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W Jtwntttg With SuAjfay PubOiheß by THt IVINING STAR NIWSPAPIR COMPANY WASHINGTON », B. C. Samuel H. KoeHmenn Pniidtnt Benjamin M. McKelway , Mfr * MAIN OFFICE: 2nd St. and Virginia Aw. SJ. (1) lUIOPIAN OUSEAU— PAUS. FRANCIt 21 too .Do Sortl ADVERTISING OFtiaS- . * NEW YORK: MP Fifth Aw. (IP) CHICAGO: 333 N. Michtaan Aw. (IJ DETROITt Nkw Confer Suildlno (1) SAN FRANCISCO. 11l SutMr St LOS ANGELES. 3340 WIMwO Blvd. (3) MIAMI lEACH: 4014 ChM Aw. (40) PARIS. FRANCIt 11 Due DO Jerri Delivered by Ce'rrtOr Ivanina and Sunday Sunday „ Evenhw MmiMy 2.23 Per Itwo .... .20 Monthly 1.00 Weekly JO Weakly .33 Rotes by MoU—Poyeblo ie Advance , Anywhere In the. United State* Evenino and Sunday Sunday - . Ivenina ] year .—2lOO ] year ...1200 1 year 1100 o>.«Onth* ...14.30 6 month* ... *3O i menthe ... ».23 3 .month* ... 7.30. 3 month* ... 2.30 3 month*.... 4.73 1 month .... 2.00 1 month ~A 130 I month 2.00 y Telephone: Lincoln 3-5000 ‘ Entered ot the Pott Office. Wothlnpfon, D. C. a* *«6nd-clo*t mall matter. Member of the Associated Press The Atiociated Pre** I* entitled oxclutivOly to-Hi. um for republication of all the Ideal, new* printed in thi* nowtpoper at wgII gi A. r. n*wi aisiMtch*i. —■ l 1 w. o _ As-12 -» TWftSfrAYj JANUARY 5, 1961 •< ■ . 'Midnight Brew' At this moment perhaps no meas urement of the extent to which the Cuban revolution has been subverted by communism is more clearly recorded than by the violent And hysterical language ot Raul Roa, Cuban Foreign Minister, before the United Nations Security Council. For the words of Dr. Roa are familiar onia In the Jargon of the Kremlin, its spokesmen and its captive press. The repeated references to “the imperialist and reactionary government of President Eisenhower,” to the “sin ister plans of the Central Intelligence Agency,” to American monopolists and to that long-time hobgoblin, “Wall Street,” are straw targets that Reds the world over have been shooting at |n recent years. • It is for Cuba itself an unhappy fact of life that the revolution which drew sympathy, if not assistance, from many of its Latin American neighbors has taken a course that is deeply dis turbing to all. Before our own enforced action of breaking diplomatic relations with the government ot Fidel Castro, six other members of the Western Hemisphere community had washed their hands officially of the mad dicta tor. In each case, the action was one of independent judgment—based upon the firm conviction that it is his intent to peddle trouble outside his own dis tressed island. It is possible now that others will follow this course of isolat ing Castro diplomatically. If and when Dr. Roa, or his Com munist alites, are able to produce any substantive evidence of “Invasion plans” by the United States, our own Ambas sador Wadsworth has promised an Swer, Meanwhile, hewjw not ex erating in pronouncing yesterday’s I charges as brew, dipped ftMn the same cauldron ot hysteria” as - earlier and similar, discredited accu sations py Roa and Castro. I ; - ■ Capital Friend J As a member (and former chair man) of the Senate District Committee, Senator Case Os South Dakota has demonstrated two characteristics during the last nine years for which Washing tohians should be especially grateful. < One has been a willingness to dig meticulously into-the details of the per plexing problems of the District. The other has been a personal interest in the city’s affairs which considerably ex ceeded legislative requirements of the jcm. Last year, for example, although the District Committee did not handle tije legislation, it was no surprise to find Senator Case among the earliest and most effective campaigners on the Senate floor for the constitutional amendment granting District residents the right to vote in presidential elec tions. More than oncC in the past, hiving helped authorize improvements f<£ the area, he has stepped in to untangle the administrative and inter agency snarls which threatened to hold them up. , * The fact that the Senator Intends t<? leave the District Committee this year does not mean of course that his vilue to the Capital City will be ended. Hip will be mlsped on the committee, but we hope Washingtonians may continue t» enjoy his Interest and counsel as a member of the Senate for a long time to come. His Chief Concern: Safety President Eisenhower, in accepting the resignation of Federal Aviation Administrator Quesada, effective Jan uary 20, stressed Mr. Quesada’s “bold ness and great dedication" in the field of aviation safety. The phrase aptly describes the FAA head's two-year-long efforts, as the first administrator of the agency, to meet the new and increasing dangers of the Jet age in the skies. At limes his boldness and dedication led him to Impose rules and restrictions on the airlines that were drastic and that brought criticism from- pilots and others affected. But the grave threat of disaster in the skies as the speed and passenger-carrying capacity of the big aircraft increased has fully justified drastic measures—to protect the public. That even further steps must be taken, as equipment and mopey become available, is evident from the latest— and worst—aviation catastrophe in New York City. There is need for electronic and other devices to prevent the recur rence of such midair collisions. And there is hope in the fact that the FAA is pressing an intensive research and W Jnentng Jfclaf With Sun|tay *CoHi**i FvbNhatf by THt IVINING STAR NtWSRAMR COMPANY WASHINGTON J, B. C. Samuel H. KeuHmaaa Fniidtnt Beniamin M. McKelway , Mfr * MAIN OFFICE’ 2nO St. and VirOmia Aw. M. (1) EUItOFEAN lUIEAU— FAEIS. FIANCE: 11 t M . Da tottl ADV till SING OFFICES— - * NEW YOFK MFFifth Aw. (17) CHICAGO: 333 N. Mkhiyaa Aw. <IJ DEIHOIb NAw Cantar »utl«ne (1) SAN HANCISCO. 11l Sutler St lOS ANGELES. 3340 WlMwt ihd. (3) MIAMI lEACH: 4014 CM* Aw. (40) PAUS. FIANCE. 21 Dae M Jerri Delivered by Carrier Ivanina and Sunday Sunday Evan Ina MmMv 2.23 For Itwe .... .20 Monthlyl SO WeeklyJO Weakly .33 Rotes by Mail—Payable ie Advance , Anywkore In the. United State* Ivanina and Sunday S " nd **.. J . . Ivenina 1 F— f - - -1 - .120# 1 year 1100 e.aeanfhi ...1430 6 menlht ... 030 i menthe ... v. 23 3 .month* ... 7.30. 3 menth* ... 3.30 1 month*4.73 1 month 2.00 1 month 130 I month 2.00 \ Telephone: Lincoln 3-5000 ' Entered ot the Pott Office, Wothlnpfon, 0. C. a* *e<6nd-cle*t moll matter. Member of the Associated Press The Atiocioted Pre** I* entitled oxclutivOly to-Hi. um for reaublKotion of all the fecal, newt printed in thi* nowtpoper OB WGII G1 A. r. IMWB dispOtchGl. -■ * . THURSDAY, JANUARY 5, 1961 A-12 development program to perfect and produce these facilities. In his letter of resignation Mr. Quesada specifically mentioned a “new semi-automated air traffic control system,” known as the “Data Processing Central,” for use in control towers. Its “most spectacular function,” he told the President, “is its ability to probe, detect and predict con flicting or collision courses.” There has been no hint to date as to whom President-elect Kennedy will name to succeed Mr. Quesada as Federal Aviation Administrator. It is our hope, however, that the man selected will be as qualified for the job and as dedicated to the cause of air safety as “Pete" Quesada has been. This vital post is not for the political patronage seekers. Congo Danger Secretary General Dag Hammar skjold of the United Nations has under taken his current two-day visit to the Congo in an effort to head off the danger of full-scale civil war. This danger is very real, and unless it can be averted, it may lead to direct military intervention by the great powers, meaning particularly the Soviet Union and the United States. In effect, Mr. Hammarskjold’s mission is designed to bolster efforts by the U. N. Conciliation Commis sion to bring the rival factions to gether to work out an agreement under which the young and now-anarchic Congolese republic might be able to achieve unity, order and stability. These factions, however, are not only numer ous, but also bitterly opposed to each other, and the Kremlin has lost no time in seeking to capitalize on that fact. Thus, although a majority of the U. N. General Assembly has rec ognized and seated the delegation of the Kasavubu-Mobutu government as the Congo’s only legitimate repre sentatives, Moscow—with the concur rence of several Asian and African countries that ought to know better— has thrown its support behind the ousted pro-Communist regime of Patrice Lumumba, the Imprisoned former Pre mier. As a result, the latter’s followers are fighting to restore him to power, and so Congolese troubles continue to mount. But the Kasavubu-Mobutu-Lum umba rivalry is not the only source of strife in the Congo. There are also great discord and warfare among numerous tribes. And there is the continuing secession of rich Katanga province under the pro-Belgian leadership of President Tshombe. Indeed, even in the 15-nation U. N. Conciliation Com mission, there is deep dissension— so much so that at least four of its pro- Lumumba members (Mali, Guinea, Indonesia and the United Arab Republic) have withdrawn from It. In these circumstances—and many more of the same could be cited—there is precious little ground for optimism about the Congo’s future as a viable, Independent state. All one can do is hope that Mr. Hammarskjold, who has a number of remarkable achievements to his credit, will somehow manage to find away out of the mess. Otherwise the peace of Africa, if not the whole world/will be in danger. * Arms and Mr. McCloy President-elect Kennedy has chosen well in naming John J. McCloy to direct the Nation’s efforts to achieve a trust worthy agreement on the International limitation, reduction, prohibition and control of all types of arms and armed forces, both nuclear and non-nuclear. In effect, Mr. McCloy will be Mr. Kennedy’s chief agent and adviser in this enormously complex and all-import ant field. However, unlike Harold Stas sen, who from 1955 to 1958 had an inde pendent status with full cabinet rank as President Elsenhower’s special assist ant on disarmament (a fact that dis tressed the late Secretary Dulles), Mr. McCloy will carry out his duties within the State Department’s jurisdiction. He will not be on his own in that sense, but will work closely with Incoming Secre tary of State Dean Rusk and with such other officials as Paul Nitze, who has been named to a key post in the Pen tagon. This is a considerably sounder ar rangement, administratively and other wise, than the one under which Mr. Stassen operated. As a matter of fact, it is an arrangement that President Eisenhower himself, having in mind the unhappy Dulles-Stassen relationship, established by executive order early last fall. The order created the United States Disarmament Administration within the framework of the State Department, and it called for the appointment of a top director, whose task would be to deal with the arms problem in close co-oper ation with special staffs from such other agencies as the Defense Department and the Atomic Energy Commission. The President, despite having estab lished this agency, deferred naming a man to head it, apparently wishing to leave the choice to his successor. Well, the selection now has been made, and Mr. Eisenhower himself, as well as Mr. Kennedy, must be pleased with it. For Mr. McCloy, a Republican banker and lawyer who has served our country with distinction under past Democratic ad ministrations (in the old War Depart ment, for example, and as High Com missioner for Germany) is admirably qualified for his new assignment. Cer tainly he is anything but a stranger to the problem of arms control; in fact, he has been advising our Government on it for years past. President-elect Kennedy has de clared himself in favor of “one last great effort” to bring about disarmament of a sort in which everybody, on both sides of the Iron Curtain, could have confi dence. Mr. McCloy’s Job will be to carry out that effort with the utmost vigor. All men of good will must wish him well, but he will succeed only if the Kremlin chooses to be reasonable and honest— which is a truly monumental “if.” \ 'f .- . —■ '- 1 "■ ‘.t.' . J., i.?> . JU 1 ” ml /WEfwIWSHSOL Bo I ■■i I Cm wM £k- 'Enough of That Program!' L£TT£RS TO THf ST4R Another Slap at Those 'Monstrous' Slabs Not being an art critic, I leave comment on the design of the proposed F. D. R. Me morial to others. But I ques tion whether such words as "I see one-third of our Nation ill-housed, ill-fed, 111-nour ished” are the noblest and most inspiring that can be found for inscription on the slabs to represent our era to coming generations. On second thought, though, perhaps those words are really the most appropriate of all. In this age of viscera over mind, Jefferson’s “I have sworn upon the altar of God eternal hostility against ev ery form of tyranny over the mind of man” not only can not now be equaled, but is probably too quaint to be taken seriously. Future, wiser generations, however, may again give the mind at least equality with the stomach, and the F. D. R. Memorial will allow them an opportunity to compare our grubby little thoughts with the thoughts expressed by the really great men of America's early his tory. Still. I maintain that the kindest thing we could do for ourselves is to leave com pletely unembellished the area chosen for the memorial and give as little permanence as possible to the evidence of the decay of our times. For the pacification of ancestor worshipers, the open park could still be named for Franklin Roosevelt and per haps a small, tasteful shrine could be erected for the burning of incense. Violet Palmer. •a a a According to press reports, Job of Librarian of Congress No 'Political Football' Mary McGrory, In her article, "Kennedy Gets No Help in Hunt for Librarian” (Sunday Star, January 1, 19611 has quoted me as "ab solutely opposed” to replac ing Mr. Mumford as Librar ian of Congress. She has quoted me correctly. But I would like to amplify. It would in my view be completely destructive of the enormous existing and po tential usefulness of the Li brary of Congress to make it a political football. The Con gress Itself reached this view when It wrote the present constitution of the Library in 1897. After intensive hear ings and extensive debates, It did its best to put appoint ments in the Library of Con gress beyond the reach of politics. The staff was to be appointed "solely with re spect to their fitness for their particular duties” (note that this was more restrictive than the Civil Service laws of that date); and the ap pointment of the Librarian, though a congressional offi cer, was to be removed from congressional politics by be coming the responsibility of the President, by and with the advice of the Senate. Dr. Herbert Putnam, ap pointed Librarian of Con gress by President McKinley in 1899. served for 40 years untouched by changing ad ministrations (his prede cessor, Ainsworth Rand Spof ford, had served for 33 years), and was consequently able to make the Library of Congress not only the great est national library of the world in terms of organiza tion and services, but in do ing so gave the words "na tional library” a new meaning and made the national li brary of the United States the example of what a na tional library might be. The example has been copied— among other places in Mos cow and Tokyo. There was a time when a national library was a sort of national cultural diadem— a place where the Nation’s literary treasures were pre served and exhibited: and the librarian was expected to be a sort of living embodiment of the Nation's literary dis tinction. In our day much more is needed and much more is expected. The na- Francis Biddle expects some unfavorable reaction to the winning design for the F. D. R. Memorial. I am sure he will not be disappointed —and here Is one loud and lusty negative vote for his tally sheet. We are assured by the per petrators of The Thing that it will harmonize with the Lincoln and Jefferson Me morials; maybe—but I’ll take those assurances with a pinch of ready-mixed ’concrete. However, we must give har monizing architects their due; the F. D. R. slabs make the G. W. Monolith look like an old-fashioned monumen tal square. I also have some reserva tions as to the price tag. Four and a quarter million seems to be a mite high for eight hunks of concrete, even when embossed with the immortal words of F. D. R. On this point we are led to believe that Congress will pick up any financial deficit. May I remind Mr. Biddle that Con gressmen are noted for not picking up the tab for any thing? They simply pass the bill along to us peasants. I object! Angus Sinclair. **• * . The proposed monument to Franklin Delano Roosevelt, selected in prize-winning competition, is a monstrosity whose architectural form is completely foreign to and in no way possible of association with the man it intends to memorialize. I would prefer a bronze statue of Roosevelt sur rounded by 12 columns de picting the 12 years of serv ice he gave as President of tional library ot our day is • the center of a national library system whose purpose , it is to make books and their contents useful in the widest ■ sense to the work and life of the Nation. The problem is. how to make recorded In formation. no matter where it may be stored, available and useful to the citizen who needs it—whether farmer or Industrialist, or scientist, or historian, or student? This is the problem to which the na tional library of the second half of the twentieth century must address itself. The solutions to the prob lem are not clear; many agencies—among them the American Library Associa ; tion, the National Science Foundation, the Office of Technical Services of the De partment of Commerce, the National Academy of Sci ences-National Research ! Council, the Council on Ll -1 brary Resources—are wres tling with it. The Senate • Committee on Government Operations and the House 1 Committee on Science and ; Astronautics 'have been in terested in special aspects of 1 It. No one as yet has come up with global feasible solu tions. Dr. Spofford built a great r library. Dr. Putnam organized i the technical services of this library and made them avail- • able to the other libraries ol ■ the country, and In doing st I established the patterns ol t uniformity of practice and ol t sharing of effort and re- • sources which make it pos i sible to speak of the Amer- ■ lean library world as a ays- ■ tern. The process has con- • tinued under MacLeish and t Evans and Mumford. But th« ■ accelerated urgency of thi s needs for Information anc - the increasing quantities ol ! published and unpublishec informational material re quire new and as yet untried solutions, farther-reachinj i and more thorough-goins t than any as yet attempted. Mr. Mumford's assign ; ment is to run a library— . the largest and most highly • organized in the world. He is » an officer of the legislative t establishment, and the con- - stitution of the Library ol i Congress gives him no as i signment—much less author- - ity —to undertake activitiei our beloved country. On each column could be quotations from his speeches Mid inscrip tions stating his ideals, his labors in behalf of humanity and his accomplishments for the United States and the world. It should also tell of the universal love and respect which so many had for him. In this way, anyone would immediately recognize this as a monument to our beloved President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who much to our sorrow died all too soon. I also believe that the pub lic should be given an oppor tunity to participate in the selection of this memorial since many are vitally inter ested and they are the ones who will pay for its construc tion. Mrs. Abraham Shulman. •a a • If that hideous example of modern Intellectual feeble mindedness proposed as a memorial to Franklin D. Roosevelt is ever erected, will there be among the Inscrip tions on it that passage from his Pittsburgh speech of 1940 which declared that “The fathers and mothers of America may rest assured that so long as I am In the White House their sons will not be sent to die on foreign battle fields."? Frank B. Bristow. (Editor’s note: What FDR actually said in a speech at Boston. October 30, 1940, was: “And while I am talking to you mothers and fathers, I give you one more assurance. I have said this before, but I shall say it again and again. Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars.”) is in the genera! or national .1 interest. He was faced, upon e his appointment in 1954, with r major tasks of housekeeping )t —the provision of desper if ately needed staff and addl s, tional space. In these matters - he has made notable prog ” ress. There is evidence that e he is equally anxious to ad -0 dress himself to the national r problems. J. Not for a century until now—has it been suggested J that the Librarianship —a principal technical position should change with a chang ing administration. But the * spoils system has so effective ly been reintroduced by the subterfuge that “policy-mak " ing” officers of Government f should be appointed by the administration in power that p the notion that the Librari- anship of Congress should h also be a political appoint ment appears to awaken no revulsion. e It is suggested that the ,1 Library of Congress needs a "great humanist,” a "man of d intellectual distinction.” No doubt such a man would gain additional distinction from e the Library of Congress. But h this Is not what is needed. What is needed is a man who it will bend his efforts to realize d the potentialities of the Li ls brary of Congress in the na- I- tional interest. This requires if a man who has a profound ;o knowledge of the uses of in )f formation and of the tech )f niques by which it is pro i- duced, assembled, stored, or s- ganized for use. and made '- available, and who has a >- genius and a passion for or (- ganizing the services of the d national library to the infor ie mational needs of the na ie tion. To enable Mr. Mumford d (or any Librarian of Con gressi to do this under the d conditions of the second half ’■ of the 20th century will re d quire revisions in the charter R of the Library of Congress so g as to give him authority in law to do what is required. '■ and to provide him with the ~ kind of advisory body which y will effectively relate the ls work of the national library e to the needs of the country. >{ Verner W. Clapp, i- President, Council on Library Resources, is Inc. THE POLITICAL MILL By GOULD LINCOLN ’ More Dangerous The Senate today is locked in another struggle over the proposition that a majority —even of one—should be entitled to cut off debate and force a bill, a resolution, an important issue to a vote, no matter how ill-considered and no matter if it violates rights of a minority. For generations—lndeed, since the beginning of the Govern ment of this country the Senate has remained a unique body, with debate unlimited. This, it is true, was modified by the adoption of the so called cloture rule immediate ly after President Woodrow Wilson began his second term of office. This rule, however, specified that debate could be closed only on a request by 16 Senators for cloture, and only by a two-thirds vote. This two-thirds vote require ment to close debate, despite attacks, has continued and is in the Senate rules today. • Indeed, it was strengthened at one time to require a two-thirds vote of the entire Senate membership. Two years ago, this was modified to return to the old two thirds of those present and voting. Now the proposal by the so-called liberals, both Dem ocratic and Republican, is to change the cloture rule and make it possible to adopt cloture by a majority vote of the Senate, and barring that, by a three-fifths vote. The immediate issue is whether such a change should be made, and whether, if made, it would not rise to change the whole structure of Senate ac tion, including disregard of minority rights, and action on ill-considered and destruc tive measures. An interesting question is: Were it not for the civil rights issue—the race issue —and the Negro vote that issue is supposed to com mand, would this contest over the Senate rules be so strongly pressed at this time? Northern Democrats and Northern Republicans, with some exceptions, are pressing hard for this change in the rules in order to put a stop to filibusters against more drastic civil rights legislation, strongly resisted by Senators from the South. They are trying, not merely to give equal pro tection under the law, but to force by statute changes in society and social relations. Boomerang Effect Seen In order to gain their particular end at this par ticular time, supporters of the proposal to amend the rules are closing their minds to the possibilities of the fu ture. Eight or nine Repub lican liberals are supporting the move which, if success ful. could rise to smite them later on. They may find themselves hamstrung in ef forts to prevent costly so called social programs from being enacted into law and to halt excessive Govern ment expenditures which could help to bring about disastrous inflation and de valuation of the dollar. Fur ther, there are liberals on Safety Resolutions i Do we learn from experi ence? While we are ponder ing that question, we might well take a look at the traffic death record last year in the District of Columbia. We find that 72 persons were killed in 67 fatal ac cidents. In two out of every five of these accidents, a drinking driver was involved. Only two pedestrians killed had been drinking—and ironically they both met drinking drivers. Three major driver viola tions accounted for 62 per cent of the fatal accidents: (1) speed (31%); (2) failure to give full-time and atten tion to driving (10%); and (3) failure to yield right-of way to a pedestrian (15%). Other driver violations were: 7 drivers disobeyed traffic lights or signs. 5 drove on wrong side of street, 4 failed to yield right-of-way to another vehicle, 2 were charged with reckless driving, 1 changed lanes without caution. More than half (53%) of the pedestrians killed com mitted three major violations of the pedestrian control regulations: (1> crossing the street from between parked or moving automobiles (21%); (2> stepping off curb or loading platform into path of oncoming car (16%); (3‘ crossing between intersections and failure to yield right-of-way to on coming vehicle (16%). Behind almost every traffic death without exception was a traffic violation. To solve the problem, we should find out why people violate the traffic laws and how we can get them to stop doing so. The psychologists tell us that the principal traffic vio lators are the “can’ts.” the "don'ts.” and the "won’ts.” The “can’ts” are those who are physically or mentally handicapped in the opera tion of a vehicle. To deal with them, we can re-examine for eyes, hearing and other physical defects or refer for psychiatric examination. In the area of the "don’ts." we are dealing with persons who lack knowledge and un derstanding of the rules of the road, skill and experience in the operation of the auto mobile and judgment in its use. Such violators, if so analyzed, can be sent to Than a Filibuster both sides of the aisle who are overlooking the possibil ity that in the future a mere majority of a Senate, con trolled by the conservatives, could force upon them what they consider reactionary measures. At this very time. Republicans in the Senate should be aware, the Ken nedy administration is com ing into power, pledged to the adoption of programs to which they are fundamen tally opposed and programs that Will tend to increase the vast governmental bureau cracy centered in Washing ton. Conditions Changed The conditions today, so far as congressional proce dure is concerned, are very different from those which prevailed when an outraged Senate put through the clo- 4 ture rule in 1917. President ’ ‘ Wilson had strongly urged the arming of merchant ships to protect them against Ger man submarine attack. In those days the old “short session” of Congress —by which a Congress was termi nated on March 4—was still in effect. A small group of Senators was opposed to the armed ship proposal. With only a few days of the session remaining before a new Con gress—not scheduled to meet until the following December —should take the place of the dying Congress, these Senators by exercising the right of unlimited debate, were able to prevent action on the Wilson armed ship bill. | That kind of action would ' not be possible today. There < is no short session. A Con- i gress can remain in session right up to the day a newly elected Congress moves into the Capitol. As a matter of fact, the failure of the armed ship bill because of the fili buster in the Senate had little effect. Within a few weeks, Mr. Wilson was calling the new Congress into special session for a declaration of war against Germany. And he had no trouble getting prompt action in both Senate ' and House. Nor is it at all likely, de- | spite the arguments advanced by some of the liberals, that the Senate will fail to act promptly when the safety or defense of the United States and its people is in the bal ance. The use of the rule of un limited debate, now modified by a two-thirds vote cloture amendment, has been exer cised many times in the Senate to halt speedy and perhaps unwise action on a wide variety of subjects be sides civil rights. And on many occasions when a meas ure really needed has been filibustered, in the end the filibuster has been beaten down and the measure passed or adopted. With all the serious prob lems confronting the United States today it is to be hoped that the Senate will not waste time—will not tie Itself into serious enmities over this question of procedure— and that the Congress and the executive branch of the Government may turn its at tention promptly to those problems. i driver safety clinics or traffic schools. Drivers classified a s "won ts’’ are those who will not respect any laws or gov ernment directives—especial ly traffic laws—or who other wise have a faulty attitude toward traffic law enforce ment. With these, the tradi tional penalty of a fine and ' or jail sentence may suffice. However, we may be able to do more to reverse their faulty attitude or lack of re spect by other corrective methods. It might help if we would all remember that our ex ample of driving conduct is the text for drivers of to morrow. Let's not teach them to laugh at the law! Let’s resolve to improve our driv ing in 1961. Anthony L. Ellison, Chief, Office of Traffic Safety Dark 'Death Trap' The recent accident in which two sisters lost their lives on highway 70-S near the Old Georgetown road overpass brings forcefully to mind a very dangerous situa tion which exists in that area. This potential death trap is created by the complete lack of lighting on the ap proaches to the overpass, and on the bridge itself. Old Georgetown road is well lighted except for the overpass area. A driver going along Old Georgetown road j at the allowed speed of 40 miles an hour suddenly finds himself projected from a well lighted road into complete darkness. In the dark area cars are entering and leaving the superhighway at all hours of the day and night. Many of these drivers do not know the terrain so they stop on the bridge trying to figure out what route to follow. Others have to stop in order to make a turn from the bridge onto superhighway. Through drivers can hardly see these cars. This situation is bad—but imagine how much the haz- < aid is increased when It is foggy—as it often is in this area. It is only a question of time i until some serious accident takes place. Let's light this area before ’ the fatal accident—instead of after. Margaret Willler. i