OCR Interpretation

The day book. (Chicago, Ill.) 1911-1917, April 30, 1917, NOON EDITION, Image 11

Image and text provided by University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library, Urbana, IL

Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045487/1917-04-30/ed-1/seq-11/

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why he discharged the 68 teachers.
Loeb told Siskind that the act was
not one of hostility toward union la
bor, but that he had to do it to pre
vent domination of the .schools by
the Catholic church: that Margaret
Haley called at frequent intervals on
Archbishop Mundelein and got from
him instructions. Loeb added: "As
a Jew I cannot make this known, but
I can tell you individually."
I have been told by aldermen with
in the last few days that Thos. F.
Scully, who is judge of the county
court and is mentioned as a probable
candidate for mayor in 1919, -has
been soliciting votes among mem
bers of the city council for Loeb, the
labor-smasher, and has said tb Cath
olic aldermen: "The archbishop will
be pleased to have Loeb's appoint
ment confirmed. Mayor Thompson
has promised that if that is done he
will appoint certain Catholic mem
bers to the school board."
I do not state that the archbishop
has said that he would like to see
Loeb appointed. I do not state that
the aldermen would vote according
ly if the archbishop did say that I
have been told that Scully said to
Catholic aldermen that the arch
bishop wants Loeb's appointment
I do not state that Loeb's dismissal
of the 68 teachers was an anti-Catholic
assault, for I know it was not
Only 40 per cent of the teachers fired
were Catholics and 60 per cent were
not Catholics. Far from taking in
Elmctions from the archbishop,
I'irgaret Haley has never even met
him. I do know that Loeb said that
it was an anti-Catholic drive, when
talking to a man whose help he want
ed and who was a union labor man.
We find the Chicago Public School
league, composed of past presidents
and directors of the Illinois Manufac
turers' ass'n, labor-fighters, running
Loeb's campaign of publicity, with
T)ih11pv Tavlrr nf th ,'Rmnlivu-pr'B'
Ass'n of Illinois in the background.
Then we find Loeb denying to Sis-1
kind that it is a labor war. We also
find Loeb toadying to the union of
engineers in the schools to obtain for
himself some semblance of union
support there.
This 'is the same Jacob Loeb that
told a public meeting of Jewish wom
en at Sinai Temple last fall that he
had notified the Teachers' Federation
that if they would get out of the Fed
eration of Labor he would get back
of the federation and make it the
strongest organization of teachers in
the United States; and then he added
that he had sent that word to the
Teachers' Federation through Mr.
Michael J. Collins, a member of the
board of education.
This is the same Jacob Loeb who,
last week, after the supreme court
upheld the Loeb anti-union rule,
made this statement in the Chicago
Tribune: "This is the happiest day of
my life. Such a decision is worth
making a Idng fight for. There will
be no more labor unions in the pub
lic schools."
These are facts you are entitled to
know. Lindheimer probably uses
Sulh'van's name only with Sullivan
Democratic aldermen. The Sabath
influence is used with Harrison Dem
ocrats. Thompson influence is swung
on administration Republican alder
men, and on anti-Thompson Repub
licans other arguments and persua
sions are used. Catholic aldermen
do not hear Loeb's anti-Catholic ut
terances, which are reserved for non
Catholic ears. Protestant aldermen
do not hear Scully whispering that
the archbishop wants Loeb.
This is intrigue that out-intrigues
the closest councils of the most au
tocratic government that ever exist
ed. It proves that men of certain
common designs have closer affinity
than Democrat for Democrat, Catho
lic for Catholic, Protestant for Pro
testant, Jew for Jew, Gentile for Gen
tile, or any of the classes they con
spire to array against each other.
Is it not apparent to you that the
welfare of our schools demands that

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