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EDITOR'S CORRESPONDENCE. New Orleans, May 17, 1845. Our Convention adjourned sine die yesterday, after adopting the new Constitution (or the State of Louisiana by a vote of 54 to 15, and which is to be submitted to the people in November. There are some objectionable provisions in it; but, on the whole, I think it preferable to the old one, and be lieve it will be accepted by the people, though many are of a contrary opinion. The principal changes are? An extension of the right of suffrage to all white in.des above twenty-one, who have resided two consecutive yearn in the State, and destroying the property qualification. No na turalized citizen to vote until two years after he becomes a citizen. The life tenure of Judges abolished ; the Supreme Court ap pointed for eight years, and the lower Courts for six years. Sheriff*, coroners, clerks of court, and justices of the peace to be elected by the people. Biennial aeasions of the Legislature, und the period of the session limited to sixty days. Legislature prohibited from granting any bank charters, or renewing any now in existence ; prohibited also from loaning the credit of the State or borrowing money, except in case of war, invasion, or insurrection. Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and Senate elected for four years ; House for two years. All citizens disfranchised, both as to voting and holding of ficp, who may fight or in any way be connected with fighting a duel, either in or out of the State. Future changes to the Constitution to be made by a vote of two successive Legislatures, and subsequently to be approved by a majority of all the qualified voters of the State ; the first vote of the Legislature to be at least three-fifths of both Houses. If the Constitution is accepted in November, the first election under it will take place in January. The subsequent elections are to be held in Novem ber every second year. I perceive that the Anti-Slavery Society at New York have resolved that the framers of the Consti tution of the United States were a set of fools or knaves, one or both, and that the Union ought to be dissolved ! I suppose that settles the matter defi nitely ; though, whilst they were at it, they might as well have resolved that the Union was actually dis solved, and then we should have had no further trouble on the subject. Mr. Polk could at once have returned to Tennessee; Congress need not meet again; the public buildings at Washington could be sold at auction ; the outstanding debts of , the nation called in; and the whole concern liqui- , dated and setded up in twelve or eighteen months. , Will you not recommend through your columns that the society should reassemble without delay, and complete their work ? If they do not act prompt ly the Millerites will be beforehand with them, and burn us all up before the Anti-Slavery Society have effected the dissolution, and then the poor ne groes would all be roasted alive instead of being emancipated ! Surely, we do live in the days of humbug and farce. I observe that some of the papers are combatting the assertion in my letter to you that the debt of Texas is sixteen millions of dollars; and a leading Democratic paper in this city, in some comments on it, asserts that it does not exceed six millions. I know one concern that holds upwards of one mil lion of dollars of Texas paper, and three others each of which holds upwards of four hundred thousand dollars, besides the claim of the house in Baltimore that was specially provided for in the treaty of an nexation, for nearly three hundred thousand dollars. Now, when such mountains as these show their heads above water, some idea may be formed of what is below the surface. I have heard it stated here very recently, and on very excellent authority, that a clique of prominent men in Texas, at the head of whom is a high officer of that Government, hold upwards of two millions of the debt I do not vouch for this, though, from theao*'-* * I obtained th<? T believe it; the others, above, I know of my own T o > iey at one time was as low .ollar, at which rate a small .>?: ;y would purchase a heavy l? ' numbers at that tinie bought twenty to fiJ'ty thousand dollars or more, on the same principle that they would buy a lottery ticket, hoping it might come up a high prize. After the success which attended the baldest assertions dur ing the late Presidential canvass, some editors seem to think they can make the American people swal low any thing; and this assertion that the Texas debt does not exceed tix millions is made right in the face and eyes of Mr. Tyler's treaty, in which th* United States assumed the debt to the extent of ten millions, and the Texan commissioners, who negotiated that treaty, in their official and published correspondence, acknowledged that the debt was more than that sum, but, to salve it over, slated that they did not think 14 it could greatly exceed that amount"?meaning, I suppose, only a handful of millions more. If it is asked how Texas in so few years could have incurred such a debt, I reply, by issuing a depre ciated currency, and paying one hundred dollars for a barrel of flour, one hundred and fifty dollars for a barrel of pork, twenty-five dollars for a pair of soldier's shoes, and in like proportion for all sup-! plies and purrhases, joined to the total want of sys tem or accountability in her expenditures and finan ces, and an utter recklessness and waste in every department. It is a fact well known in this city that one of her Ministers or Charge d'Affaires, on his arrival here, sold sixty thousand dollars of pa per for five thousand dollars specie funds for his salary ; and, when all the expenditures of a Gov ernment are made at such a ratio, is not her large debt readily accounted for"? A most determined and systematic effort will be made to foist this debt on the Treasury of the United States ; and, if it is to be assumed, it is but right that the American people should do it with their eyes open. Time will fully confirm, and more than confirm, every assertion that I have made respecting this debt, and in due time and place disclosures will be made respecting it and certain large holders of Texas moneys that will make some people open their eyes very wide. We are daily expecting later advices both from Mexico and Texas. I repeat my belief that we shall have no serious trouble with the former; the state of their domestic affairs renders them unable to move efficiently. The city begins to show symptoms of an ap proaching close to the business season. The cot ton c-op is nearly all in ; the receipts being 9:10,000 bales against 850,000 to the same period last vear. 1 he additional receipt* this year will probably not excee< 40,000 bales. Hale* this week about 18,000 bales, a: rates ranging from 4] to 7| cents ; average lots 5 a 5i cents. Sugar remains dull, with a stock of 6,000 hogs heads on the levee and in store. Sales 4J to 6 cents, according to quality. Whole stock remain ing in the tttate is estimated at 20,000 to 25,000 hogsheads. The export coastwise has been 101,000 hogsheads and 9,000 barrels. No record is kept of what goes up the river, but which is very large. The weather recently has not been favorable for the growing crop, and, though the culture has been in creased, I do not believe we shall have next season "o lrrge a crop as the last. Breadstuff* continue dull; flour *3 87 to 94 ; com 35 cents. Salt pro visions have experienced a slight decline, and are very dull: mess pork 9134 ; prime Ml4 ; lard 7 a 7j| cents, freights to Liverpool, 7-16th cents ; Havre, 7 to 8 cents. Exchange on London 8 a 8J per cent; Paris, 6 27i to 5 30 ; New York, 1J. W Ts * DEATH OP tHE How. JOHN CAMPBELL. IHUM THE CHARLESTON COURIER OF 8ATUM0AY. We learn with much regret that the Hon. JfWN Campbsll, for many years a Representative in Congress from the Peedee district of South Caro lina, died at his residence in Marlborough district on the 19th instant, of hemorrhage of the lungs. He had been for some years in delicate health, and, for that among other reasons, he last fall declined being a candidate for re-election. The Congressional career of Mr. Camp ? *ll wax at once highly honorable to himself and eminently useful to hi* coun try. Although entering the National Legislature at an early stage of manhood, he yet deported himself with a temperance, consistency, and wisdom, that belonged rather to the sage in counsel than the tyro in politics. He was Btrictly conserva tive in principle, standing aloof from the excitements and soar ing above the allurements of party, content to play the part of the patriot, though he lost the reward of the partisan. Without aspiting to eminence as an orator, he always spoke sensibly, to the point, and with effect, and only on occasions of importance; and he ever commanded the ear and respectful attention of the House. As a member and chairman of im portant committees, he was industrials and laborious ; and his reports were always luminous and instructive. Highminded, conscientious, and independent, ke possessed the respect and confidence of all parties. His manly, firm, and consistent course on the question of districting the States for Congres sional elections, and his noble rally to the defence of the Con stitution in that particular, against the rash and invading vio lence of his own political party, will ever be remembered to his honor wherever political independence is appreciated, and political integrity regarded as the brightest jewel of the states man. In the affections of his constituents he stood unrival led ; it was with regret and reluctance that they suffered him to be severed from their service ; and we know they mourn his premature death, both as a domestic grief and as a loss to his country. Mr. Campbell was in the prime of life, and has obeyed the luat summons when his country had yet much to expect from his counsels and services. He graduated at the South Carolina College in the year 1819. ENGLISH AND AMERICAN TELEGRAPHS. FROM THE JOURNAL OF COHUIU. We have just seen a letter (directed to one of the officers of the Magnetic Telegraph at Baltimore) from an intelligent scientific American gentleman in London, dated April 22, from which we are permit ted to make the following extract: " London, April 22, 1845. "Dear Sir : ? ? ? Having some *pare time yester day, I visited the Telegraphic office, where I remained in con versation with the Director duiing the afternoon. The Tele graph (Wheatstone's) is really as pretty a failure as I ever saw. Positively, it requires an hour for them to transmit a sentence which you could transmit in Jive minutes. The Telegraph works by the deflection of two needles, and they deflect so slowly that the letters can scarcely be read at all.. They use five wires, each wire being composed of three smal ler ones twisted together. Now, I cannot perceive what is gained by this. In my opinion, there is a loss. I gave the man the poetry you gave me, (sent by telegraph from Wash ington ;) also a copy of the alphabet, and Morse's report. He manifested great surprise that the American Telegraph could transmit as rapidly as we could talk, and still more sur prise that it printed the communication, for their's does not print. In a wonl, I consider Wheatstone's Telegraph worth nothing compared with Morse1* ,? and you may congratulate yourselves on having by far the best Telegraph in the world. The agent of the Telegraph told me that lie thought we had introduced Wheatstone's into our country ! You may be sure he was surprised when he saw we had surpassed it. Bain's Telegraph is better than Wheatstone's, but it won't compare with Morse's, because it does not work so well, and is very complicated, I mm convinced that no Telegraph can be made to do duty well, unless it be made on the plan of Morse's." |C7* The papers throughout the Union (ire re vested to publish the following article if they deem the suggestion it makes just and proper. [co*m U N It ATION. ] There are two men in the United States, now in retire menS on whom the ?yea of their countrymen snH ha apt to turn in Uie hour of difficulty and peril than on any other individual* It is scarcely necessary to say that we allude to Hixir Clat and Jobs C. Calhoun. Like the giants of antiquity, from the potential influence of their opinions, they may be said to be as strong in repose as in action. Without office, they yet stand as lofty land marks on a boundless waste of surrounding mediocrity?the august representatives (wifii equal patriotism, as it is chari table to suppose) of the different principles by which they consider the affairs of this great country ought to be admin istered. They blaze as cynosures in opposite spheres. It has been said that great men in this world pay dearly for their distinction. This is eminently true in a variety of modes by which this moral is strikingly illusUated ; illustrated not alone by the feverish dream of ambition, but by those thousand annoyances, grave and trifling, which never reach those who rest in the humble declivities of the valley of this life. Mr. Jefferson said, in his retirement at Monticello, "that the great evil of his declining years wss a too oppressive cor respondence." But this great man did not suffer under an aggravation of this evil in the form of having to pay the postage of his oppressive correspondents, for he enjoyed the privilege of free letters to the day of his death. Mr. Clat and Mr. Calhoun are without this safeguard against the cott j of the epistolary prodigality of their friends. We hope we are nut giving a false importance to what might seem a trifle, when we venture to apprize the corres pondents of these gentlemen that we are informed that, fall ing on moderate fortunes, the postage-bdls of both of them are inconveniently burdensome. As we think they ought not to psy an'onerous impost on perhaps the principle of the window tax, for giving light to others, we will propose a problem, not as difficult to solve as one in Euclid. Suppose each individual who writes them was to pre-pay the postage on his letter, what would be the amount of the tax to the writer, and what the saving to his distinguished correspondent in the aggregate sum of his annual postage > We would, therefore, hint, as a simple matter of justice to their correspondents, thai they have their Utters stamped "post paid" on mailing them. From the gross abuse of the franking privilege we will express no regret that this im munity was not extended to these gentlemen, notwithstanding the distinguished position they have both occupied under our Government, because an alternative for their relief is in the hands of every man of good feeling and reflection who writes to them. But, in reference to one abuse, they may do some hing for their own protection. They are, doubtless, very often the objects of an intolerable nuisance, to which our public men ate in this country perhsps more exposed than in any other in the world. We allude to anonymous letters addressed to those who occupy high stations from a set of concealed scoundrels and libellers, who not only fill their epistles with the lowest abuse ami basest threats, but make up their scandalous missives in the most voluminous form, for the express purpose of entailing the highest amount of postage on those to whom they are address ed. We would, therefore, with all proper deference, suggest to Mr. Clat and Mr. Calrovn (although this article is written without their privity or conusance) that, after this notice, they take no letter out of the post office which is not marked "post paid." We consider that this would operate as the most effectual cure to the prurient scandal of atrocious and to the drivelling gossip of idle correspondents that can well be devised, and ai the most potent restraint on those who sometimes write to liliel others, or more frequently to flatter their own self-love. From one who pays his own postage when he writes on his own business. Earlt Harvestinb.;?A gentleman, who is an extensive planter, residing a few miles from Edentnn, N. C., commenc ed cutting his wheat on Thursday, the VIA of Msy, being some three weeks earlier than the usual time of harvesting. We are n?t informed (says the Edentnn Journal) whether this gentleman's crop is a fair one or not, but we do know that the wheat crop generally, in this county at least, has been greatly injured by the cold and dry weather ; and perhaps this msy account for its ripening so soon. EDITORS' CORRESPONDENCE. New Yojik, Mai 28, IMS. Gehtlemkx : Not imagining that any letters of ...inff wiJ] interfere wiih those ol' your regular correspondent, I may oc casionally, as my duties permit, allude to some passing event* an<l embody a few thoughts for your columns. I ant sure you will be gratified to learn that the measures of the "Atlantic Steam Navigation Company," which mainly owes its origin to our friend Dr. Junius Smith, are well ar ranged, and meet with the decided approbation of the public. The chatter (receutiy granted by the Legislature of this Bute) confers exclusive advantages for twenty-four years, and limits the capital of the company to two millions. The aubeciiption books for stock will shortly be opened in this and other cities, and those who have carefully examined the subject entertain no doubt that investments in the enterprise will yield a large profit, and that means will be at once supplied by capitalists for the construction of two if not four ships. It is important for this company to secure a contract from the Government for the conveyance of the foreign mails, and thia, which it will not be less for the interest of the Government to grant, Will relieve the stockholders from every hazard in the great and patriotic experiment. I regard the enterprise as of deep inte rest to the commerce, the convenience, the honor, and defence of the country, and trust that the energy of individuals and the public authorities will soon place it beyond the possibility of failure or defeat. Mr. A. Whitnet appeals in a brief and eloquent address to the people of the United States in behalf of his great pro ject for uniting I.ake Michigan with Oregon by railroad He is regarded as a gentleman of uncommon enterprise and energy, and to have well conaidered the scheme he now sub mits to the country. He solicits (you recollect) a grant of land from Congress sixty miles wide from Michigan to Oregon from the sale of which he expects to raise, in money or labor' fifty millions of dollars, the amount demanded, according to his estimate, for the construction of this work. It ia a vast project, and must, if executed, as he maintains, subeerve im mensely the interests of agriculture, commerce,'civilization, peace, knowledge, and Christianity. It will bind the country west of the Rocky Mountains to our Union by links of iron, open a great highway to China for Europe as well as Ame rica, and bring many nations of the world within the magic circle of our free institutions. How far Government will favor it, should it sanction the plan, how far the funds or labor can be raised trom the land, may admit of question. The great ness ol the project should recommend it, especially as the means ior effecting it are unexceptionable, and, by affording homes for the oppressed people of Europe, involve a real good ; nor should it be forgotten that the money required to accom plish this mighty enterprise is less than that expended in driv ing a lew half-starved and fiery-hearted savages (instigated to hostility by our own wrongs) from the forests and morasses of Florida. A war with Great Britain, which sonre (who under stand as little the meaning of national honor a< of national policy) would provoke, would probably take fron the pocket, of the people, not from the proceeds of wild lands, twice the amount estimated for this great national and international un dertaking. Alas, that works of malice and injustice should be executed with a bolder and stronger hand than those of virtue and philanthropy ! Dr. Hkbschell, a learned and converted Jew from Lon don, has excited a good deal of interest here by his lectures on the condition and prospects of the descendants of Israel. He is a full believer in their speedy restoration to Palestine, and stated a variety of facts showing that there is throughout Europe and the world a remarkable spirit of inquiiy on the subject of these prophecies in connexion with Christianity ; that large numbers in Hungary have become reliever, in Christ, and that every thing invites their return to their an cient home. I ohserved Major Noah at one of these lectures, and heard him express gratification at the statements of the speaker. The Major possesses a vast fund of humor and be nevolence, and has ever evinced a deep concern in the wel fare of his dispersed and afflicted brethren. In the Journal of Commerce of the 24th you have perhaps noticed an interesting account of a visit to Paraguay. There h a single passage to which it may be well to invite the at tention of Government. " President Lou a," say* the wri ter, "has never been out of Paraguay, but has a very good ' knowledge of our country and its institutions and products, which he spoke of with much enthusiasm, and of the desire ' he had to see an agent of op country at Asuncion, and of f? U - chsips Government would recog ' nise iu independence. We parted from his excellency verv ? much delighted with our visit, and with the parting remark ' that citizens of the United States would always be welcome 4 in Paraguay." It is also stated in this letter that a boat drawing about four feet of water could ascend the Paicomayo and V ermijo rivers to the centre of the richest part of Boli via, and make a voyage to Buenos Ayres with facility. The Parana river is navigable for large vessels to Asuncion, and President Lorsz hoped our enterprising countrymen would come out thither with a utearnboat. A society has just been formed here called the Sherman hutitute, for the encouragement of industry and education. A very sensible introductory discourse was delivered list even ing by S. W. Jcnso.v, Esq. The object is to combne labor and education, and train young men to a knowledge of agri culture and the mechanic arts while receiving instruction in letters and science, and by offering for sale the proceeds of their skill and industry enable them to sustain themselves while members of the institute. The plan seems well ma tured, and to promise much good to youth, whether with or without mean*, who may desire to qualify themselves for the business pursuits of society. A very valuable biography of the lamented Jebemiah Evabts, formerly secretary of the American Board of Com missioners for Foreign Missions, is just published. You may recollect him as the author of a masterly series of papers, (first printed in your able journal,) in defence of the rights of the Indians, over the signature of" William Penn," which the late Chief Justice Mabshall pronounced " the most conclu sive argument that he ever read on any subject" Of this good and great man it might be truly said he was consumed in giving light. The Diary of Lady Willoughby, one of the series of works in the course of publication by Wile? & Pctkam, ia a delightful book, which I can unhesitatingly recommend to all the t.iir ladies of Washington. For scholars, " Plato against tbe Atlieists," published with notes, by Professor Lewis of this city, is a work of great merit and profound re flection. I trust the ghost of the old Greek philosopher will not take offence if I use his great name. 80C RATES. The cash donations received at Pittsbcbo up to Wednes day last, for the relief of the sufferers by the great fire, stnount to $131,477 68. The burnt district is rising rapidly into or der, and will soon he generally rebuilt I lie steamer lone struck a snag near Mount Vernon in (lie Missouri river on the I4tli instant, and sunk. Her cargo would lie lost. The boat was insured for $2,000. The Iiex mgton was also reported to be sunk, and the John Oolong was "nagged. The St. Louie New Era of the 17th says : " The Missouri is reported to be in a worse condition now for navigation than it has been known for many years before, he channel has almost formed anew, and ia terribly beset with snags, stumps, and sand bars." Hixui l?h (tsr or DsrvKKn*kss and WicKEmvuss.? We noticed yesterday that a man by the name of Rosebt la v. the keeper of a coffee honse, was shot by his friend ?nd brother Englishman, Mr. Sahch Powwil, who keeps a variety store on Third street, west of Western Row. Bland an'1 P?wnil was yesterday arraigned on a charge of fighting a duel. fro? ,h? rvidence that both had been drinking i "\v vv? rr rniirh intoxicated, when they commenced brag* f .* their skill in shooting fowling-pieces, which terminsted in boMinf of their tact and courage in fighting duels. Mland m order to test the courage of his friend, took down f. xand told him to take his choice, assuring him that both were loaded. Pownil, after examining the pistols to old Bl'r I f/? k 0< !hT bei"f ch<m lh* brM" M Irr c, i ll ^ ,m he W1 rho*"n tfw One then chal lenged the other to go out into the street and decide the matter. hey went out, each expecting the other would hack out, when Pownil shot Bland through the body. < ?n the examination he was so much affected that his wife upported and fanned him .luring the trial; and he even went ,Prnftr convulsions at the deed he had perpe warrl ,,0r* to W??"? "oleJnn 22!* tkI m" T TT th" "Til" ** <*? * intempe Magirfrste had made no decision when our psper went to press.?Cincinnati Aflat. THE PRE8BYTERIAN CHURCH. The Presbyterian General Assembly, in* >11 Luuitt uati, haa doci?ively diaposed of the Slav>iit Qi ti> whid has divided two oth large ' urch orgu .it .. in out coun try, and which haa uuportui....cly solicited the attention of Um Presbyterian Assembly for some years. The various petition on the subject, referred early in the session to a aelect com mittee, called upon the Aaaembly to take steps for the melior ation of the condition of the slavea ; aaked for a full diacusaioi oI the subject, and the adoption of measures to obtain the re peal of laws forbidding the teaching ol slaves to read; and, lastly, setting forth slavery to be a moral evil, calculated U bring upon the church the curae of God, and calling for th< exercise of discipline in the caae of those who persist in main taining or justifying the relation of master to alavea. The committee made a full report on the subject on Tuea day of last week, and the following brief extract, and the con cluding resolution, show in the clearest manner the groundi upon which the Assembly refuse?for the report and resolu tions were adopted by a nearly unanimous vote?to eutertaii: these questions ; " The Church of Christ is a spiritual body, whose jurisdic tion extends ouly to the religious faith and moral conduct ol her members. She cannot legislate where Christ has not le gislated, nor make terms of membership which he haa nol made. The question, therefore, which this Assembly is call ed upon to decide is this : Do the Scriptures teach that th? holding of slaves, without regard to circumstances, is a sin, the renunciation of which should be made a condition of meui berahip in the Church of Christ > " It is impossible to answer this question in the affirmative, without contradicting some of the plainest declarations of the Word of God. That slavery existed in the days of Christ and the Apostles, is an admitted fact. That they did not denounce the relation itself as sinful, as inconsistent with Christianity j that slaveholdera were admitted to membership in the churches organized by the Apostles ; that, whilst they were required to treat their slaves with kindness, and as rational, accountable, immortal beings, and, if Christians, as brethren in the Lord, they were not commanded to emancipate them; that slaves were required to be * obedient to their masters according to the flash, with fear and trembling, with singleness of heart as un to Christ,' are facts which meet the eye of every reader of the New Testament. This Assembly cannot, therefore, denounce the holding of slaves as necessarily & heinous and scandalous sin, calculated to bring upon the Church the curae of God, without charging the Apostles of Christ with conniving at such sin, introducing into the Church Buch sinners, and thus bring ing opon them the curse of the Almighty. " In so saying, however, the Assembly are not to be under stood as denying that there is evil connected with slavery. Much less do they approve those defective and oppressive laws by which in some of the 8tates it is regulated. Nor would they by any means countenance the traffic of slaves for the Rake of gain, the separation of husbands and wives, parents j and children, for the sake of 'filthy lucre,' or for the conve nience of the master, or eruel treatment of slaves in any re spect. Every Christian and philanthropist certainly should seek by all peaceable and lawful means the repeal of unjust and oppressive laws, and the amendment of such as are defec tive, so as to protect the slaves from cruel treatment by wicked men and secure to them the right to receive religious instruc tion. Nor is this Assembly to be understood as countenanc ing the idea that masters may regard their servants as mere property, not as human beings, rational, accountable, immor tal. The Scriptures prescribe not only the duty of servants, but masters also, warning the latter to discharge those duties ' knowing that their Master is in heaven, neither is there re spect of persons with him.' " The Aasembly intend simply to say, that since Christ and his inspired Apostles did not make the holding of slaves a bar to communion, we, as a court of Christ, have no authority to do so ; since they did not attempt to remove it from the Church by legislation, we have no authority to legislate on the sub ject. We feel constrained further to say, that however desi rable it may lie to ameliorate the condition of the slaves in the Southern and Western States, or to remove slavery from our country, these objects, we are fully persuaded, can never be secured by ecclesiastical legislation. Much less can they be attained by those indiscriminate denunciations against stave holders, without regard to their character or circumstances, which have, to so great an extent, characterized the move ments of modern abolitionists, which, so far from removing the evils complained of, tend only to perpetuate and aggra vate them. The Apostles of Christ sought to ameliorate the condition ef slaves, not by denouncing and excommunica ting their masters, but by teaching both masters and slaves the glorious doctrines of the Gospel, and enjoining upon such the discharge of their relative duties. Thus only can the Church of Christ, as such, now improve the condition of the slaves in oar country. ? As to the extent of the evils involved in slavery and the best methods of removing them, various opinions prevail, and neither the Scriptures nor our Constitution authorize this body to present any particular course to be pursued by Church*? n(uU? ?? -ru- A**mt)iy cannot irnt rejoice, however, to learn that the Ministers and Churches in the slaveholding States are awaking to a deep sense of their obligation to extend to the slave population generally the means of Grace, and many slaveholder*, not professedly religioua, favor this object. W e earnestly exhort them to abound more and more in this good work. Wi would exhort every believing master to remember that his Msster is also in heaven, and, in view of all the cir cumstances in which he is placed, to act in the spirit of the golden rule, ? Whatever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even the same to them.' ?' In view of the above stated principles and facts : \ " Resolved, First, that the General Assembly of the Pres- ' byterian Church in the United States was originally organized, i ind has since continued the bond of union in. the church, < upon the conceded principle that the existence of domestic , ilavery, under the circumstances in which it is found in the i ?outhem portion of the country, is no bar to Christian com munion. i " Second, That the petitions that ask the Assembly to make the holding of slaves in itself a matter of discipline, do virtu ally require this judicatory to dissolve itself and abandon the organization under which, by the Divine blessing, it has so long prospered. The tendency is evidently to separate the Northern from the Southern portion of the church : a result which every good citizen must deplore, as lending to the dis solution of the Union of our beloved country, and which eve ry enlightened Christian will oppose as bringing about a ruinous and unnecessary schism between brethren who maintain a common faith." After an ineffectual motion to postpone the subject, the prece ding report and resolutions were adopted?ayca 164, noes 12, non liquet 3, cxcused 1. Thus one of the largest church judicatories in the country has decisively disponed of a question which, more than any other, threatens the harmony if not the stability of the union of the States. The resolution, it will be perceived, embraces substantially the ground occupied by the anti-abolitionists of the free States generally.?Newark Advertiser. AN EXTRAORDINARY DI8COVERY. A farmer of Howard county, Missouri, whilst quarrying stone on a hill side, accidentally discovered, by striking the earth with a hoe, that a spot on the declivity was hollow. He forthwith commenced digging there, and in a short time came to a regular wall, evidently built by human hands. He tore down a portion, and found that it had blocked the mouth of a cave, which haa since been explored a distance of three hun dred yards, and a branch from this main passage has been penetrated some two hundred yards. About thirty yards from the entrance is a magnificent room, with a ceiling of a hexa gonal form, presenting a shining surface, as if crusted with diamonds. Near the entrance ia the statue of a horse, the head, neck, body, and one hind leg finished, the neck formed by three pieces dovetailed together, the rest being solid. In another portion of the cavern, where the walls are smooth, are numerous hieroglyphics, letters, and figures, which appear I rather illegibly, though whether graven or painted we are not told. The figures 1, 8, 6, and 7 are quite plain. Just above these figures the letters DON and CARLO are legible. Further on, the letters J H S appear on the wall. Of the arm of the main cavern, which has been discovered and has been explored some two hundred yards, a writer says : ??The walls and ceiling of this extraordinary cave are pretty much the same as in the other rooms. The walls liave a peculiar and extraordinary brilliancy, occasioned, I discovered, from the fact that, instead of stone, as we fin* believed, we found them to be of a metal very much resembling sulphate of iron, but more of a silvery appearance. We had not proceeded very far before we heard a rumbling noise that occasionally l?roke upon our ear* in notes the most thrilling and melodious I ever heard. We stood for a considerable time in fVeathless silence to catch the most enchsnting sounds that ever greeted the ear of man, and it was only after an interval that we could summon courage to explore its source, which we did, and were much surprised to find it proceeded from a gushing spring in the side of the wall. The sounds we heard we found to be produced by the fall of the water, and varied by the current of air before alluded to, which we then found to be very strong. We each took a hearty draught of the limpid water of this gushing spring; and, after surveying the diamond walla of the greatest natural curioeity in the world, we commenced retracing our steps to its month, when we found it to he quite dark and 8 o'clock at night."?Missouri Statesman. The village of Paris, consisting of twenty-fiye or thirty houses, and located in the northern part of W aahington coun ty, Pennsylvania, was entirely coneumed by fire on the 16th instant, excepting only a church and two dwelling houaea. ON THE OREGON QUESTION. raUM Til CMAKlkNTOX (a. p.) COl'MIKS. In somu remarks offered in a previous communication, it was observed that, in all probability, if Mr. Calhoun bad cloned the Oregon negotiation, he would haw accepted the British proportion, in 1896, to make the Columbia the boun dary from where the 49th parallel atiikee that river. Thia, on our part, waa entirely inferential. It waa a conclusion drawn utter tiu? perusal of bis speech in the Senate, during the Orvgon debate in 1843. We have since understood thai hie correspondence with the British Miniater will show, il ever published, that Mr. Calhoun contended for the whole ol our claim to 54 40, according to the line adopted in the con vention with Russia. How much leaa he would have finally consented to receive is, of course, entirely conjectural. It i'? supposed, in well-informed quarter*, on what date we are un able to determine, that the British Government will admit our claim to the 49th parallel, but that the chief matter in contro versy is the south end of Vancouver's island, which pa rallel would intersect, the island lying between 48 and 01 north latitude. In this island, which ia divided from the main land by the magnificent strait De Fucu, is Nootka Sound, so celebrated in diplomatic history. The island contains a num ber of fine harbors, objects, of course, very attractive to a ma ritime Power like that of Great Britain. A line at the 49th parallel, if carried from the Rocky Mountains to Vancouver's island, if it leaves that island, must consequently pass round it about one degree to the south of 49. We know not the foundation of this presumed British con cession. It is, however, contrary to the uniform tenor of their communications with our Government. What may throw some light on the intentions of the British Executive, if we are to judge of the present from the past, is a passage which has been extracted from Mr. Rush's work, entitled " Residence in London," which he published shortly after his return from England. He was one of the negotiators, it will be recollect ed, in 1818, and again in 1824. His remark is, "that the British Government made no formal proposition for a boundary in the Oregon territory, but intimateid that the river itself, the Columbia, was the most couvenient, and said that they could agrm to none that did not give them the harbor at its mouth in common with the United State*." To this the American negotiators would not assent, they having proposed the 49th parallel, three degrees nearly north of the Columbia. But to come down to the period of the latest negotiation for evidence of the intentions of the English Government. In the com munications between Mr. Gallatin and Messrs. Addington and Huskisson, the British commissioners, they declared that their Government was still ready to abide by the proposition made to Mr. Rush in 1824, for a line of separation between the territories of the two nations, drawn from the Rocky Mountains along the 49th parallel of latitude to the north easternmost branch of the Columbia, and thence down that river to the sea, giving to Great Britain all the territories north, and to the United States all south of that line:" To this pro position Mr. Gallatin replied by repeating the offer made by Mr. Rush and himself in 1818, for the adoption of the 49th parallel as the line of separation from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific ocean, with the additional prwitioru, "that if the said line should cross any of the branches of tbe Columbia at points from which they are navigable by boats to the main stream, the navigation of such branches and of the main stream should be perpetually free and common to the people of both nations ; that tlie citizens or subjects of neither party should thenceforwnrd make any settlements in the territories of the other; but that all settlements already formed by the people of either nation within the limits of the other might be occupied and used by them for ten years, and no longer, du ring which all the remaining provisions of the existing conven tion should remain in force." Tbe British Government re fused to occede to this or any other proposition which should deprive them of the northern bank of the Columbia, and the right of navigating that river to and from the Ma, though they expressed their readiness "to relinquish to the United States, in addition to what they first offered, a detat-Jied terri tory, extending on the Pacific and the strait of Fuca from Butfinch's harbor to Hood's canal, and to stipulate that no works should at any time be erected at the mouth or on the banks of the Columbia, calculated to impede the free naviga tion of that river by either party." This negotiation resulted, it is known, in the renewal for ten years of the convention for joint occupancy. It was to this last negotiation Sir Robert Peel referred in the recent debate in the House of Commons, when he corrected Lord John Ruaxell in his account of the negotiation in 1826. "The noble lord," says Sir Robert Peel, "appears to think that the last proposition was a line drawn from that point where the 49th parallel of north latitude intersect* the Rocky Mountains, to a branch of the river Columbia called the north McGillivray ; that the line was continued down that river to the point where it joined the Columbia, and was then con tinued to the point where that river falls into the aea. But the last proposition made by Mr. Canning was that an addi tional territory should be ceded to the United States called del Fuego, which you will see on the map near Vancouver's island, and that a certain peninsula, containing a considerable tract of land to the north of the Columbia, s'.iould also be ced ed to the United States." We ham seen no allusion to this passage of Sir Rol*rt Peel's speech in any of the comments of the American journals. It may hare been the foundation, in part, of the inference that the only point now in controversy is, whether the line of 49 should be continued through Van couver's island to the Pacific, or that the line should pass round the south end of that island. A lair construction of this pas sage does not appear to warrant the conclusion, taken in con nexion with the uniform tenor of all previous diplomatic com munications, that the British Government is now disponed to jrield the entire navigation of and sovereignty over the Colum bia to the United States. If it admits of this construction, the next question is, will he British Government adhere to her oSers made in 1826 > There is no public faith involved on either side, for the par-' ies could not agree on a boundary. But if the British Gov srnment will consent to a boundary which carries the line if partition throughout from the Rocky Mountains, leaving that Government in possession of the whale of Vancouver's island by canying the line round it about one degree, with a itipulation for the common right of navigating the Columbia, it would form one of the happiest arrangements that could be made. It would be no greater concession than we offered in 1826, and it would be consonant to that spirit of reciprocity by which they allowed us the joint use of St. Johns in the late settlement of the northeastern boundary. It is barely possible, but assuredly improbable, in the face of their uniform decla rations, that the subjects of the British Government, who have formod settlements on the north shores of the Pacific as high as 49, and whose only outlet for the outward and inward com merce in which they are engaged is the Columbia river, would be abandoned by the authority who impliedly, at least, pro mised them protection. It is well known with what tenacity that Government holds to the principle of protection to its sub jects in their remotest settlements. The British Government may give adequate compensation to the Hudson Bay Company for breaking up their great depot for the fur trade, Vancouver, and their other establishments on the waters of the Columbia, and being satisfied with the outlet to the Pacific afforded by Fraser's river higher up, about the 49th degree north, and which, like the Columbia, is navigable for vessels drawing twelve feet water. We have said that there never existed a national boundary dispute in which the claims were so equally balanced as to present a fair issue for arbitration. Our treaty claims are cer tainly either feeble or conflicting. It is irrational to set up a right under the Louisiana treaty, with its loose geography and ill-defyird boundaries. It is no less contradictory to claim un der the Spanish title in 1819 and the treaty of Ghent in 1814. If we were entitled to Astoria, as a restored post, in virtue of the discovery of Gray and the settlement by Astor, we could not rightfally take from Spain in 1819 that of which we had dispossessed her in 1792, when we claim to have discov ered the Columbia, and demanded the restitution of Astoria from England in 1814.* ft is Impossible, with any show of justice, to set up Itoth titles. If we claim by right of discov ery and occupation, it throws overboard our treaty-right under the Spanish cession. If we claim all the benefits of this ces sion, we did Spain a national wrong in violently dispossessing her of part of her territory in 1792, confirmed by treaty in 1914. But if we do not set up a sovereign right over any portion of the territory which we did not discover and settle, but merely the right of joint occupancy, then we took from Spain what she hsd to give, and no more?to wit, her right, in common with Great Britain, under the Nootka Conven - tion, to occupy any part of the coast or territory not previously settled, from the Pacific to the mountains, between the latitude of forty-two and where the Russian line commences. This is the distinction between the right of exclusive occupancy and that of exclusive sovereignty, a distinction which we have not olieerved in our diplomacy and which the British Govern ment has. If the argument urged by us in negotiation is good, that the war between Spain and Great Britain in 1796 abrogated the Nootka Convention, still this does not impair the principle that we took from 8pain only what ?he had to give, the right of occupation, having lost from non user the right of sovereignty fiom prior discovery. But the argument that the Nootka Convention has lieen abrogated by war, and was not renewed by the treaty of Madrid between England and Spain in 1814^ appears to us to be defective. All treaties of commerce which had expired are declared to tie renewed by that treaty. It is denied that the Nootka Convention if (not a commercial treaty. It is not czelutircly so; but it is one of mixed character, in which commercial objects are blended with territorial privileges. It is very much a mattei of doubt whether, if it does not litemily fall within the cate gory of commercial compacts, it is not embraced tubttanliaUy in the definition of such a treaty. ?It it said thst Gray was uncommissioned by the Govern ment of the United States, his discovery being the result of a private adventure, and that John Jacob Astor"s settlement _had not its previous sanction; it may also be affirmed that I*wis It Clarke s expedition wss undertaken by pnblle authority. It follows, therefore, if Spain possessed full property in and ab solute sovereignty over Oregon in 1*19, when she ceded that territory to the United States, we invaded her territorial rights in 1104-'5, the period of Lewi* k Clarke's exploration. While Ml the subject of our treaty clad ma, it would t? well to advert toeur convention with Kuwtia in relation to our Iquu dary in the North Pacific. Our Government had a contro versy with Russia of the aame character aa that with Grt*l Britain. It was a dispute aa to territorial liiuita, in which our (iovernuieDt claimed, under the cession from Sjwin, to the 60th degree of north latitude. It resulted in the adoption of 64 40 m Ae boundary, with the common right of navigating the Pacific and trading with the natives of any places on the coast uot already occupied. Neither claimed the right^of sovereignty over any part of the American coasts not occu pied by its cititeus or subjects, or acknowledged the right of the other to the possession of any spot not so occupied. But in 1825 a treaty was concluded between Russia and Great Britain, by which Russia took the absolute sovereignty of all the west coasts of America north of parallel 64 40, while the treaty admitted the proprietaiy and sovereign right of Great Britain to all the coast south of that parattal. What excites astonishment, considering the pertinacity with which we had previously pressed our claims in the North Pacific, no remonstrance or protest was made by the American Govern ment to thia diplomatic arrangement. This waa certainly a tacit surrender at least of our claim to exclusive sovereignty. It would appear, therefore, that our treaty righta aie not the strongest grounds of our territorial claims to Oregon. If theae rights are open to just denial, it narrows the controversy to the limits within which it is reduced by discovery, exploratior, *nd occupancy. Here the claims are so balanced that it would, in the abwnce of well-defined rules of international law on the subject, perplex the most acute mind to determine on which ^xt> preponderates. While the pretension set up by the British Government is most untenable that Meares waa the first discoverer of the mouth of the Columbia, to the pre judice of the claim which confers the distinction on Gray, it would be no less unjust to deny to Vancouver the honor of minute and accurate exploration of the coaat from the Colum bia to the northern termination of Fuca Straits, and to his Lieutenant Bipughtol the survey of the Columbia one hun dred miles from its mouth ; while it would be equally wrong to determine Ulat Lewis 4 Clarke should not have the glory and their country the advantage of an examination and ex ploration of uneral of the tributariea of the Columbia, with the country thy watered, an enterprise attended with large personal risk aid considerable public expense. When we come to discusi'the question again of permanent settlement or occu|>ation it is impossible to adjust the claims of the parties according to any standard of exact justice. Settlements on both sides were so migratory and uncertain in their date as to give no ground of priority or claim from permanency. Under such circumstances this national dispute presents a fair ground for compromise, in which each party may relinquish a part of its extreme claim, with no loas of honor, no surrender of dig nity, or sacrifice of material interests. FROM THK RICHMOND TIMES A*? COMPILER. HONOR AND PEACE. We have been reminded by the Fredericksburg Recorder that we ought to regard the honor of our country as much as its peact. We freely admit it But qre happen to be of that number who think the honor of the United States is to be pre served not by bullying England and daring her to meet us on the field of battle, as the United States Journal and other de mocratic papers have been doing, nor yet by seeking needless and imaginary causes of offence which may be honorably ad justed without an appeal to arms; but by sedulously avoiding a course which may lead us into difficulties with other nations, and, if our rights are infringed, by giving the offending nation a fair opportunity of peaceably redressing the injury. At the same time, we should be the last to submit to any violation of our righta which should not be amply atoned for. Our great national policy has been proclaimed, ever since the establiah tnent of our independence. That policy is peace. Weighty reasons induced our forefathers to declare it aa the necessary policy of republics. Experience has fully attested the wisdom of their declaration. If a man, urged by a principle of obedience to the com mandments of the Christian Scriptures, declares that he will not consent to set them at naught, by engaging in personal combat with another, he, of course, has the right, and is obliged, in conscience, to take that position ; but that man ia guilty of dishonor if he wantonly insult other men, and com mits a sin greater in magnitude than that of the insulted party who promptly avenge* the insult. The same principle may be justly applied to national conduct. Urged by the highest con sideration* of humanity, as well as by a view to the perma nence of our institut ons, the wisest of our statesmen, in their management of the Government, have proclaimed that the United States desire peace with all nations ; that they will re main neutral during the contests of other nations, and, if war be forced upon them, will aeek to make it defenaive rather than offensive. Standing on this ground, it is our duty, as a peo ple, to speak guardedly and temperately. When our sup posed rights come in conflict with the claims of other Powers, it becomes us to negotiate faiily and firmly, and not to embarrass the subject with blustering declarations. If, in the end, oar undeniable rights be disputed, and no just settlement can be made, then the case will arise where our general policy of peace must yield to the absolute n?Kc?;'r tk.n not yieM ? met! of ou. i?rritory to an unjust and iniquitous demand. War, with all its horrors, is preferable to national disgrace. But we are disposed to believe that such a contingency can never properly arise in the present age of the world. The very length of the present unexampled state of general peace has made its continuance only the more necessary. That saga cious monarch, Louis Philippe, who came to the throne of France after that unhappy country had been drenched with the blood of its people in the wars of the Revolution, the Consu late, and the Empire, has, with true wisdom, maintained the peace of his kingdom, and tliereby immensely aggrandized the prosperity of France. England has not failed to perceive that her policy is the same. Although superior to all other nations in the power and magnificence of her navy, it is chiefly her commerce which constitutes hex pre-eminence. Peace is e* sentiai to the prosperity of mat commerce. A war with the most insignificant Power would be a serious obstruction to its prosecution. We therefore believe that none of the nations of the globe will go to war inconsiderately, and England least of all. To what conclusion are we brought by this belief? Is it that we may safely boast of our extraordinary prowess, and, in our conceited disdain, dare the British Lion to a contest with the American Eagle ) Far otherwise. We should be convinced that England, in her negotiations with us, wishes to terminate them amicably, rather than with an open breach of our friend ly relations. We should regard her as equally sincere with us in setting up her claims. In this question of the Oregon territory, especially, the actual right to the country is involved in great obscurity. Both parties claim by discoveries made by navigators, who, it is confessed, did regard themselves as ac quiring the title by discovery. Both nations claim by occu pancy, and it is well known that both have actually occupied the territory. A treaty is now in force, actually providing for the joint occupation. This treaty alone is an acknowledg ment from us that the English have some right 8och being the facts, ws cannot imagine a case where conflicting claims could be more properly compromised by negotiation. The English have already offered, as a compromise, the 49th de gree of latitude until it meets a branch of the Columbia, and thence down to the mouth of that river. We are not prepared to say that our Government were wrong in rejecting this pro position i but the offer itself shows that the British Govern ment do not insist upon their claim to the whole territory, and that they are really disposed to adopt some compromise. We sincerely trust that the administration, in the conduct of this negotiation, which has been made, by extrinsic causes, to become more delicate and difficult than was at all necessary, will have a proper regard to the interests of the people, and will earnestly endeavor to avoid that highest crime of which a Government can be guilty?that of involving a nation in an unnecessary war. BRITISH WE8T INDIES. The last West India mail brought (says a London paper) highly satisfactory accounts in relation to the crops. The in telligence from the different colonies is thus summed up by the Time*. " From the very favorable season, as well as from the im proving cultivation, a larger crop of sugar will be produced in the West Indiea than has been obtained for many years. Ja maica, it is said, will make 50,000 hogsheads, Demerara 46,000, and the other islands one-third to a half more than usual. Agricultural improvements are paid considerable attention to, and the plough and other implement* of husbandry are fast coming into use, beneficially replacing manual labor." From Jamaica we team that there is by no means an un mixed feeling of congratulation, even among the planters themselves, in the prospect of Coolie immigration. 'The Fal mouth Pont thus expresses itself: " Hill-Cootie immigration, it is said, will tend to restore us to our former prosperity ? We doubt this much ; for, unless we can get laborers who will rrmain with us, and who will adopt our customs, manners, and religion, the coat of their introduction, end a provision for sending them back to their native clime, will exceed any temporary advantage that may be derived " Taouetss m Iowa.?The MUwattkie Sentinel aays there is trouUe brewing on the half-breed lands in Iowa. A great excitement prevails among the settlers. They have repeatedly met under arms to prevent the sale of the lands by the sheriff under a decree in favor of the New York company. More than six hundred had taken up arms at the last accounts. Those lands are in the southeastern part of Iowa, very valua ble, and include Keokuck, a place probably destined to be larger than any other *n the Mississippi north sf St. Louis. The Vicksburg Seninel states that Judge Coalter has sen tenced Hornet Paqnui, convicted of forging Treasury war rants of the State of Viwiasippi, to thirty years confinement in the penitentiary. This ia the lowest term the law wcdfcl allow?found guilty, as he wa% under three indictments (k forgery.