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DAVID LAWRENCE Stevenson's Foreign Policy Views Apparently Favored by Khrushchev; Question Asked: Is He an Appeaser? Does Nikita Khrushchev want to see Adlai Stevenson elected President of the United States in November so that he can negotiate a deal at the next summit con ference? Does Mr. Khrushchev hope that Mr. Stevenson, if not nominated, will be considered for the post of Secretary of State in a Democratic ad ministration, as Senator Kennedy hinted the other day? Why was Mr. Stevenson, in an interview published in Paris a week ago Sunday, quoted as favoring an allied retreat on the Berlin prob lem? Why did Mr. Stevenson last Thursday night tell a political dinner meeting in Chicago that the administra tion has “helped make suc cessful negotiations with the Russians—negotiations that are vital to our survival—im possible so long as they are in power?” These questions are prompted by a strange se quence of circumstances. Thus on March 9 last the New York Times printed a United Press International dispatch from Moscow which read: “Soviet Premier Khru shchev has his opinions about the United States’ Demo cratic Party's presidential possibilities, he revealed to night. He put Adlai Steven son at the top of his list in comments to Mayor George Christopher of San Francisco at a dinner. Mr. Khru schchev’s rating of the Dem ocrats: “Mr. Stevenson: The best among United States poli ticians. "Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts: Able, but some reservations about his youthfulness. “Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri: He's a good* man.” No other presidential as pirants were mentioned, not even Senator Humphrey, who had once participated in a marathon conference of several hours with the Soviet Premier. Mr. Stevenson also conferred at length with Mr. Khrushchev in Moscow and wrote articles about him, but they did not contain any of the sting that the Minnesota DORIS FLEESON New Facts Confront Candidates Watching Their Footwork as Events Grip U.S. Public Will Be Fascinating America has been seeing ai;d approving of the attrac tive author of “Profiles in Courage." Washington during the next few weeks will be getting a taste of the best selling analyst of England's unpreparedness for World War II as set down in “WHy England Slept.” Both of course are Senator Kennedy of Massachusetts. For while Kennedy was hang ing up his unbroken string of primary successes, the whole frame of reference of the next presidential campaign shifted. Not only the empha sis but the facts are different than they appeared even two weeks ago. Like all the candidates, Kennedy has collided with the situation created by the events in Paris. Because he is the front runner, he will be the more pressed to say what he thinks, what he would do and how he would do it. The translation of the thoughtful student of Eng land's behavior during a threatening period not too unlike the present into a political man of action will be intensely interesting. It will bear heavily on his chances, as on those of his rivals. RALPH McGILL Khrushchev Gets Off the Hook Reportedly Hit as 'Soft on Capitalism,' He Grasped Chance to Rage at U.S. Reliable foreign sources here give substance to the belief that Nikita Khrush chev was, of all things, un der pressure for being soft on capitalism. His semi hysterical fury, his boorish brutality of speech, grew out of a feeling he had been be trayed. He is too sophisticated an old revolutionist to be so aroused, but he was. Khrush chev had sold his associates the idea he could win conces sions from the West. He knew, when he was here last summer, that United States planes were flyng over Rus sia on a once-a-month sched ule. As he has said, he al most brought it up at Camp David, where he and Presi dent Eisenhower spent a week end. He did not. He went back home, say the for eign sources, convinced there would be no more of it until the summit session had suc ceeded or failed. But to have a plane shot down and then to hear an announcement that the United States planned to continue these flights placed Khrushchev in a tight spot. He was suspect. He was soft on capitalism. But he also is the man most popular with the people Senator included in his pub lished remarks. Mr. Stevenson, therefore, apparently is the favorite of Mr. Khrushchev, who has brushed aside the old rule of diplomacy that a foreign government must not inter fere in the political cam paigns of another country. The Soviet Premier evidently thinks that Mr. Stevenson, as the titular head of the Democratic Party, speaks for it. But James A. Farley, for mer Postmaster General in the Cabinet of the late Presi dent Franklin D. Roosevelt and a former chairman of the Democratic National Committee, has just issued a statement urging the Democratic Party to repudi ate Mr. Stevenson’s speech of last Thursday night. Mr. Farley said in part: "The unwarranted attack of Mr. Adlai E. Stevenson on the President’s conduct of the summit negotiations, in my opinion, in no way rep resents the thinking of the Democratic Party. ... In his few remaining weeks as titu lar spokesman of the Demo cratic Party he has indicated every reason why the Demo cratic Party in convention should select a spokesman who speaks for it in fact. I can think of no more effec tive way of doing so than by a unanimous resolution of condemnation and repudia tion of his absurd speech in Chicago as representing the views of the Democratic Party.” The strangest episode of all. however, is the interview with Mr. Stevenson which Soviet Premier Khrushchev read in Paris-Press L'lntran sigeant Just after his recent arrival in Paris. That inter view was written by Robert Bouiay after a visit to Mr. Stevenson’s home at Liberty ville, 111., where he said he spent an afternoon, together with other guests. The arti cle, with a streamer headline across the page, said that Adlai Stevenson had pro posed virtually a retreat from Berlin and American troop withdrawal from Europe. The published interview was a shock to Americans abroad, coming as it did just a few days before the sum mit conference was to open. Evidently Mr. Khrushchev The others are already committing themselves, in cluding the apparent Repub lican nominee, Vice President Nixon. Nixon kicked off with a spy story and says he stands ready to debate with the critics of President Eisen hower. The latter he could hardly avoid doing, but he must have found encourage ment in the great outpouring of warmth and support for the President when the ill fated Paris travelers returned here. Boldest among Democrats is Adlai Stevenson. Stevenson thinks the story must be told of what he has capsuled into the charge that “we handed Khrushchev the crowbar and sledgehammer to wreck” the summit meeting. He is al ready under attack by Re publicans and some conserv ative Democrats. Senator Symington of Mis souri thinks Stevenson is about right. Symington back ers are encouraged to believe that their man's long record of demanding better defense will be more helpful than it appeared to be in pre-sum mit days. Senator Johnson of Texas predictably is leading the harmony and unity forces. Here, too, he is in character. Indeed, in |ris role as ma- so, with his political future, and maybe his life, at stake, he reacted as expected. He reportedly told neutral rep resentatives in France that President Eisenhower had double-crossed him and be trayed him. Gen. de Gaulle and Prime Minister Macmil lan also had the same charge from the nearly apo plectic leader of communism who was suddenly in the posture of having been soft on capitalism. This is one-half the story. The other half also is a sad one. The fact the Rus sians were first in the United Nations with an appeal to the Security Council to re buke the United States for a violation of Soviet borders is an example. The Soviets took the initiative. They hold it. The plausible United States open skies plan was 24 hours late reaching the U.N. Official Washington is do ing what it feels it must. It is rallying in support of the country. It is angry and grim because of Khrushchev’s vul gar insults. But, while it is not saying so in public, it is a worried Washington. There was first the official denial of any intelligence flight. There followed the statement such flights read it carefully, because in his own speech at East Ber lin last Friday he para phrased one of the points in his interview to charge that Chancellor Adenauer had succeeded “in worming his way to the post of Secre tary of State of the United States.” Mr. Bouiay, in his inter view, quotes Mr. Stevenson as having said: “For 10 years there has not really been a Secretary of State for American for eign policy. During that period the real American Secretary of State has been German Chancellor Aden auer.” In other parts of the same interview, Mr. Stevenson is quoted as favoring American concessions, such as a sub stantial decrease in allied troops in West Berlin. He is reported to have declared also that he could foresee in the future the pulling of Ameri can forces out of Europe. When asked whether there would be a change in Ameri can foreign policy after the November elections, Mr. Stev enson is quoted as having said: "There will be import ant changes in American foreign policy.” Mr. Stevenson last Tues day denied ever having given any interview at all to any Paris newspaper. But he is sued a statement to the Chi cago Daily News the next day admitting that he had talked with Robert Bouiay but calling the published in terview incorrect. He said it did not represent his views and that "The most charit able explanation of such irre sponsibility, presumption and discourtesy is that his English was poor and my French no better.” In Paris, however, Ameri cans who know Mr. Bouiay say he writes and talks Eng lish very well and is a reliable reporter. Just what did Mr. Stevenson really say to Mr. Bouiay? Maybe all this is something for the Democrats in Congress to include in their investigation of recent events. For there is no doubt that an appeasement faction exists today inside the Dem ocratic Party, and certainly Mr. Stevenson’s speech—Just four days before the all-im portant debate at the United Nations Security Council helped to wreck bipartisan unity in this country. (Copyrlsht, I 960) Jority leader, Johnson will find the congressional home stretch cruelly difficult as the foreign policy debate sharpens. He really cannot afford to sacrifice his leader ship reputation to his presi dential ambitions —or vice versa without impairing both. His footwork under the circumstances will be still another fascinating political spectacle. The story of America’s present situation, however, is too big to be contained only by considerations of campaign strategy. People talk of nothing else; they will expect the men aspiring to lead them to talk of it too. Inevitably the would-be leaders will be Judged, and probably with some faith, much hope but no charity. Os them all, Stevenson per haps has the clearest under standing of what it means personally to be tapped for a part in this great morality play currently dominating the political stage. The beat ing he took in 1956 when he tried to arouse his fellow Americans is probably never too far from his conscious ness, but he feels he can no longer hold back. If they follow him this time, it will be well and good. If they do not, then he must accept it. But he is setting the pace, and it will not be possible for other Democrats to avoid making their de cisions regarding it. had been made and an inti mation that they would con tinue. The Vice President went on the air in support of the President's position. But, al most at the same hour, the President was assuring our allies and Khrushchev that we would not make further flights. On the same Sunday night the Secretary of De fense ordered a national alert, which alarmed the whole nation needlessly and thereby added another chap ter to a story of needless folly. There is no blinking the fact that the administration has shown alarming, incred ible incompetence. No one seems to know what is going on. Vice President Nixon is privately embarrassed, but understands that events have made him a greater and more respected national fig ure. What we badly need is a national debate on national security and foreign policy. It will be a real disservice to the Nation if the Congress decides not to say anything, but to present merely a solid front of support. We need to have an airing. Why were we so desperately haphazard and so destructive of our na tional credibility? Why did we play into the hands of Khrushchev at the moment of his crisis? SENATOR CAUCUS ' -| I SENATOR ’ CAUCUS PRIVATE f• j P) PK rr \ ALA If 1x J f 1 Z V eo»» «in l riATusis cone, tm world ridhts wivo. “I told you when I put you on my payroll, Hubert that you had to stop calling me Cousin!” POTOMAC FFVFR By FLETCHER KNEBEL Republicans ignored history's great moral lesson in handling the U-2 Incident: All of George Washingtons troubles at Valley Forge stemmed from the day he admitted he chopped down that darned cherry tree. ** • • Jack Kennedy wins Oregon. He’s kind of glad the pri maries are over—or people would start calling him the rich man's Kefauver. *• * « Khrushchev returns to Moscow. He boasts they never laid a glove on him in Paris and what's more, they never will as long as he has the strength to walk out of the ring before the first bell. ♦♦ • a Religion is still an Issue in the Democratic race. Big fight looming on whether they'll pick a Southern Baptist or a Yankee Congregationalist to run with Jack Kennedy. *a * • Airline schedule: A monument to the greatest of human virtues—faith, hope and charity. aa a a Since he walloped Wayne Morse in Maryland and Oregon, Democrats are hailing Kennedy as "Jack, the Midget Kiner.” A. jflH vIB ** ~v v, /a,' p Si ? H Sit ~ y l4, I -A.-, , ' , * ' ¥:■ W K >i' J 1 V v 3 I) ■I 'A 0 E i W.... I \ W lIBRc' f! 1 ' This advertisement, first published in June of last year, was received jMfIfIMEWMB|pT w with immediate and widespread ; acclaim throughout the South. In S response to many suggestions that its . ' | > * inspiring message bears repeating, ; T * i we are happy to do so at this time. : i •.. ................. STAY SOUTH, YOUNG MAN! WHERE WERE YOUR DREAMS for the future, on South has outpaced the national rate of growth in almost your glorious day of Graduation? Were they up in the clouds every category you can name. Along Southern Railway where they belong, because horizons are as limitless as the lines alone, in the eight-year period 1952 to 1960, there have skies today for young men of character and competence, been 2,690 major industrial developments representing an vision and faith? investment of more than $4 billion. Hold those dreams high, young man, and stay South to Look ahead—stay South, young man. Stay South and see them come true. For right here at home, in the South you grow with America’s “youngster” opportunity-land, know and live in and love, a great new opportunity-land is coming of age, where dreams that are bom on the wings of a star can come down to earth and grow into reality. A recent U. S. Department of Commerce report shows ,(6RI SOUTHERN RAILWAY SYSTEM that since World War II the economic development of the ac. WILLIAM S. WHITE Nixon on Spot in North Dakota Reluctant Plunge Seen into Campaign To Save Senate Seat for Republicans The presidential primaries, like the one just run off in Oregon, continue to win the audience ratings with the public. But these are mere trial heats, the shadow be fore the substance. The real race, tne hot focus of the struggle for the Presidency, lies in no primary. . It now lies in the heart of the Middle West, specifically in North Dakota. There, the voters are going to speak not simply in an advisory way, but for keeps, in a special election June 28. And it is on this not too populous State, of which the voters of the country at large have heard so little, that the na tional professionals in both parties are directing their true energies. Officially, the issue is whether the Democrats or the Republicans will win the Senate seat left vacant by the death early this year of Senator William Langer. He was a maverick Republican; but. for the record, a Repub lican all the same. Actually, North Dakota provides an enormously critical battle ground, far the most critical to develop thus far in this election year. It will give some pointers as to Republican prospects for holding Senate seats that are up now not only in North Dakota but also in five other Midwestern and West ern states. Much more im portantly, it will help test how deeply the Republicans are in trouble in the farm belt in general. It will be a farm belt show down on the agricultural policies of the Eisenhower administration; a rural ref erendum on the immovable Eisenhower Secretary of Agriculture, Ezra Taft Ben son. THE EVENING STAR Woihington, D. C., May 23, 1960 And, finally and most important of all, it is putting Vice President Richard M Nixon, the prospective G.O.P. presidential nominee, in a sweat box of the most clam my kind. The intense heat is ruefully admitted by him and his people. He is being press ed to go into North Dakota to speak for the Republican Senate candidate, Gov. John E. Davis. And whatever he does about this rather ill-omened invita tion, he is in for difficulty. If he decides to go in, it is bad. For he cannot do that and stand up for the Eisenhower- Benson policies, of which he disapproves and which he knows to be bad news politi cally. Moreover, a Republican licking in North Dakota with Nixon on the scene would do him some national harm. And if he decides to stay out, it is bad. For he cannot shun North Dakota without having it said that he ran from a fight while fellow Republicans were sorely engaged by the Democrats. In the end, Nixon probably will take the plunge into North Dakota, simply be cause he recognizes his re sponsibilities as the more or less inevitable head of the whole G. O. P. ticket this fall. Put, understandably, he will not gladly go upon this errand. For this, as the Re publicans here glumly con cede. looks to be "a tough proposition.” The present outlook, as seen by the Re publicans themselves, is pretty dim for Davis and cor respondingly fairly bright for his Democratic opponent. Representative Quentin Bur dick. Khrushchev or no Khru shchev, cold war or no cold war, always and forever there is “the farm problem.” And in this problem there is ns rest for the weary Nixon. He has just spent some time in upstate New York trying to scotch those Re publicans who are again at tempting to promote Gov. Nelson Rockefeller into a Nixon rival for the presidency at the G. O. P. national con vention. There has been some success for this Nixon sortie into Rockefellerland: the troops there are growing a bit nervous about being held back from the Nixon band wagon. Plainly, many wish Rockefeller would let them go over to Nixon while the going looks good. But com-hog-wheat land is something else again. And Nixon’s dilemma is not ex actly eased by the fact that Rockefeller has already agreed to lend his beaming presence to the harried North Dakota Republicans in their campaign. Czechs Honor Cyrus Eaton PRAGUE, Cz e c hoslovakia. May 23 <AP>. Cyrus Eaton, American millionaire indus trialist, today received an hon orary degree of doctor of laws from Charles University in a special ceremony on his visit to Communist Czechoslovakia. The 600-year-old university is one of the oldest in Europe. In addition to the faculties of Charles and other Czech Uni versities. the Czech Minister of Education and Culture and the President of the Academy of Science attended the ceremony. Mr. Eaton, who is personally acquainted with Soviet Premier Nikita S. Khrushchev and is a winner this year of the Lenin Peace Prize, received a diploma and gold chain. A-11