DAVID LAWRENCE
—' ■ - —— ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■
Politics, Platforms and Popularity
- r -
Eisenhower Is Popular, but That Doesn't
Mean He Will Win (Remember Bryan?)
President Eisenhower is
adopting a sensible attitude
toward the question ot whether
or pot he should accept re
nomination next year—and he
is putting veteran politicians
to shame by his approach.
For as the President sees
it—and he has hinted at it
again and again in remarks
to various groups—there is no
indispensable man in America.
He is right. If a major politi
cal party depends for success
solely on the candidacy of one
man. it may wind up with the
discovery that the party's
record is so weak that even a
‘•popular” candidate can't win
on it.
It is a strange myth which
has wide currency that elec
tions for the presidency are
won on the basis of the
popularity of a man. If this
were so, William Jennings
Bryan should have won at
least once out of the three
times he ran. A half century
age he pulled the biggest
crowds ever known, and there
wasn’t any radio or television
in those days. He was beaten
not because of his lack of
personality or popular appeal
but because his radical views
were unacceptable to the
majority of the voters.
Few more popular figures
have run for President than
James Cox. three times Gover
nor of Ohio, Democrat, and a
great campaigner who drew
large crowds from coast to
coast.- He was defeated in a
landslide by Senator Harding,
who spoke a few times from the
front porch of his Ohio home
in the summer and autumn of
1920 and never made a speech
anywhere else in the whole
campaign. It wasn't any lack
of personality in Cox or Hard
ing’s "popularity” that swung
the election, as the Ohio
Senator was scarcely known
throughout the country. It
was the unpopularity of the
record of the Democratic ad
ministration of President Wil
son which turned the voters
toward the Republican Party
in such great numbers.
Oen. Eisenhower won in 1952
i-g.vvmwuu utter vea)
DORIS FLEESON
Byroads No Striped-Pants Envoy
New U. S. Ambassador's Biggest Task
In Cairo Is One of Public Relations
CAlßO.—Secretary of State
Dulles has compounded Egypt's
confusions over America by re
placing the stately former dean
of United States diplomats,
Jefferson Cafiery. here with a
thoroughly relaxed, democratic
junior, Henry Byroade.
Mr. Byroade celebrated his
42d birthday last week, Egypt
is his first ambassadorial post,
but he already has been an
Assistant Secretary of State.
Tall, athletic and darkly
good-looking, Mr. Byroade
rather resembles Gov. Mennen
Williams of Michigan and
has the same cheerful forth
rightness. At home this helped
to take the curse off his for
midable reputation as "a
brain” who was coming up in
the department very fast, in
deed.
The embassy realized that it
was getting a "new look” in
ambassadors when Mr. By
roade strolled about the gar
dens, introducing himself to
the Marine guards and the
gardeners. The Egyptians get
the same Main Street treat
ment, in contrast to the strict
protocol of the Cafiery re
gime. It is one of the favorite
town topics.
Mr. Cafiery, of course, was
no mere Edwardian gentle
man or striped-pants diplo
DOROTHY THOMPSON
Russia's Impossible Proposals
In Drive to Control All Europe, Soviets
Demand Our Unconditional Surrender
Marshal Bulganiri’s report
on Geneva before the Supreme
Soviet has done nothing to
change our opinion that the
conference was a success only
for the Soviets.
It was an American Presi
dent, not a Russian, who said,
“The way to avoid a hot war
Is to win the cold war.” We
challenged at the time the
idea that any cold war could
be "won" In the sense of
assuring the unconditional
surrender of the Russians.
But the Russians are today
in a better position to win
the cold war without a hot
one than we ever were. We
were never sure, for that
matter, what America meant
by "winning the cold war.”
But we are quite sure what
the Soviet Union would mean
by the phrase were it so un
diplomatic as to use it.
The Soviet Union Intends to
be the unchallengeable arbiter
of Europe, in alliance with
China as the unchallengeable
arbiter of Asia.
The European system of col
lective security proposed by
the Soviets in Geneva is de
signed to fragmentise Europe
into entities with which the
Soviets could deal separately.
The two German states would
each initially be parties to
such a treaty. All parties
would agree to refrain from
aggression or the threat of
force Whenever, In the view
of any participant, there were
a danger of an armed attack in
Europe against any of the
parties (from whom?), they
should move to take common
yp»n-
not because of his own person
ality but because of the un
popularity of the Truman
administration on the issues
known as "communism. Korea
and corruption.” This cor
respondent in preconvention
days wrote that Gen. Eisen
hower should be chosen as
against Senator Taft for the
nomination on the theory that
Senator Taft couldn’t win. But
an examination of the election
returns in November brought
convincing evidence to the
contrary—that Senator Taft
could have won in 1952, be
cause it was primarily a nega
tive verdict against the Tru
man administration which the
voters recorded.
Do 50 million voters really
come to know any presidential
candidate well enough to
"like" him in a personal sense?
They really like or dislike his
views or the record he has
made, and mostly they are
swayed by three major issues
—peace or the lack of it, pros
perity or recession, integrity
in public office or corruption.
Mr. Eisenhower could win
hands down, and so could any
other Republican nominee if
the election were held tomor
row. That’s because, in the
political sense, there’s peace
and there’s prosperity and in
tegrity in public office.
A year hence, if there’s an
economic recession and unem
ployment—as there was dur
ing the congressional campaign
of 1954. when the Democrats
won the House and tied the
Senate—even Mr. Eisenhower
would have a hard time win
ning. Likewise, if the peace
situation is messed up and the
"breaks" go against the Presi
dent, he could be in political
trouble in 1956.
Mr. Eisenhower is right in
being dubious about running
again. He might ask himself
why, if he has made a good
record, a successor Republican
could not benefit by jt? He
might ask why, if there’s peace
and prosperity and integrity
in office, any Republican
shouldn't win. The Republi
can Party organization lead
ers think their task will be
mat of the stereotype dear
to the McCarthy isolationist*.
He was a thoroughly experi
enced. tough-minded career
man who had held big jobs
and mastered difficult situa
tions. In the tortuous Anglo-
Egyptian negotiations he
twisted arms on both sides;
many give him major credit
for its fruition.
But, unquestionably, he was
old-school tie. He rode, not
walked, to his destinations. He
lived and entertained in high
style.
Cairo didn’t object: it
seemed to like it. For it is
a fact that the former col
onies of the British Empire
usually prefer the British to
the gregarious, generous, anti
colonial Americans. Perhaps
they merely have been condi
tioned to their former masters,
and you rarely meet a man in
a once-British possession who
longs to send his son to dear
old Siwash to learn to be like
us; he wants him to go to
Cambridge.
A West Pointer, Mr. By
roade was started on the path
upward by that proved spotter
of Army talent, Gen. Marshall,
who reached down many num
bers to pick a Gen. Eisen
hower for the crusade in Eu
rope. Mr. Byroade served Gen.
The state parties would set
up a joint system of assist
ance including military as
sistance and not participate
in any other coalition or alli
ance or conclude separate
agreements. The parties would
hold regular or special con
ferences, and set up a per
manent consultative political
committee and military con
sultative organ, and invite the
government of the Chinese
Peoples Republic to designate
representatives to these com
mittees and organs as ob
servers.
The parties would agree to
allow two or three years for
the dissolution of existing
treaties (Warsaw; NATO),
while refraining from the use
of armed force, and while
maintaining their forces on
the territories of other Euro
pean states at the present or
lower level. The Warsaw and
NATO treaties would become
ineffective at an agreed time
limit.
In none of this does the
United States of America play
any role. America is treated
as having no security or po
litical interests in Europe—
while Red China has. Im
plemented, it would make
Russia the master of Eurasia
from the English Channel to
the China Sea, and brand any
challenge as a threat to the
peace.
Os course, the Soviets are
not going to get this unless
by a step-by-step process.
But Marshal Bulganin merely
reconfirmed Its contents.
The West at Geneva alee
projected a system of eollee
easier if Ike runs, but actually
they are revealing an inferior
ity complex and a bit of de
featism in emphasizing so
much their concern over
whether Mr. Eisenhower is or
isn't the candidate.
It has been said that Ike
ought to have a good man
in the vice presidency to suc
ceed him if anything happens
to him during a second term.
Richard Nixon is probably
better equipped to be Presi
dent and better informed
about the job than any Vice
President who has succeeded
a President in office in 100
years. He has, of course,
earned the undying enmity
of the Communists, as well
as various left-wingers, New
Dealers and Fair Dealers, but
they will be found in the
minority no matter who the
Republican candidates are
provided there’s peace and
prosperity and integrity in
office for the present admin
istration to crow about in
1956.
The Republican Party in
its four years either will have
established itself as strong
enough to win both houses
of Congress and the presi
dency on the basis of the
condition of the country in
ternally and externally, or
else the presence of seriously
adverse conditions will defeat
any Republican candidate, in
cluding Mr. Eisenhower, in
1956. That’s why the Demo
crats are trying to exaggerate
the Dixon-Yates controversy
and why they would have
made capital out of the Tal
bott case if it hadn't been
disposed of promptly.
The biggest single fact about
elections which is borne out
by the record is that the elec
torate votes "against things”
and. if they have nothing
serious about which to pro
test, they either vote for the
party in power or stay away
from the polls and don’t vote
for their own party. That’s
what happened in England
this year, when the "indis
pensable” Churchill didn’t run
and Eden, relatively untrained
in domestic affairs, was vic
torious on a peace and pros
perity platform, as millions of
Labor Party voters stayed at
home on election day.
(Reproduction Rlihu Retervedi
Marshall as his chief of staff
and accompanied him on his
controversial China mission.
He was passed on later to
the then Secretary of State.
Dean Acheson. who put him
on the German desk. For three
years before coming here he
was Assistant Secretary of
State for this area, the Near
East, Southeast Asip and Af
rica. He was thus in a key
position when the policy mak
ers woke up to the fact that
the Middle East conceivably
could slip away from the West
without a shot being fired.
The present policy of shor
ing up the Arab world has since
been in the making. It is dif
ficult and tedious and subject
to frustrating delays. For ex
ample, the negotiations for
the great Jordan water proj
ect w'ith which Eric Johnston
has long struggled have just
been postponed again.
Meanwhile, it is Mr. By
roade’s Job to reassure Egypt
that the policy is not directed
against her desire, as the mo6t
stable power of this area, to
lead it but is aimed only at
restraining imperialist com
munism.
Mr. Byroade is married and
has three boys, the oldest 16.
Their interest, like their fath
ers, in their new environment
is intense and the whole quar
tet is a familiar sight loping
around the pyramids, the solar
boat and the other enticements
for amateur archeologists.
•
tive security to embrace the
USSR, the United States
of America, Britain. France,
and a united Germany, with
guarantees against a rearmed
Germany. It proposed a joint
arms control with the Soviets
as partners over force levels
throughout Europe, and a
demilitarized area between
Eastern and Western Europe.
These were great conces
sions to effect a compromise,
but all were rejected.
Marshal Bulganin reiterated
that NATO, though jointly
making these concessions, has
created a situation that "has
become and might remain a
serious obstacle to the im
provement of international re
lations.” Yet, he says, the
Soviet proposals take account
of the factual existence of the
two blocs—for the time be
ing. The German “difficulty”
"should form no obstacle to the
basic and main question . . .
of creating a system of all-
European security.”
The German issue is the
primary issue in any security
system, but Marshal Bulganin
recommends ignoring it and
creating a system that both
Germanys will have to join If
they are to have any security
at all.
First liquidate the Western
system, supplant it by another
which the Soviets would con
trol, and then reunify Ger
many. Meanwhile no arms
control "for the necessary con
ditions for It do not exist"—
and, meanwhile, a four-power
pact for the maintenance of
German partition.
This is a proposal for peace
by the unconditional surrender
of the United States.
LOUIE •—By Harry Hanan
s
POTOMAC FEVER
FLETCHER KNEBEL
In the old days, only Democrats got fun out of politics.
Now the Russians are flashing a big grin—and even some Re
publicans are sneaking out to the toolshed to practice smiling.
* * * *
Happy Chandler, Democratic winner for the Kentucky
governorship, plans some reforms. Those who know Happy say
he'll probably abolish all taxes—and give everybody a State
job enforcing it.
* • * *
Scientists say housewives will be cooking with atomic
power in 1975. Error. The way things are going, the only equip
ment you’ll find in the 1975 kitchen will be a husband.
* • * *
A committee of experts says morale is low in the Internal
Revenue Service. It’s the monotony of the job. Nothing but
the routine screams of taxpayers being broken on the wheel.
* * * •
Said the political boss as he reluctantly filed an old ward
heeler: "He's outlived his uselessness."
* * * •
Egyptian Premier Nasser says he'll visit Russia. Now that
the Iron Curtain’s down, everybody is going to Russia except
the American Communists. Confidentially, they can't abide
the joint.
* • • *
A Pentagon "task force" is studying 100 recommendations
of the Hoover Commission. It’s expected to select the 10 best
proposals—and recommend a permanent unit to study them.
• •
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CONSTANTINE BROWN
The Drive Toward Coexistence
Our Allies Are Trying to Pressure Us
Into Giving Up Our Promises to Asia
Except for the occasional
smiles ot Communist China’s
Delegate Wang and his lack
of abusive language, the
present Geneva conference is
not much different from the
cease-fire negotiations at Pan
in unjom.
At Geneva as at the neutral
strip in Korea the Chinese
mean to wear us out by de
laying tactics until we yield
gracefully to their demands.
Beyond the question of the
liberation of some 40 Ameri
can civilians held for ransom
by the Communists the Ameri
can public knows little about
what other "practical matters”
■ may eventually be discussed.
The Communists have dis
covered that diplomatically
we wear out easily. For
instance, last week it was
said emphatically by our polipy
makers in Washington that
it would be inconceivable for
us to yield to the Red demand
that a "third party” investi
gate the question of the
Chinese students and others
who have been in the United
States for 10 years on Na
tionalist passports and may
now wish to return to the
mainland. This week there
was slight change in the
Washington atmosphere. It
was said that the sufferings
of the Americans imprisoned
in China are so unbearable
that we must leave no stone
unturned to get them free.
We may now be sure that the
men in Peiping will turn the
vise further on those un
fortunate Americans to achieve
their purpose.
Fundamentally the Com
munists don’t care a rap about
the Chinese in America. But
they intend to show the re
maining free people of Asia
THE EVENING STAR, Washington, D. C.
wroaisnAT, apocst is. less
that they can coerce the
United States Government
whenever they want to. And
this opportunity exactly meets
their propaganda purposes. It
also paves the way for more
important demands they in
tend to place before us at
Geneva and at the forthcom
ing United Nations General
Assembly.
In the meantime London is
applying further pressure on
Washington to “liberalise’’ our.
policies in the Far East. We
are now entering, say our Brit
ish friends, a period of in
tense diplomatic activity tend
ing toward a new era of co
existence We must adopt the
same understanding attitude
toward the Chinese Commu
nists as we did toward the
Russians We must forget the
American prisoners of war
murdered in cold blood by the
Reds We must forget all their
acts of barbarism. That’s emo
tionalism which has no place
under present world condi
tions.
The decision in Washing
ton that Secretary of State
Dulles should meet Peiping's
Premier-Foreign Mini ster
Chou En-lai this fall is al
ready a step toward the re
laxation of tension in the Far
East. If we don’t want For
mosa for strategic reasons to
fall into unfriendly hands,
says London, it could easily be
arranged through some for
mula acceptable to the Com
munists once Red China is
recognized as the power she
is.
Our Western European
friends want to carry into the
postwar world the bad, old
tradition of “finding a for
mula.” That is to say that
when negotiations lead no-
A-25
where the negotiators produce
some diplomatic gobbledygook
which is presented to the
world as a “substantial solu
tion of specific differences.’'
Our treaty commitments to
Nationalist China and other
free Asian countries are wor
rying our Western European
friends because they know
that the American people are
sticklers for honoring treaties.
For this our European allies
have a ready formula, too.
While it is necessary to safe*
. guard the sanctity of a na*
tion’s solemnly pledged word,
they say, treaties must be flex
ible.
Specific provisions of trea*
ties—even less than a year
old—should not be regarded as
sacrosanct but subject to re*
vision by agreement, say our
European allies. Pacts and
treaties, we are reminded,
should be approached much
more as a practical means than
as statements of agreed prin
ciples. The conclusion of a
specific agreement is never
final or unchangeable, they
say. International agreements,
we are told, should be revised
whenever it becomes necessary
for the sake of the general
good of the world.
These “generous” ideas are
now being impressed upon us
by our Western allies for one
purpose only; That the ad
ministration may realize that
its commitments toward Na
tionalist China. South Korea
and the other free nations in
the Pacific should not present
a major obstacle in the drive
toward coexistence with the
Communist totalitarianism in
Europe and Asia. The negotia
tions which are'now taking
place at Oeneva are to be a
test case of our good will to
ward the coexistence-minded
allies.