Evening star. [volume], December 06, 1955, Page A-16, Image 16

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A-16
* TUESDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1955
Equity for the District
It is hard to understand why drafters
of the final report for the White House
Conference on Education almost over
looked Including the District of Columbia
in conference recommendations for Fed
eral aid to schools. But for the,last
minute efforts of Chairman Robert V.
Fleming of the District delegation to the
conference, Washington’s just claim to
Federal school funds would have been
left out of the report. The District has
been discriminated against in the past
in the allotment of such funds. Since
the conference recommendation undoubt
edly will have a great deal of weight with
executive and legislative leaders, it was
important that the city’s right to share in
this type of Federal aid should be sup
ported by the conference.
The' tendency of conference leaders
to forget the responsibilities of the Fed
eral Government toward the District .is
Indicative of a lack of understanding of
Federal-District relations too generally
prevailing outside of Washington. Mr.
Fleming, in his letter to the report
drafting committee, did an effective job
of explaining the Federal responsibilities
and of stressing the merit of the Dis
trict’s request for better treatment.
Labor's Role in Politics
Charges that the giant new federa
tion of American labor, resulting from
the merger of the AFL and the CIO, may
become a third political party or even
take over control of the Democratic Party
may have been answered best by George
Meany, flirst president of the organiza
tion. “No one can control a worker’s
vote,” Mr. Meany said bluntly, “me or
anyone else. We have no sentiment for
a labor party, nor any for taking over
either of the existing parties.”
The record in many elections, Na
tion-wide and local, bears out Mr. Meany’s
first statement. Analysis of voting re
turns has shown time after time that
labor union members, though predomi-'
nantly Democratic, do not ordinarily vote
In solid blocs—regardless of preferences
expressed by their leaders. Indeed, as
voters, union members follow more the
pattern described by President Eisen
hower in his message to the organization
when he said: “Your views . . . vary
widely—just as they do in any other
group of American citizens.”
This does not mean, of course, that
organized labor has not been a strong
force in modern American politics. It has
been so in many ways—through finan
cial contributions to parties or to candi
dates, for example, or through its influ
ence upon legislation, the content of cam
paign platforms and so forth. Creation
of a single federation with more than 15
million members very probably will mean
Increased political power. Yet it has been
characteristic of labor unions that they
are constantly vigilant about their indi
vidual independence of action, and even
the steps toward this merger have been
accompanied by reaffirmations of free
dom for member unions to run their own
affairs. To this end. President Eisen
hower was offering good counsel when
he said that “the rights of minorities
holding differing social, economic and
political views must be scrupulously
protected, and their views accurately
reflected.”
The long-term success of the new
labor body, and its influence on American
politics, will hinge to a large extent upon
application of these democratic prin
ciples.
Glenn L. Martin
The death of Glenn L. Martin, at 69,
brings to an end a dramatic and epochal
chapter in the history of American avia
tion. The Glenn Martin story had its
beginnings in the infancy of heavier
than-air flying, carried on through the
risky barnstorming era of flying fairs and
cross-country hedge hopping and in
cluded major contributions to our mili
tary air power in two world wars.
Fortunately for aviation, Glenn Mar
tin’s mother had more faith in her son’s
starry-eyed dreams of man in flight than
did the Martins’ family physician. The
doctor, unimpressed by young Martin's
homemade flying machines, urged the
parents to “call him off before he is
killed." But the boy, a close follower of
what the Wright brothers were doing in
his favorite field, succeeded in flying his
own airplane on August 1. 1909, and his
mother had enough confidence to ride a
wing of his craft on a short flight in 1912.
By the time that World War I had
focused attention on military uses of
aviation, Mr. Martin had designed and
built large craft which were adaptable
to bombing purposes. Thp Army’s first
bomber ws>s a Martin A*t*r World War
I, several Martin bombers sank two
former German warships In the famous
airpower tests staged off the Virginia
capes under the supervision of the late
Billy Mitchell. The Martin factories ex
panded between wars, with a huge plant
being built near Baltimore, larger and
larger military and civilian aircraft were
produced, for bombs, passengers and
freight. More recently, Mr. Martin, al
though in retirement, planned further
development of secret devices. The many
honors which came to him In later life
attest the realization of what his early
critics regarded as wild-eyed visions.
Aviation owes a great deal to such coura
geous pioneers as Glenn Martin and other
practical “dreamers.”
Mr. Edens Visit
Many things have happened, and few
of them for the better, since last July’s
Geneva “summit” conference. So it Is
fitting that Prime Minister Eden of Brit
ain has accented an Invitation to come
here at the end of next month for a
meeting with President Elsenhower. For
these two men, as leaders of the Atlantic
«community’s keystone powers, are bur
dened with great problems of mutual
concern, and face-to-face talks between
them can do much to promote solutions
and perpetuate the kind of Anglo-
American solidarity that is indispensable
to the safety of the entire free world.
The problems to be discussed range
around the globe. There is continuing
turmoil In North Africa. In the Middle
East, owing in large measure to Soviet
sponsored arms sales to Egypt, Arab-
Israeli tensions have reached a new
danger point. In Asia, wholly apart from
the ever-present menace of a possible
flare-up in the Formosa area, Russian
Premier Bulganin and Nikita Khrushchev
•still are busily spreading hate-breeding
anti-Western propaganda and seeking to
entice the “neutralists" with vague but
alluring offers of economic aid. And in
Europe, where the Communists are
ceaselessly engaged In subversive activi
ties, the men of the Kremlin apparently
have signalled their East German puppets
to resort to threatful actions designed to
create serious difficulties for free Ger
many and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.
These are only some of the actual
and potential troubles now confronting
the Western world, but they are enough
to show how badly the “spirit of Geneva”
has fared since last July. Like the barren
results of the recent Big Four foreign
ministers’ conference, they plainly Indi
cate that Russia’s leaders, far from being
interested In easing international ten
sions, have launched a new offensive in
the cold war. Indeed, as If there never
were a “summit” meeting, the Kremlin’s
present line seems so hostile that Mr.
Eden, when he confers with Mr. Elsen
hower, may well bring up the question of
whether or not to cancel the projected
Bulganin-Khrushchev trip to Britain
next soring. In any case, the President
and Prime Minister will have many vital
issues to talk about, the chief of them
being how best to counter the new Soviet
effort—an effort whose ultimate objec
tive is to shatter the Atlantic alliance and
pave the way for great additional Com
munist victories in Europe and through
out the globe.
Meanwhile, more than a month prior
to the Prime Minister's visit here. Russia’s
rubber-stamp legislative assembly (the
slnreme Soviet) will hold an extraordi
nlr • session In Moscow. This will toke
p'kce two days before Christmas, and it
may give the West ,a clearer picture of
what t(\ expect from the Kremlin in the
months ahead. As matters look at the
moment, the things to be expected seem
to afid up to a great deal of trouble, and
Mr. Eden’s meeting with the President
will therefore be a timely event of first
importance. Presumably there will also
be the closest Anglo-American consulta
tion with France and free Germany.
Not a Silly Game
With all due deference to Joseph L.
Rauh, the debate among Democratic
leaders over “moderation” as a camoaign
tactic is not “the silliest semantic parlor
game” in years.
The national chairman of the Ameri
cans for Democratic Action Is quoted as
having made this statement In a speech
at Louisville, Ky. He wants the Demo
crats to stop quibbling over "political
slogans” and take a stand on the "great
moral issues” confronting the country.
Without intending to play any kind
of semantic game, it may be suggested
that the debate over moderation is the
result of an attempt by Democratic ex
tremists, notably Governors Averell Har
riman and G. Mennen Williams, to pres
sure Adlai Stevenson into adopting their
tooth-arid-claw brand of politics. When
he wants to use It, Mr. Stevenson can
wield a sharp-cutting political Instrument
with considerable effectiveness. He Is not
the bludgeon-swinging type, however, and
his moderation, or his relative modera
tion, Indicates that he knows this, and
intends to choose his own weapons.
It may/Iso be worth notin’ that Mr.
Stevenson has some uowerful support in
his own party. Among those who agree
with him are such potent figures as Sen
ator Lyndon Johnson of Texas and Sena
tors George and Russell of Georgia, who,
it is reported, may meet next week to dis
cuss a moderate apnroach to their party’s
criticism of the administration's foreign
policy and defense program.
One reason for this is the belief on
their part that a moderate policy in the
prevailing climate is the best policy.
Another is that there may be danger to
the country in any reckless rocking of the
boat.
It is to be expected, of course, that
moderation, on both sides, will tend to
fall by the wayside as the campaign heats
up. This is almost inevitable. But if a
few bows to moderation at this stage can
serve to put some restraint on 'the ex
tremists, they are worth making. Cer
tainly they rise above the level of a silly
parlor game.
'My Pols!'
LETTERS TO THE STAR
Enlightens Virginia
Alex Preston’s excellent ar
ticle in The Sunday Star of
November 27, entitled “School
Setup Baffles Old-line Demo
crats,” brings up some very
interesting points about Vir
ginia's county school boards.
There are in existence today
in Virginia three different
methods of selecting county
school boards. Mr. Preston
mentions only two of these.
One Is the old method, still
prevalent in most of the Com
monwealth. where the school
board is far removed from the
people The school board is
appointed for a term by a
school trustee electoral boa>d.
which is appointed by the cir
cuit Judge, who is appointed
by the majority caucus of the
General Assembly, which is
elected by the people. This is
the school board which Mr.
Preston says “baffles old-line
Democrats” for fear it will not
react to the "people's wish’’ to
continue segregation in the
schools at any cost.
The second type of county
school board in existence in
Virginia is the elected school
board, which only Arlington
j County has. This form of
school board selection was se
cured for Arlington because of
public reaction to the old form.
It undoubtedly is infinitely
better than what had existed,
but it has its shortcomings.
A school board, unless It has
the taxing power, can move
ahead no faster than the gov
erning body is willing. Tire
separate election of the two
boards is very likely to cause
conflict, and has done so m
Arlington. On the other hand,
it is not advisable to put the
taxing power in the hands of
the school board. The taxing
power in the hands of both
the school board and the
couhty board could cause an
Intolerable financial situation
from the standpoint of the
taxpayer.
I wish to call attention to
the fact that there is also in
existence in Virginia another
method of selecting school
boards. This method, that of
appointment of county school
boards by the local governing
body to serve at the pleasure
of that body, is available to
: any county in the Common
: wealth under Virginia's Op
tional Forms Act. Under this
method of election, the school
board is directly responsible to
the elected county board. The
two boards must of necessity
work very closely together on
budget and financial matters,
j There is only one taxing au
| thority. The school needs,
which represent over 60 per
cent of the total county budget
in a county like Fairfax, are
analyzed, as. they should be.
in relation to all other county
needs.
The school board handles
the many details of school ad
ministration. but It is not
likely to make far -reaching
policy decisions which are in
conflict with the thii.King of
the appointing body, the
elected board of county su
pervisors.
The Optional Forms Act,
put on Virginia’s statute books
in 1932, under the auspice- of
Gov. Harry Flood Byrd, is
model county government leg
islation. in spite of this, only
four counties In the Common
wealth (Albemarle, Henrico,
Warwick and Fairfax) have
adopted an “optional form” of
county government.
One of these counties, War
wick. has since become a city
in order to protect itseli from
Virginia’s unreasonable an
nexation laws. Other coun
ties. Including the "Byrd Ma
chine” stronghold, Princess
Anne County, have considered
making the change, but m
each case It has been beaten
down by the local Byrd Ma
chine lieutenants, who seem
to have feared the control of
the people—up to now rhis
group, led by former State
Senator Andrew W. Clarke,
were the opponents to Fair
fax County’s successful »lfort
to adopt an "optional form’
of county government in 1950
Because of their efforts, Fair
fax was forced to compromise
on the less desirable, for an
urban county, of the two op
tional forma. The county ex
ecutive, rather than the coun-
Hen names may be used tr
letters carry t outers correct
names and addresses All
letters are subiect to conden
sation
ty manager form was adopted.
But there are many benefits
to be secured from either of
these.
If the school board setup
baffles old-line Democrats,
they have nobody to blame but
themselves The people of the
counties could control their
own school boards if they
wished to do so by adopting an
opt lona’ form of county gov
ernment, permissible under
the Virginia Code.
Anne Wilkins.
Fairfax, Supervisor, Ma
son District.
Haven hr Pensioned
On several occasions re
cently the administration has
proposed consolidation of the
U. S. Civil Service Retirement
System and Fund with social
security.
The 1954 Report (June 30.
1954) of the Civil Service
Commission shows a balance
of nearly *6 billion <55,912 -
604.490.32) in the civil service
fund. If the two retirement
aystems are combined, it will
mean that all of this vast sum
of money will go to the bene
fit of persons who had nothing
to do with creation of said
surplus or fund.
Although the Federal Gov
ernment has contributed to
the Civil Service Retirement
Fund, the contributions of
civil service employes out of
their salaries to pay a fund
far exceeds the Government
contribution and more than
covered the payments to re
tirees to date (1921-1954).
Salary deductions amounted
to *4.549.642,868 74 and total
retirement payments amounted
to but $3,733,019,822.06 or a
surplus over employe contri
butions of nearly $1 billion.
In addition to this surplus
there is credit due the retire
ment fund on interest on in
vestment of *1.711.607,426.86.
Therefore, the balance in the
retirement includes nearly S 3
billion of employes' men y
after paying all annuities and
benefits to date (1921-1954)
The balance in the Oivi’
Service Retirement Fund cf
nearly *6 billion seems a
mighty attractive grab 10 be
dissipated by throwing it “it"
social security. This fund
was created solely lor we
benefit of those who put their
hard-earned money into it
each pay day by salary deduc
tions and any surplus over reg
ular annuity payments and
benefits should be used for the
use and benefit of those who
created said surplus and not
be swallowed up in social se
curity or otherwise dissipated.
1, therefore, recommend that
a substantial part of said sur
plus be set up as a trust fund
to create two or more homes,
similar to national soldiers’
homes, where superannuated
retirees may find refuge for
body and soul during their
twilight lyears and not be
tossed hither and yon by the
storms of pftsent-day turmoil.
A parcel of the grounds of
the United States Soldiers'
Home in Washington would
make a beautiful, ideal and
convenient site for one of such
homes and could be allotted by
the Government for such pur
pose even as it has allotted a
parcel of said Government
ground for the new hospital
being erected thereon.
Edward M. Schwartz.
Plain People
Friejids l have had. starlit
and fey.
But the comfortable ones are
every-day.
Delight in pixie souls I’ve
found.
But the plodding ones are sure
and sound,
Those quiet ones, who bake
their bread,
And make a smooth, un
wrinkled bed:
Who pay their bills, and say
their prayers,
And wouldn’t recognize the
airs
A teasing piper played to
call—
/ think I love these best of all!
Let Avery
An Honorable Career
A creeping sickness is weak
ening our national defense in
its most vital part—the morale
of its officers and men. I
refer in particular to the
thoughtless but increasing fad
among men in the military
services to say there are no j
opportunities in the armed
forces and to think that fame
and fortune await them "on
the outside.” In the Navy !
especially, young officers seem
to have fallen victim to a rage
to “get out of the Navy.”
Probably there are several
reasons—tougher service, much
of ,t away from home: glow
ing accounts of private sal
aries and big profits, and the
influence of selective service
“conscripts” who have not
chosen the Navy as a career
and whose eagerness to com
plete their military services
and. quite understandably, re
turn to the preferred private
careers, has influenced the
morale of regular professional
military personnel. •
The public and often friends
of men in the service fail to •
distinguish between the nat
ural desire of selectees to “get
out of the Navy” and the feel- .
ing that should characterize
the career milittiry officer. Let ,
us never forget that service !
In the defense of one’s coun- |
try is one of the oldest, most
respectable and most devoted |
professions in the world. I j
hear some thoughtless and |
uninformed youngsters speak
disparagingly about military
officers professionally in com- j
parison with other professions, j
doctors, lawyers, engineers.
These also are honorable and •
respected professions, but if we j
must descend to compar sons j
let us not forget that the ca- j
reer professions of navr.l offi
cer or any of the career
military services, a.c far more
deeply rooted in history, fine
tradition and high standards
of ethics than any of the.
newer, modern professions. The
unselfish services of a military
man in accepting the limita
tions in salary, while at the
same time performing indis
pensable duties in standing as
a protection of home and
country, are not surpassed in
any other profession. In com
parison the all-too-common
practices in medicine and law
nowadays of charging exorbi
tant fees for “bread pill” j
services fades in respectability. I
Naval officers, for example, j
have responsibilities and asso- j
nations at home and abroad i
that place them among the !
most esteemed and most im
portant official persons in the j
world. In some countries, i
many of the wealthiest fami- I
lies seek career service in the !
army and navy for the oppor- 1
tunitie6, the responsibilities ;
and associations these careers !
give greater opportunities
than those In the other popu
lar professions of engineering,
law and medicine. Present
day. money-mad and thought- !
less youngsters seem to forget
these facts when they join the
rage "to get out of the Navy.”
W. R. Smith. USN (ret.)
Education Conferees
It would seem that the
White House Conference on
Education should have repre
sented those who are concerned
with the results of education, as
well as those who make a liv
ing In the processes of educa
tion. By the former. I refer to
professional organizations like
the American Chemical Society
and the Institute of Radio En
gineers. None of these pro
fessional groups seemed to be
represented. Yet they are
vitally interested in the quality
of the education of their new |
and future members, as ape- j
rusal of their journals will
show.
Instead, the conference ap
peared to emphasize represen
tation of educators. These peo
ple inevitably have a vested
Interest in the methods that
they are using now, be these
methods good or bad. In this
sense they constitute a pres
sure group.
If this conference was loaded
in this way, how could we expect
it to produce any useful rec
ommendations for improve
ments In education?
L. Fleming.
THE POLITICAL MILL
_ By GOULD LINCOLN
Another Bomb in Harriman's Path
Mayor Robert F. Wagner, Jr.,
of New York has dropped
another little bomb in the path
of Gov. Averell Harriman’s
drive for the Democratic pres
idential nomination. The first
was tossed by Senator Herbert
H. Lehman of New York, who
some weeks ago announced his
support of Adlai Stevenson —
not Gov. Harriman—for that
nomination. Mayor Wagner
said he would be glad to have
a vice presidential nomination,
to run "with any good Demo
crat.”
Harriman Excluded
Gov. Harriman is excluded
from that category of Demo
cratic presidential possibilities
—not because he is anything
but a good Democrat, but be
cause under the Constitution
New York presidential electors
are barred from voting for a
presidential candidate and a
vice , presidential candidate
who both hail from New York.
The provision in the Constitu
tion is: “The electors shall
meet in their respective States
and vote by ballot for Presi
dent and Vice President, one
of whom shall not be an in
habitant of the same State
with themselves." Further, it
would not be good politics for
any political party to name its
candidates for President and
Vice President—Constitution
or no Constitution—who are
from the same State.
Mayor Wagner has several
times in the past expressed ad
miration for Adlai Stevenson
< and his willingness to support
him. Presumably, he had
Stevenson in mind for the
1956 Democratic presidential
nomination, when he said he
would be glad, himself, to ac
cept a vice presidential nom
ination. Some of Stevenson’s
ardent supporters firmly be
lieve that Stevenson should
have a running mate next year
I from the East. The two
Easterners most frequently
mentioned as available are
Mayor Wagner and Gov. Rob
ert B. Meyner of New Jersey.
Mr. Wagner has now an
nounced his willingness to run
for Vice President. Gov. Mey
ner, at least through his
friends, has so far turned a
cold shoulder toward a vice
presidential nomination. He
might be persuaded, however,
if President Eisenhower is not
to head the Republican na
tional ticket of 1956. Meyner
does not come up for reelection
until November, 1957.
Gov. Harriman is doing his
best just now to slow down
the Stevenson bandwagon. He
tags Mr. Stevenson as a “mod
erate"—and says that “mod
THIS AND THAT
BY CHARLES E. TRACEWELL '
! ■ 1 '" ' """
Somebody wants us to write
about tea.
| “You often mention coffee.”
she says, “but never tea. Have
you a prejudice against tea?
What’s the matter with tea?”
Well, there is nothing wrong
i with tea. except tea.
I Tea is a sometime drink.
One time it will taste won
derful, the very next time have
i no particular taste at all.
We recall the old joke about
the man in an armchair res
taurant.
“This tea,” he said to the
waitress, “tastes like kerosene.”
| “If it tastes like' kerosene,”
she replied, “it is coffee. Our
tea tastes like turpentine.”
We never knew if this was a
true story, or just somebody’s
idea of fun. Anyway, it rings
true.
** * *
Tea is a sometime dish.
We recall many years ago
having purchased a set of dif
ferent teas, and solemnly try
ing them, one after another.
Tea. as most people don’t
know, is the same, but differs
in the time of picking and the
; way of handling.
Black or green, one name or
! another, it is supposed to be
the same old tea.
What is done to it, and how,
makes the difference.
Tea has theine, a form of
caffe,ine-like alkaloid, and
tannih.
The tannin sometimes up
sets stomachs, and the theine
makes them suffer from "coffee
nerves”—we beg somebody's
pardon, from “tea nerves."
The English people are fa
i mous the world around for
! thei> - lea drinking, but in re
cent years they have gone
more and more for coffee —a
better drink any day of the
week, we think.
♦* * *
Tea-making is held to be n
sort of rite.
The brewing must be just
j so-so, the pot this way. the
water that way, and even when
all the commands are ob
served, the resulting drink may
turn out flat.
Those who insist on cream
in their tea are not supposed
to be real tea drinkers.
Still, if you like cream in
coffee, you probably will like
cream in tea, but not so much
** * *
We recall one night in At
lantic City, having arrived
there after a long trip, as was
necessary in the old days.
, The hotel served tea, and we
took a cup.
Tt was out of this world.
Inquiry revealed the sort of
tea and the brand name.
Days later, when we got
back home, we rushed off to a
store to get some of that
wonderful tea.
Alas, it never tasted the
same again.
It was brewed this way, that
way, and in between, but never
once did it in any way re
semble the precious taste of
the Atlantic City concoction.
Real tea drinkers, we have
erates” are out of date for
Democratic presidential nomi
nations. These recurring evi
dences of real support for
Stevenson among # outstanding
New York Democrats, however,
are doing Harriman no good.
They also seem to be fore
runners of a bitter struggle be
tween the Harriman-Deßapio
faction of New York Demo
crats and the faction led by
Senator Lehman, Mayor Wag
ner and the old Roosevelt New
Dealers, when it comes time to
select delegates to the Demo
cratic National Convention.
Mr. Stevenson, backed by Leh
man and Wagner and the old
Roosevelters, including Mrs.
Franklin D. Roosevelt, widow
of the late President, has ex
pressed his own confidence he
will have delegate support from
New York.
If there is a serious split in
the New York delegation to
the Democratic National Con
vention. with a sizeable group
supporting Stevenson, the New
York Governor will be in a
weak position. If Stevenson
cannot make the grade, and it
becomes evident early in the
convention, the whole New
York delegation may swing in
back of Harriman. But even
that is not certain. Some of
the old Roosevelt followers feel
extremely bitter toward Harri
raan and particularly toward
DeSapio. With the aid of
DeSaplo, Harriman was nomi
nated and elected Governor In
1954. Harriman took the nomi
nation away from Franklin D.
Roosevelt, jr., who thought he
had it sewed up.
Double-Crossed?
But that is not all. He and
DeSaplo persuaded young Mr.
Roosevelt to accept the Demo
cratic nomination for attor
ney general. At that time the
odds against Harriman’s elec
tion as Governor seemed great.
Mr. Roosevelt and his friends
thought he, Roosevelt, would
make a better showing at the
polls than Harriman; that he
would be elected attorney gen
eral, and so be in a command
ing position to run later for
Governor or an even higher
office. But Roosevelt lost and
Harriman won. Many of the
Roosevelt followers feel that
their man was double-crossed
by the Tammany boss, Mr. De
Sapio.
Meanwhile. Adlai Stevenson
is making no deals with any
one for a vice presidential
nomination. He doesn’t have
to. at this stage. But if later
the going gets tough, at the
time of the national conven
tion, an agreement to take
Wagner as his running mate
could be mighty effective.
observed, make it very strong
and probably suffer accord
ingly, but no doubt it tastes
more the same day after day.
We wouldn’t know. It has
been years since we drank tea.
Who can imagine a “tea
break”?
The coffee break, so popular
in modem industry, giving a
breathing spell, turns out
more or less the same cup.
Coffee is standard, after its
fashion, in a busy world where
standardization is growing by
leaps and bounds.
Perhaps that is why we
should all drink tea, now and
then. You cannot standardize
it. Tea remains individualistic
to the end. No two cups taste
the same, no two boxes or
canisters look quite the same.
Tea has its own way of tast
ing one way, one time, quite
another the very next cup. In
this it resembles the quixotish
character who refuses to be
pinned down by the currently
fashionable labels.
Everyone knows some one
or other who ought to be liv
ing in the 18th century, or
maybe 17th century.
Such a man is his own man.
and maybe tea would be a
better drink for him than cof
fee. which has swamped the
modern taste with a deadly
uniformity that brooks no
difference. •*
If we ever are to be “One
World,” as Wendell Willkie so
loudly proclaimed, maybe it is
just as well we switched over
to coffee in time.
Tea is too individual for one
world. It is a brew of many
worlds, many places, many
peoples. Try it, sometime. You
may like it, but you probably
won’t.
Questions and Answers
By THE HASKIN SERVICE
A readei can cat an antwei o> mall
to anv factual aucatlon by writing Tha
Evening Star Information Bureau.
1200 Eve 8t NW Washington 6.
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Q. Who originated the phrase
‘lost generation”?—A. G. O.
A Gertrude Stein, the Amer
ican author who lived mostly
in Prance. When she remarked
to Ernest Hemingway in
Paris, “You are all a lost gen
eration,” Hemingway thought
the comment so apt that he
wrote it on the flyleaf of his
novel “The Sun Also Rises”
(1926). The term “lost genera
tion” is used to refer to the
men and women who came to
maturity during World War I,
and as a result of their ex
periences in the war and the
social changes following it be
came disillusioned and neu
rotic.
Q. What are the character
istics of the Aberdeen-Angus
cattle that President Eisen
hower has on his Gettysburg
farm?—L. 8.
A. Aberdeen-Angus are sleek,
black, hornless aristocrats of
the beef cattle world. Their
characteristics include short
head, stocky, well-proportioned
body, fine quality of flesh, and
a low percentage of waste.