling upon the As sembly likewise to condemn any effort to alter the present status of Formosa by force. And I think we could afford to go further and call upon the United Nations Assembly to seek a formula for the permanent future of For mosa, consistent with the wishes of its people, with international law, and with world security. One of the weaknesses of our position is that we have been making Formosa policy as we thought best regardless of others. But we can’t expect other nations to always support policies they disagree with. We can persuade but we canJt coerce. And one of the advantages of joint action would be to put Formosa policy on a much broader basis.... ... If the Chinese Communists . . . Insist on force and reject any peaceful solution, then at least it would be clear to every one who the aggressors were. .. . ... We have been making Formosa policy lately not only on a unilateral basis but more on considerations of domsetic poli tical expediency than foreign realities. Domestic politics should not enter our foreign affairs, least of all factional conflict between the two wings of the President’s party, but they have, and too often our hot and cold vacillating behavior abroad has reflected efforts to please both the views that divide our Government and the Republican Party, especially on Far Eastern policy. While I do not belittle some recent achievements in the for eign field, too much of our for eign policy of late has disclosed a yawning gap between what we say and what we do—between our words and deeds. Nothing Happened For example, you remember that as the Communist pressure rose in lndo-China just a year ago. so did our warlike, menacing words. The Vice President of the HUB , l URr ml M H§ I HHHr gfj ■ ML Jj I Is® I S .J mm 1 hK J I J POLICY CRlTlC—Chicago.—Adlal Stevenson, 1952 Demo cratic presidential candidate, gestures during a Nation-wide broadcast in which he scored the Eisenhower administra tion’s Far Eastern policy.—AP Wirephoto. United States even talked of sending American soldiers to fight on the mainland of Asia. But what happened? Nothing. Likewise all the bold, brave talk about “liberation” of the peoples behind the Iron Curtain has long since evaporated, with the loss of half of Vietnam and of our prestige and influence. So also we hear no more of last year’s dire threats of instanta neous and massive atomic retal iation. Instaed, the President has spoken lately of pinpoint re taliation with tactical weapons. I fear, however, that the psycho logical effect of the use of atomic weapons, large or small, will be unfortunate. But there has been plenty of massive verbal retaliation, and the administration’s policy of ex travagant words has alramed our friends a good deal more than it has deterred the ag gressors. For our allies assumed that the great United States meant what it said, and it seems to me that when you compare what we have said with what we have done during the past two years it is little wonder that Secretary of State Dulles is fear ful lest the Chinese Communists really do think that the United States is a “paper tiger.” Now let me be clear. I am not criticizing the administration for abandoning these extravagant positions; I am criticizing it for taking such positions, for making threats which it is not prepared to back up, for bluffing and un dermining faith in the United States. .. . What . , . are the lessons to; be drawn from the past two. years? In the first place, I think we should abandon, once and for i all, the policy of wishful think ing and wishful talking, the policy of big words and little deeds We must renounce go-it aloneism. We shall have to face the fact that Gen. Chiang’s army cannot invade the mainland unless we are prepared to accept enormous burdens and risks—alone. The world will respect us for recognizing mistakes and cor recting them. But if our present posture in the offshore islands. Millions of Americans can afford to go little in AtMtica ly? 4 J 5-- ■■ CHOICE OF 5 EXPRESS ROUTES TO YOU CAN BE THERE TODAY t LOS ANGELES $5300 _ |INDIANAPOLIS sl3 35 I You Con B. Th.r. Ovor th. Wenkond / jSI ,j B 14 BuMi Doily Including Ixprenci: B For Example: tv. Fridey At. 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Ar. 11:05 p.m. Similar Service to Other Big Cities ily*;, v't Rochester 9.75 I Niagara Falls 1035 Albany 8.75 Ithaca 7.95 Montreal 14.15 I Ottawa 14.05 my trips you'll wijoy III* , Dty Ntw York Sutt _ MoHtrtml Tour> t96St mol new air-rid* buses... lenicruiser hhbhhhbb lor arßTtwwM t'Ovoi tapor* elm voor Soring vie or Semmot Mention - HOTEt RESERVATIONS, -■ . UIAUUIAV fBAVBI II 40 um *■ SIGHTSEEING INOIVIOOAI EXPENSE-PAID TOURS ESCORTED SROU* IOURS nil nrrnngne nnd pnid nmnftAl tKNTEUK Anfc nboot iMonl nxt» rvdm-tlon. to. OROOFS. for example, is a wrong one, who will respect us far stubbornly persisting in it? Our friends have made It clear that so long as fantasy, rigidity and domestic politics seem to stand in the way of peaceful Formosa settlement, they will not support us if. in spite of our endeavors, a con flict should break out. If we cease to deceive ourselves over the hard realities of power in the Formosa situation we shall have taken the first step towards our first essential—the restora tion of unity of purpose and action between ourselves and our allies in the free world. . . . It is not only over the offshore islands crisis that we need a new sense of direction and to mend our fences. Too often of late we have turned to the world a face of obdurate military power. Too often the sound they hear from Washington is the call to arms, the rattling of the saber. Too often our constructive, helpful economic programs have been obscured, our good done by stealth Thus have we Amer icans, the most peaceful and generous people on earth, been made to appear hard, belligerent and careless of those very quali ties of humanity, which, in fact, we value most. The picture of America—the kindly, generous, deeply pacific people who are really America—has been cloud ed in the world, to the comfort of the aggressors and the dismay of our friends. As best as we can, let us cor rect this distorted impression, for we will win no hearts and minds m the new Asia by uttering louder threats and brandishing bigger swords. Let us stop slandering our selves and appear before the world once again—as we really are—as friends, not as masters; as apostles of principle, not of power; in humility, not arro gance; as champions of peace. George Says U. S. May Ask U. N. to Condemn Force Bt th« Associated Press , Senator George, Democrat, of Georgia disclosed today the j Eisenhower administration is I considering asking the United Nations General Assembly to pass a resolution against the use of force in the Formosa Strait. j r oe disclosure coincided with A~ai E. Stevenson’s proposal in a national radio broadcast that this country submit a resolution condemning any attempt to “alter the status of Formosa by force.” In New York. United Nations diplomats said they knew of no move pending along this line. But Senator George, chairman of the Foreign Relations Com mittee, said in a telephone inter view from his home in Vienna, Ga„ the proposal to put the assembly on record against the use of force in the Formosa area has been under State Depart ment consideration. “But they haven't been quite willing to risk it thus far,” he said. “That is one possible way to bring the United Nations in on a cease-fire agreement, If it could be accomplished.” George Adds an “If” Senator George said he believes Mr. Stevenson’s proposal for General Assembly consideration of “a formula for the permanent future of Formosa” is all right if the Russians would agree to line up against the use of force in the area. “There might be some possi-! bility of moving in that direction if we could get the first step taken and obtain a cease-fire agreement,” the Georgian said. He expressed the belief that Red China would not attack Na tionalist strongholds if Russia could be Induced to join in such an agreement. He also said the possibility of getting such an agreement was one of the rea sons behind his proposal for a top-level big-power meeting. Senator George said he agrees generally with the proposals Mr. not as harbingers of war. For our strength lies, not alone in our proving grounds and our stockpiles, but in our ideals, our goals, and their universal appeal to men of all faiths struggling to breathe free. i W J W fIyTWA J W DIRECT TO M m DAYTON Jj fl COLUMBUS Km (f INDIANAPOLIS jj|j See your travel agent or call TWA, m j. •| Trans World Airlines, ST#rllng 3-4200 / .•!■ i Stevenson made in his speech, but he did not comment on the 11952 Democratic nominee’s at tacks on some Eisenhower policies. Mr. Stevenson’s call for a “new sense of direction” in ad j ministration Far Eastern for eign policies and his criticism of what he labeled “rattling of the saber” brought sharp re torts from some Republicans. Speech Harmful, Aiken Says Senator Aiken, Republican, of Vermont, a member of the For eign Relations Committee, said he thought Mr. Stevenson’s speech would “do more harm than good.” He said the 1952 nominee “has no vote and no official voice” in shaping for eign policy. "I don’t remember that our allies came rushing in to Korea to help us very much, Senator Aiken said. “Our allies won’t decide their course until they see what ours is and on what it is based.” Senator Hickenlooper, Repub lican, of lowa, another Foreign Relations Committee member, said Mr. Stevenson was “preach ing the doctrine of defeatism." “It seems to me he is pro posing that we abandon, step by step, our position in Asia.” the lowa Senator said. “That is exactly what Red China hopes we will do.” Senator McCarthy. Republican of Wisconsin, himself an Eisen- • hower critic, said: “While the crowd surrounding Eisenhower is bad enough, Adlal here gives us a clear pic ture of how much worse it would have been—how Ameri can interests would have been abandoned had he been elected.” Allies Vital, Stennis Says Senator Stennis. Democrat of Mississippi, a member of the Senate Armed Services Commit tee, said he agrees this country may have to “face it alone” If there is an attack on the Chi nese Nationalist-held Quemoy and Matsu coastal islands and American forces go to their de fense. “It would be highly desirable to get our allies with us in this situation,” he said. “We ought Woman Posted Matusow Bond NEW YORK. April 12 OP).— The New York Herald Tribune says Harvey Matusow’s SIO,OOO bail in a Texas case was put up by Mrs. Anita Parkhurst Willcox. who made an unauthorized visit to Red China in 1952. The source of bail money for the ex - Communist turnabout witness has been a mystery. The publisher of Matusow’s forth coming book. “False Witness." was denied it came from advance royalties. The Herald Tribune said it had learned that Mrs. Willcox supplied the SIO,OOO cashier’s cheek with which Matusow post ed bond to go free on appeal from the Texas conviction and that she later admitted it to the newspaper. Mrs. Willcox, wife of Henry Willcox. former Queens con tractor, is a painter and has homes here and at South Nor walk, Conn. In 1952 the Chinese Commu nist radio named her and her to exhaust every effort to do this.” Senator Douglas, Democrat of Illinois, said he thinks Mr. Stevenson was “absolutely right in his statement that the United States has talked too loud in the past two years about what it was going to do.” |g|§[s9*s I ARMSTRONG & KENTILE ASPHALT TILE 10 Morbleixed Colors 1 I directly to your concrete I £?"'• trimming hlf !” r ever wood, bolter rooms rx -1 rented. This offer limited time only. Armstrong & Gold Sool INLAID LINOLEUM INSTALLED W« tuorontee the reoulte. Up to 10 N . ydi. In- «| low OS •tolled will cover «»14. 7xl* end m»ny ether •!•• OtA A%MP reomi. Choeee from the newest, lereeet lelectlen 1 es iprinr pattern! In Waahlnxton. H F STREET, CORNER, tth St N.W. ME. •-lU2 husband as members of an American delegation to a Com ! munist-sponsored Asian and Pa cific peace conference. | The Herald Tribune quoted Mrs. Willcox as saying: “I put up bail for Harvey Matusow because I believe that . however he may deserve jail for . j the wrong he has done, be should j not be jailed for trying to right , those wrongs.” Matusow was given a three- J year sentence at El Paso, Tex., on a contempt charge brought . after he recanted on earlier tes . timony linking Clinton Jencks, | union official, to the Com ’ munists. The Herald Tribune quoted , Mrs. Willcox as denying she was a Communist, but saying she ; firmly believes “Communists • have a right to live, even though \ I don’t agree with them.” Many in Indonesia Die in First Year JAKARTA, Indonesia. Os every 1,000 babies bom alive in Indonesia, 150 to 200 die before reaching the age of one year. This is six to eight times the infant mortality rate in the United States and Western Eu rope. r-MOTORISTS FO* mOfiSSIONAL MOTOR TUNiNO SERVICE «V SPECIALISTS ludll’t Corburetoi 6 Ignition Semen 111 10th St N.W ML $-577?