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own voting; and they demonstrated that the people CAN RULE when they
make up their minds to do it. I talked to Thompson but once, and the conclusion I formed was that he had family pride which is always helpful in keeping a man straight and that if both sides of a proposition were clearly presented to him he would prefer the right "side. He will make mistakes, of course. All men do. He may listen to had advice, without going deep into the question; but I don't think he will throw the people of Chicago designedly on any question where the public interest is involved. Republican politicians, quite hu manly, will try to make his victory a party victory. That's part of the game. But it isn't a party victory in fiie sense that the Republican party in Chicago stands for anything differ ent from what the Democratic party stands for. Thompson got the big vote because of the things people thought Thompson himself stood for, and also because of the things they thought Sullivan, Hopkins and Sweit zer stood for. Normally, Chicago is Democratic measured by the number of voters who have the party habit; but there were thousands of voters who think they are Democrats who worked just as hard for Thompson as their neigh bors who think they are Republicans. In fact, it came as near being a nonpartisan election as we could well have. The party issue was subor dinate to the religious and other is sues which are nonpartisan. My own opinion is that the issue which influenced more voters than any other was the public school issue. Unemployment, hard times, busi ness depression and various effects of the European war worked against Sweitzer because he happened to be a candidate of the party in power na tionally. And there is no doubt at all about the big influence of Harrison Demo crats in supporting Thompson in or der to put the Sullivan-Hopkins Dem ocratic alliance out of business. The belief that the public utilities were back of Sweitzer had its influ ence, too. Aside from the hostility of the Harrison faction to Sullivan, there were other Democrats who believe in President Wilson who saw in a vic tory for the Hearst-Sullivan alliance a setback for President Wilson. And the two consecutive defeats for Rog er Sullivan, in the senatorial election last year and the city election Tues day, will put a decided crimp in Sul livan's political strength. No leader can keep on leading his party to de feat and retain his influence. The good soldiers get tired of being licked. It was plain enough to a student of politics that the campaign mapped out to put Sweitzer over, after his election last year as county clerk, was to combine German and Catholic voters. But it was poor planning. It didn't take into account the impor tant fact that no class of voters en joys being herded, stampeded or de livered. There is no man in Chicago who can solidify the Catholic vote, the German vote, the Irish vote, the Methodist vote or any other class vote, for the simple reason that there is no such thing as a class vote. There may be uniformity as to re ligion among Catholics, Methodists, Baptists and other sects, but when it comes to politics they split up just as other men and women do. The landslide for Thompson is proof enough that he received thou sands of Catholic and German votes, just as he received thousands of other kinds of votes. I should say that votes were driven away from Sweit zer by the circular and other appeals to class interests ouside of politics; and I have no doubt at all that Sweit zer got thousands of Protestant votes because of the belief among many .