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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, October 28, 1962, Image 11

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TEXT OF U. S. LETTER
Stop Work on Bases, Kennedy Insists
The text of President Ken
nedy's letter to Soviet Pre
mier Khrushchev, a copy of
which was handed to an
official of the Soviet Em
bassy in Washington last
night, follows:
Dear Mr. Chairman:
I have read your letter of
October 26 with great care and
welcomed the statement of
your desire to seek a prompt
solution to the problem. The
first thing that needs to be
done, however, is for work to'
cease on offensive missile bases
in Cuba and for all weapons
systems in Cuba capable of
offensive use to be rendered
inoperable, under effective
United Nations arrangements.
Assuming this is done
promptly, I have given my j
representatives in New York
instructions that will permit;
them to work out this week
end—in co-operation with the
Acting Secretary General and
your representative an ar
rangement for a permanent'
solution to the Cuban problem
along the lines suggested in
your letter of October 26.
KHRUSHCHEV TEXT
Soviet Premier Asks U. S. to Abandon
Turkish Bases in Trade for Cuban
MOSCOW, Oct. 27 (API.—
Following is the text of the
message Premier Khrushchev
sent to President Kennedy
with a copy to U Thant:
Esteemed Mister President: j
With great satisfaction I
studied your reply to Mr. U
Thant about measures to be
undertaken to exclude the pos
sibility of the confrontation of
our ships, and thus to avoid the
irretrievably fatal consequences.
This sensible step from your
side strengthens my belief that
you display solicitude about
preservation of peace, and I
note that with satisfaction.
I have already said that our
people, our government and I
personally, as Chairman of the
Council of Ministers, have only
solicitude about developing our
country and occupying our
country and occupying a worthy
place among all the peoples of
the world in the economic com
petition.
The development of culture,
art, the raising of living stand
ards of the people—this is the
most noble and the most neces
sary field of competition—and
both the winner and the loser
will gain the welfare from that,
because this is the world in
which man lives and which he
enjoys.
Would Stabilize Situation
You, in your statement, said
that the main aim is not only
to come to an agreement and
undertake measures to prevent
a confrontation of our ships
and thus to aggravate the crisis
and thus to cause fire of a mil
itary conflict in such a con
frontation, after which any
talks would be already useless
as other forces and laws would
go into action, the laws of war. ;
I agree with you that this is
only the first step. The most :
important is to normalize and
stabilize the situation of peace
between the states, between
peoples.
I understand, Mr. President, 1
your solicitude and your con
cern about the security of the 1
United States, because this is 1
the first duty of a President. <
But we are also concerned 1
about the same question. The s
same duties rest upon me as 1
well, as on the Chairman of 1
the Council of Ministers of the
USSR. 1
You were concerned about t
the fact that we helped Cuba j
with weapons with the aim of f
strengthening its defense ca- c
pacity. It is just its defense s
capacity, because Cuba cannot, s
no matter what kind of weap- I
ons it possesses, be compared t
with you. These are two differ- s
ent quantities, especially taking S
into consideration the modern s
means of destruction. 1
Sees Humane Impulse
Our aim was and is to help
Cuba and nobody can argue
about the humanity of our im- t
pulse directed at the aim for 8
Cuba to live quietly and develop 1
according to the desire of its t
people.
You would like to assure the g
security of your country; that (
is understandable. But Cuba s
wants the same thing. All the v
f
A
As I read your letter, the key i
elements of your proposal
which seem generally accept
able as I understand them <
are as follows:
1. You would agree to remove ,
these weapons systems from
Cuba under appropriate United
Nations observation and super
vision: and undertake, with
suitable safeguards, to halt the
further introduction of such ,
weapons systems into Cuba.
2. We, on our part, would j
agree—upon the establishment ,
of adequate arrangements |
through the United Nations to ’
insure the carrying out and ,
continuation of these commit- ;
ments—(A) to remove promptly
the quarantine measures now ]
;in effect and <B) to give as- ,
surances against an invasion,
jof Cuba. I am confident that ,
■ other nations of the Western
Hemisphere would be prepared j
to do likewise. |
i If you will give your repre- <
! sentative similar instructions, 1
there is no reason why we I
should not be able to complete t
these arrangements and an- 1
countries would like to assure
their security, but what about
us, the Soviet Union? How can
our government estimate your
actions in surrounding the So-:
viet Union with military bases,!
when you surround our allies j
with military bases, when you
located military bases literally
around our country, and located
your military weapons there?
This is no secret. The Ameri
can leaders openly declare it.:
Your rockets are located in
England, Italy, and are aimed
against us. Your rockets are
located in Turkey.
You say that you are con
cerned about Cuba because it
is located 90 miles from the
shores of the United States.
But Turkey is located next to
us. Our guards walk and look
at each other. So what do you
think? That you have the
right to demand the security
of your country and withdrawal
of that weapon that you con-|
sider offensive, and you do not
recognize the same right for
us? You have located destruc
tive rocket weapons, which you
call offensive in Turkey, liter
ally next to us at our side.
Proposes Trade
How can the admission of
our equal military possibilities
with the unequal relations be
tween our great states be re
conciled? Those two factors
cannot be reconciled. It is (
good, Mr. President, that our
representatives meet and start
talks, apparently with the as
sistance of the acting Secre
tary General of the United
Nations, Mr. U Thant. That
means that he, to a certain
degree, takes on the role of
mediator, and we consider that'
he will be able to fulfill this
important mission, if each side
involved in this, dispute dis
plays good will.
I think it would be possible
to end the dispute quickly and
to normalize the situation.
Then the people would breathe '
full breath, considering that
the responsible statesmen have
common sense, realize the re- '
sponsibility and are capable of 1
solving complicated problems '
without bringing the matter to 1
a military catastrophe.
That is why I make a pro- J
posal. We agree to withdraw (
those means from Cuba which (
you consider offensive. We\ (
agree to carry out, and to de- ,
Clare in the United Nations, .
about this pledge. Your repre
sentatives would make a state
ment that the United States on
their behalf, taking into con
sideration the concern of the:
Soviet Union, would withdraw
similar means from Turkey. So
let’s come to an agreement.
Talks of Checks on Spot
After that, the representa
tives of the Security Council
and the United Nations would
be able to control, on the spot,
the fulfillment of this pledge.
Well, it is obvious that the
governments of Turkey and
Cuba will have to give pennis- j
sion to those representatives
who come to their countries, to '
nounce them to the world
within a couple of days. The
effect of such a settlement on
easing world tensions would en
able us to work toward a more
general arrangement regarding
“other armaments,” as pro
posed in your second letter
which you made public.
I would like to say again that
the United States is very much
interested in reducing tensions
and halting the arms race: and
if your letter signifies that you
are prepared to discuss a de
tente affecting NATO and the
Warsaw Pact, we are quite pre
pared to consider with our al
lies any useful proposals.
But the first ingredient, let
me emphasize, is cessation of
work on missile sites in Cuba
and measures to render such
weapons inoperable, under ef
fective international guaran
tees. The continuation of this'
threat, or a prolonging of this
discussion concerning Cuba by
linking these problems to the
broader questions of European
and world security, would sure
ly lead to an intensification of
check the fulfillment of those
pledges taken on both sides.
Apparently it would be bet
i ter if those representatives ,
would have the confidence of i
the United Nations, the confi
dence of the Security Council, ■
and of both of us—both the i
Soviet Union and the United I
States—both Turkey and Cuba.
I think we will not findjt >
difficult to select such people, 1
who have the confidence and 1
respect of all the interested ’
parties.
We will make a statement in
the framework of the Security
Council that the Soviet gov
ernment pledges to respect the '
inviolability and sovereignty of
Turkey, not interfere in it' in
ternal affairs, not to intrude ;
into Turkey, not to use our ter
ritory as a bridgehead for an j
: invasion, and also would re- '
strain those who would plan j
jto carry on an aggression (
against Turkey, either from
the territory of the Soviet
Union or from territories neigh
boring Turkey.
We take this pledge in order
to give the hope for the peo
ples of Cuba and Turkey, and
increase their confidence in
their security.
Wants U. S. Pledge
The same kind of statement
in the framework of the Se
curity Council will be taken by
the American Government in
reference to Cuba. It would
declare that the United States
of America would respect the
inviolability of Cuban borders,
its sovereignty, that it take the
pledge not to interfere in in- ,
ternal affairs, not to intrude .
i themselves and not permit ,
their territory to be used as a j
bridgehead for the invasion of j
Cuba, and will restrain those j
who would plan to carry an ,
aggression against Cuba, either f
from United States territory or ,
from the territory of other j
countries neighboring to Cuba. (
Well, of course, we would
have come to an agreement, £
and set some time. Let’s agree, r
to set a time, but not to make' t
it too long—two or three weeks, (
not more than a month. The *
means which are located on
Cuba now, about which you are
talking, and which as you say s
concern you, are in the hands '
of the Soviet officers. That is 5
why any possibility of acciden- 1
tai usage of those means, which
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1 the Cuban crisis and a grave
, risk to the peace of the world.
For this reason I hope we can
1 quickly agree along the lines
outlined in this letter and in
• your letter of October 26.
The text of yesterday's
• early White House statement
on Premier Khrushchev's
■ proposal to swap the end of
( the missile bases in Cuba for
i one in Turkey:
Several inconsistent and con
flicting proposals have been
made by the USSR within the
last 24 hours, including the one
just made public in Moscow.
The proposal broadcast this
morning involved the security
; of nations outside the Western
’ Hemisphere, but it is the West
, era Hemisphere countries, and'
, they alone, that are subject to
the threat that has produced
the current crisis—the action
'of the Soviet government in
secretly introducing offensive
weapons into Cuba. Work on
these offensive weapons is still
proceeding at a rapid pace.
The first imperative must be
to deal with this immediate
might cause harm to the United
States, is excluded.
Those means are located in
Cuba at the request of the
Cuban government, only with
the aim of defense. That is
why, if there is no invasion of
Cuba, or an attack against the:
Soviet Union, or other of our I
allies, then of course those ■
means do not threaten any-'
body, and will not threaten;
anybody, as they do not have
an offensive aim in view.
Would Send Delegates
If you agree, Mr. President,
with my proposal, then we;
would send our representatives'
to New York, to the United
Nations, and would give them)
full instructions so that we'
would come more quickly to an
agreement, if you also send'
your people and give them cor
responding instructions, then
this question can be solved
quickly.
Why do I want this? Be-!
cause the whole world is dis
turbed now and is expecting
sensible action from us. The
greatest joy for all the people
would be a declaration about
our agreement, about the com
plete liquidation of our dispute.
I attach great importance to
this agreement as it would
serve as a good beginning, in
particular to making an agree
ment about the banning of
nuclear tests.
The question about tests
would be solved simultaneously
without connecting one with
the other, because there are
two different questions. But it!
is important to come to an
agreement on both these ques
tions so as to make a good
present for the peoples, to j
make them happy also with the i
news that an agreement was J
reached about the cessation of
nuclear tests, and thus the
atmosphere would not be
poisoned any more. Our posi
tion and yours on this question
are very close to one another.
All this possibly would serve
as a good impetus for finding
mutually acceptable agreements
on other disputable questions
as well, on which we now are
exchanging opinions.
These questions are not
solved so far, but they are
awaiting urgent solution which
would clear the international
atmosphere.
We are ready for this.
threat, under which no sensible
negotiations can proceed.
It is therefore the position
of the United States that as an
urgent preliminary to consid
eration of any proposals work
on the Cuban bases must stop;
offensive weapons must be ren
dered inoperable and further
shipment of offensive weapons
to Cuba must cease—all under
effective international verifi
cation.
As to the proposals concern
ing the security of nations out
side this hemisphere, the United
States and its allies have long
taken the lead in seeking prop
erly inspected arms limitation
on both sides. These efforts can
continue as soon as the present
Soviet-created threat is ended.
Cubans Hail Red
Move for 'Peace'
KEY WEST, Fla.. Oct. 27
(ap ). —Havanna raido today
called Premier Khrushchev’s
offer to withdraw offensive
rockets from Cuba in return
for similar United States action
in Turkey “a new effort to
maintain world peace in the
face of warlike Yankee provo
cations.”
The broadcast referred to
the Cuban missiles as, “means
which Kennedy considers of
fensive.’’
The radio made no mention
of Mr. Khrushchev’s proposal
that the United Nations send
arms inspectors to Cuba to
guarantee complaince.
Prime Minister Fidel Castro
said in a speech October 23
that anyone who tries to carry
out an arms inspection in Cuba
“had better come ready for
combat.”
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THE SUNDAY STAR
Washington, D. C., October 28, 1962
A-11

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