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r t THE GREAT ADVENTURE AT WASHINGTON. By Mark Sullivan. Doubleday Page & Co. IT Is not without reason that Arthur Balfour has termed the Washington conference '^unique in history." For it has accomplished peacefully that which could never before have been achieved without widespread bloodshed; it has produced the civilized equivalent of a great and decisive naval battle; and. aa one observer has remarked, it has succeeded in sinking more ships of war than has any .Admiral in history. More important still, it has established a partnership of the seas between nations that would otherwise have been rivals; it has averted the competition that was almost certain to have taken place between Great Britain and the United States for the mastery of the waters; and it hag obviated all danger of that warfare which, history teaches us, has invariably resulted in the past between two nations contending for maritime supremacy. Such are the conclusions which Mark Sullivan reaches in his entertaining and highly informative study of the Washington conference. This convention, the author indicates, is to be considered one of the highwater marks of history; cccordingly he treats it as though he were recording a climactic scene in the old Roman Senate, and writes with a keen eye for dramatic values and with a shrewd sense of the epic importance of what 'he sees enacted. From beginning to end he describes the work of the conference vividly and convincingly, portraying the principal delegates graphically and weaving an interesting narrative from their activities. We see Arthur Ttalfour. subtle in dinlomacv. dox trous in conversation, generous and warm in his sympathies; we observe Baron Kato, an "impressUe" man, whose eyes "peer out from his well proportioned head like the glowing focus of an immense and acute intelligence"; we watch Mr. Hughes, who has lost much of his old rigidity of manner, and speaks with genuine directness, power and conviction; and we live again through that dramatic moment, when, after having delivered himself of the usual commonplaces, Hughes takes the convention by storm and presents his unprecedented and epoch making proposal for a naval holiday and the scrapping of battleships. It was not to be expected that aof wide reaching a program would he adopted instantly; and we follow with the author, as enthusiastically as though this were the first we had heard of "the great adventure," the troubled progress of the American proposals, the difficulties they encountered from France and from Japan, and their final triumph over the ohstacles that threatened them. We are convinced that for the most part the delegates were working whole heartedly? and sincerely for the reduction of armaments; that they desired nothing so much as international harmony, and that whatever disagreements arose were due mainly to a natural and entirely honest conflict of opinion. To this generalization, however, one important exception must be noted, and ' at oTPPHtion was to be seen in the attitude of the French delegates. After battling stubbornly for four years in the interests of human liberty; after having received the hearty support of Englanl and the United States in what was for her a life or death struggle, France might have been expected to cooperate at least partially with her former allies in their attempt to suppress that militarism she herself had combated with her very life blood. Instead, as if she had become converted to the Prussian point of view, France proved herself the stanch friend instead of the fo? " of militarism; she effectively de feated all measures fur the limitation of land armaments; she blocked all steps to reduce the number of auxiliary naval craft, and gave a new lease of life to those submarines against which she had raised such a hue and cry when they were employed in German hands. Moreover, France seemed to be the only nation that did not shire in tha high moral aims of the conference; while the representatives of other countries were concerned with the welfare of the world and the safety of the future her delegates were vexing themselves about the position of their seats at tho diplomatic table. What was the reason for this failure of Frsoce? Partly, as the THE NEW YORK he Washington A Surrey by STANTON A. COBLE author explains, that thco was a certain amount of justifiable resentment at the refusal of the United States Senate to ratify the agreements made by President Wilson; partly, that France was embarrassed at her loss of caste, at having become one of the "new poor*' among the nations, and .at feeling herself to be "the beneficiary of a great quantity of organized charity on the part of America." At all events, declares Mr. Sullivan, the French delegates were 'more Intent upon consideration of dignity and prerogative than upon the grea* purposes of the gathering;** and they succeeded in maintaining their dignity only by derailing some of the principal aims of the conferenoe and nearly sidetracking them alL Even Japan, from whom serious difficulties were anticipated, proved herself highly tractable compared to France. As an example of the absurdity of many of our suspicions of Japan the author mentions how, after the signing of the Four Power Treaty, many Americans believed Japan to have "put one over" on us by including her homeland within the scope of the agreement; whereas the truth, as later brought out, was that Japan strongly desired to have her homeland excluded. On the whole, Ma^ Wells Japan demonstrated herrelf to be easily amenable to the reasonable desires of her fellow nations: she save proof of he^ good faith by mitigating the severity of her twenty-one demands on China, and showed an unmistakable inclination to abide by the good example of the Western World. For the most part, we may remember, the Western nations have provided Japan with an evil rather than with a good example to follow. But, fortunately, this was not the case with the Washington conference. In spite of the reactionary stand assumed by France a positive step was taken toward tbat international cooperation which is daily becoming more necessary owing to the growth of nations, the expansion of commerce, and the development of rapid means of transportation as well as of efficient methods of destruction. Even though many of the aims of tho conference were not achieved, the seeds were sown for the convoking of other and even more- successful conventions; a naval nnrtnorshiD of the most im portant Powers on earth was consummated; a n'i'W precedent for international association was set, and the cornerstone was laid for what may ultimately prove the peaceful unification of the entire civilized world. II. PEACEMAKERS. By Ida ML TarbelL The Macmillan Company. WHAT were the actual accomplishments of the Washington conference? After all its debates and committee meetings, its diplomacy and international compacts what were Its successes and its failures? Did it move the world a step toward the millennium of peace or did it leave us virtually where we were at its initiation? And, above all, what lesson did it teach as to the feasibility of international cooperation? Did it demonstrate that such I HERALD, SUNDAY, Conference ' NTZ. cooperation is practicable or tend to prove that it is a mere Utopia in the minds of dreamers? These difficult questions are discussed from many angles by Ida M. Tarbell, who bases her conclusions largely upon actual observations at the conference. In the main, she is inclined to take an optimistic point of view; after watching Hughes, ijauour ana ouier men or note sne has become convinced that the delegates acted not only with sincerity but with vision; that they were earnestly and wisely endeavoring to effect a more perfect union of the nations and that in the course of that attempt they accomplished much that was noteworthy. Many of the less obvious achievements of the conference seem to Miss Tarbell among the most important For example, she devotes considerable space to the attack that Secretary Hughes launched against the "vested interests" of the older diplomacy; she applauds heartily the blow he aimed at secret diplomacy when, at the very beginning, he laid America's program squarely before the convention; and she notes as particularly significant his disregard of the niceties of Old World diplomatic etiquette In making his pro and William Allen White at posals bluntly, directly and without reference to the formalities customary in Europe. Moreover, the author calls attention to the fact that the channels of diplomacy were notably widened at Washington by the introduction of a^men on the floor in an official capacity; and she remarks that this constitutes a challenge to the exclusive right of man in the diplomatic arena. All this, of course, has nothing to do with the primary purpose of the conference; and the convention might have accomplished something in these directions and yet on the whole have been grossly unsuccessful. But while it is yet too early to measure results, Miss Tarbell believes that the conference has in general attained its ends; that it has brought the ideal of international fellowship appreciably nearer; that "if it has riuuiciiis THE ECONOMIC BASIS OP POLITICS. By Charles A. Beard. Alfred A. Kncpf. PROP. BEARD In this little ei say states lucidly and tersely what may perhaps be called the central problem of political science, and reaches a conclusion that may appear startling to some, though noi 10 mose wno nave given any close attention to the history of social institutions since the Industrial revolution. His theme is that property always has. and still does, determine political power and forms of government. He quotes Aristotle, Machiavelll. Locke, James Madison and Daniel Webster (among others) to show that they shared this view. Government, prior to the currency of Rousseau's doctrine, did not even pretend to represent other than property interests, as the "estates" in France and England showed. Then came the principle of political equality. It was held that rights and power should be equal among MAY 14, 1922. demonstrated the necessity of work cooperation if we are to have peace it has also demonstrated its practicability." "What it seems to prove,' the author remarks, "is that you car get peace by friendly negotiation that a cooperation of nations is not a uiea.ni, lasti it is a reality. ror ai Washington all America's suspicion! of Japan and England were seen tc vanish into thin air; the delegate: of the three countries worked together harmoniously and effectively and the result wp.3 an agreement thai seems likely to endure as a powerfu instrumentality for peace in the Pa ciflc Profiting from the mistakes of th< Peace Conference at Paris, the Wash ington convention avoided some ol the pitfalls that might have vitiatef its program. Desirable as it was, th< scheme for the scrapping of ship: and for a naval holiday would have collapsed in the absence of some pro; to support ft; it would have beer like the plan for the disarmament ol France, which failed utterly because France was too shudderingly fearful of foreign aggression to disarm without positive guaranties of protection, The necessary prop for the Washingnrnovom fa tVtn fnnr nntror riant which, by binding England, th? United States, France and Japan tc face the future In the Pacific together, constitutes an insurance policy against that international the Washington conference. suspicion, jealousy and dread which is the dragon of the modern world, since it is the parent of vast armaments and the murderer of peace Whether or not the Washingtoi conference has been a success can be determined ultimately only by the contribution it has made to the union of nations; only by the share it has had in converting the nations to the principle exemplified in the fable of Alsop concerning the sticks that were easily snapped singly but that were unbreakable when made into a bundle. Present indications are that the conference has advanced us noticeably toward th? acceptance of that principle, and the permanence of the advance depends, in the final analysis, upon how manymen of good will there are who stand ready to support with their faith the ideal of international unionism of Politics Individuals regardless of property The bourgeois in France, utillclnj any effective cry to overthrow thi nobles, took it up; so did the smal land owners of America in their rev olution against monarchy. It wa) because of their need of a rallyinj slogan rather than their belief in thi doctrine itself that the idea of om man, one vote, came into vosrue, ac cording to Prof. Beard. So that evci the contradictory DrinciDle tlia reigns to-day gained its forci through the need of one economii group of a war cry in its figh against another. This opposition between economit and political fact was perceived l>i Mill and others; indeed, it seems noi to have escaped the early Americai leaders in a time when the franchisi in this country rested upon property ownership, and Webster and other contended that it rightly should si rest. The Russian Bolshevists ap pear to have sought to overcome thi contradiction by making governmoo , a function of bodies representalivi 5 1 of economic instead of geographic , interests and divisions. But in doing so they found how real were oco* nomic motives in a sense that they t hardly anticipated; the peasants re , fused to let their land be nationalized i and communism had to retreat. I Prof. Beard concludes that the am i swer to the dilemma is that given by , Madison in the tenth number of the , Federalist?that society is necessa. rlly divided into economic classes and interests, that regulation of these [ conflicting interests is the businew of I the statesman. Madison seeme to _ have disliked the idea of majority rule. Prof. Beard does not go further than to say that "there is no final solution of eternal contradic" tiona" (of which he appears to think this one); but he doubtless inclines to favor a greater recognition of eco- s , * nomic interests as such in govern' rnent- So does the farmers' bloc. : The War of The Future OLD EUROPE'S SUICIDE. By Brig.Gen. C. B. Thomson. Thomas Seltzer. THE writer of this book, according: to the views expressed tn It, Is everything bat what one ' might expect a British General Staff officer to be. He puts aside all the ' conventions and conventional opinions of bis class and cimdemm much of the military preachmg that went on in the world before 1914, most of the diplomacy and all ofrthe efforts to bring peace to the world since 1918. He ventures the prediction, a prediction that is as unusual as most of his vierws, that "the next war will not be made by nations; it will be civil war. The misgoverned will rise against their rulers and the foundations of our social fabric wiU rock. The workers in all lands have realized, at last, that their interests are the same, and that the greatest war in hlstorv was. from their noint of view, an internecine struggle. Only the purblind or the reckless ignore this fact.'.' Such opinions, however, are only the externals of Gen. Thomson's text, which, in spite of its title, is an excellent history of events in the Balkan Peninsula from the Serbian war of 1912 up to and including the peace efforts of 1919. To this writer the Balkan question and the Balkan campaigns were the whole war, the western front being merely a "side show." Whatever his views, the fact remains that within the scope of his purpose he has written mi admirable, clear and brief account of the whole Balkan situation in those fateful seven years, the best we know In one volume for the general reader, i It has one defect in being somewhat , lacking in dates; but this may be overlooked for the sake of the sim. plicity and directness of the narnai live. WOMAN'S LIFE IN COLONIAL , DATS. By Carl Holliday. Cornhlil Publishing Company. BELIEVING "that many misconceptions have crept into ? the mind of the average reader concerning the life off Colonial 1 women?ideas, for instance, of un> ending long faced gloom, constant fear of pleasure, repression of all ! normal emotions"?Prof. Holliday 1 has written this volume to prove i thi3 view to be one wholly false. Historians and "The Scarlet Letter" ' have had much to do with gUing 1 the impressions to the average reader which this author sets out to clear away. And he goes to social in America, and those of later periods up to as late as the beginning . of the nineteenth century, for evil denco of the fact that must have ; been perfectly plain to every one, 1 and all the time, that women of out - Colonial Jays differed not at all in s general character and emotions from j the women of any other country of j time. i Thus from these old records, the text is -a running string of quotai tions, Prof. Holliday gives his readers t pictures of the Colonial woman and 51 nor religion, ner education, in lier 5 home, hot dress, her social life, her t marriage and the initiative she took | in the affairs of those days. In coni2' mon with all social history, this vol;, ume chiefly reminds us of the 11 changelessness of human nature i, through the evidence it presents ol i, extravagance in dress, uioral laxity, r | adulation of wealth und beauty, the s old questions of the pay of women j j teachers, women In business, and a -! hundred and one such things that a i are before us in all our newspapers t to-day as tbey were la the news e I papers of a decade age .