Newspaper Page Text
SPEECH OF Mb. WEBSTER.
[COSCLUDKU rnoM 0l'? FAPkB ?r BATUBDaT I.A.T.] I will now leave *11 topics connocted with the foreign rela tion* of the country, and paaa to a consideration of tome of tins subjects connected with measurea bearing or intending to bear upon the internal and domestic intereata. Of these there | is one of just importance, and connected with which hundred* and thousands of individual* have been made?shall Imiy it ' the victims of the exerciae of the veto power. I speak of the harbor bill and of the bill making indemnity for French de predations on our commerce before 1800. There is, gentle men, a clear veto power in the Constitution of the I nited States. There is an express provision that the President of^ the United Statea may withhold his approbation, it he see fit, j from a law of Congress ; and unless, after reasons slated by him for withholding his approbation, it shall be passed by two thirds of both Houses, it fails of legal validity, and becomes a dead letter. This, in common discourse, we call the veto power: some thing like it existed in ancient Rome ; but the framers of our constitution borrowed it from England and then qualified it. By the Constitution of England, it theoretically exists abso lutely in the monarch without qualification. The framers of our constitution, in placing it in the hands of the President, qualified it so that if, upon reconsideration of the same mea sure two-thirds of both Houses concurred in it, the bill should become a law, the Preaident's negative notwith standing. _ . n In England the power of the Crown to negative acts of Par liament has not been exercised since the reign of William III, nearly two hundred years ago; and it has been generally said that the reason is, that aince that period such has been the course of the Britiah Government in its administration, that the influence of the Crown, in one or both Houses of Parlia ment, connected with the power which the Crown possesses of dissolving Parliament, has be?n sufficient to prevent the passage of bills with which the Crown waa not satisfied, with out recourse to the exercise of the obnoxious veto power. Modern commentators say that influence, in this respect, has taken the place of prerogative. The King uses his influence, but never actually negatives bills presented to him. As I have said, out constitution places the power in the hands of the Executive in a qualified manner. It is good unless two thirds of the Houses concur in the measure. Well, rather a singular result has happened. I will not impute to Congress at any time, or to members of any Administration, any liability to improper influence ; certainly not. But I suppose all will admit that frequently, and especially in party times, party connexions, perhaps some little hope of office, some desire to benefit friends out of Con gress, may soften opposition to particular measures in parti cular men's minds, and may produce something which, it we would talk straight out, we might call " undue influence. [Laughter.] It has happened, and, if we are curious in such researches fo fix the chronology ol occurrences, we ought find instances not very remote in which persons, still members of Congress, but who had failed in their re-election, or were pretty sure of failing, have concurred in certain measures ; and then, not being longer called on to serve their country in the halls of Congress, and particularly unwilling that the country should lose their whole services, have condescended to take office. [Roars of laughter and cheers ] Therefore the result in the practical ?lil ministration of our Government seems to be this : some degree ol influence is extended sufficient to induce one-third to concur with the sentiments of the Administration, and then the President, by his veto, overwhelms the other two-thirds; so that, if the purpose be to defeat a measure passed by majorities ot both Houses of Congress, if influence will come in and do one-third of the work, th? veto is ready *to do the rest. [Laughter and cheers. ] The first object of the Presidential acts last session was con nected with what is called internal improvements, though not very strictly so called?the harbor bill. I confess a feeling of great interest in that bill. Seeing nothing in it, as I thought, but such things as Gen. Jackson's administration had approv ed, and Mr Van Buren's administration had approved over and over again, I had no more apprehension that the Presi dent of the United Siates would veto that bill than that he would veto an ordinary bill for the support of the army and navy. I was as much surprised when it was announced that probably he would veto that bill as if it had been stated to me that he would veto a bill necessary to carry on the Govern ment. But the veto did come. Now, gentlemen, that bill made an appropriation of one million three hundred thousand dollars for certain harbor improvements on the ocean, gulf, lakes, and great and important navigable rivers of the coun try?a work of peace, of improvement, of national progreas? something to carry us forward, in convenience and prosperity, in the acquisition of wealth ; something to make permanent fixturea in the land, that should do us good and all our pos terity torever. That was its objcct. The appropriation was small. The particular objects were somewhat numerous. The amount was no burden at all upon the treasury?in connexion with iu objects, not worth considering. And yet here comes the veto ! Well, now, what is to be done ' We cannot shut our eyes to what ia around us. Here we are. I his vast cauntry?with the ocean on the east and the gulf on the south, and the great lak^a on the north and the west, and these great rivera penetrating us on the west. Well, what are we to do ' Is it not, of all countries in the world, that for which Nature has done mighty things, and yet calla most loudly for man to do more ' [I<oud cheeis.] Providence has given us a country capable of improvement. It is not perfected ; we are called to do something for our mlves?to wake up in this day of peace and to do the deeds that belong to peace?to facilitate internal intercourse?to fur nish harbors for the protection of life and property?to clear up the rivers?to do every thing, all and singular, which a large and liberal policy will stimulate an intelligent people wilh abundance of means to do for the general advancement of the national prosperity. [Great applause.] We live man age, gentlemen, when we are not to shut our eyea to the great examplea set us all over the Eastern continent. I meau the European continent. 1 do not speak of England, where pri vate enterprise and wealth have gone ao lar ahead. But look to Russia?11 Prussia?to Saxony?to Sardinia ; every where we see a spirit of improvement: we behold mountama pene tra'*l by railroads?sate harbors constructed?every thing done by Government for the people, which in the nature of the caae the people cannot do for themselves. [Loud cheers.] Thia noble and extraordinary stream, with seven or eight millions people on iu banks, absolutely calls for harbors?for clearing out?for the removal of snags and other obstacle* to safe navigation. Who i* to do it ' V\ ill any one of the Statea do it ? Can all of the Slates do it > Is it the appro priate duty of any State or any number of Statea ' No?no j we know it is not. We know that unleaa thia Government lie placed in the handa of men who feel that it is their consti tutional authority and duty to make these improvements, they never will be made, and the waters of the Mississippi will roll over snsgs, and snsgs, and snags for a century to come. [Great cheering. ] Theae improvementa must come from the Government of the United Statea, or, in the nature of things, they rannot come at all; and I say that every steamboat that ia lost by one of these snags, every life that ia sacrificed, goes to make up a great account against this Government. [Applause ] Why, wbata world ia there ! What great cities on ita banks? Cincinnati, New Orleans, St. Louia, Louisville, Natchez, and others that apring ap while we are Ulking of them, or, indeed, before we begin to speak of them?commercial mart#? great places for the eichange of commodities?along these r ivers, which are ao many inland aeas as it were ! And what! the General Government no authority over them ! no power of improvement! Why, that would be thought the moat in credible thing hereafter. It would not be believed that it ever had entered into the head of any Administration that these were not object* deserv ing the rare and attention of the Government. I think, there fore, that the harbor bill negatived by the President raises a vital question. It waa put in Congresa?it has been put aince?it was put at the poll*?I put it now to be the ques tion, whether these internal improvementa of the wafers of the laksi <>r river* shall be made or shall not be made ' And those who mj they shall not be made are right to adhere to Mr. Polk ; and those who say they shall be made, and must lie made, and they will have them made, why, then they have the work in their own hands, applause,] and will do it. [Re newed applause ] I do not know that they of the East and North have any special interest in this; but I tell you what we of the East think that we have an espe^al interest in it. I havo thought ao, at least, ever since I havs been in Congresa ; and I believe alt my associates from Massachusetts have also thought ao. We think we have an inter**, and an especial interest, in manifcating a apirit of liberality and regard for all improve menta of thoae part* of the country watered by the Missis sippi. [Applauae. ] Now, gentlemen, what was the harbor lull of the last sea sion what was that bill which both Houses paused and the President vetoed ' Here it i*. And, although this hil had three readings in Congreaa, and one more when it came bark vetoed, I would aak for it a fifth reading now. [Laugh ter } H.ime of the items of the bill were here-read, as follow*: Hr it enacted by the Senate and Ifoute of Ktpruentativet oj tk* United Stritet of America in Cone^reu anemblcd, That h sum of money he, and the saw is hereby appropriated, to b: paid out of any unappropriated money in the Treasury, ml ficieut for the following purposes, viz : J*.?For ihe continuation of the Breakwater structure at Hurliiigton, on l.ake Chaniplain, $15,000. ISifi. .1. Foi' the eoi'tiiiM'.lion of the Mn nkwater structure at IMattsbiirg, on l?ke ('humplain. $1S,OiiO. * J. stand* for Jackson. 1836. J.?For the repair* and working oTthe iteiurn dredge on Lake Chaiuplain, $J,000. For the improvement of the harbor at Port Onta rio, on Lake Ontario, $10,000. 1831. J.?For the improvement of the harbor at O.weiro on l^ake Ontario, $30,000. 183(1, J.?For the improvement of Biir Sodui Bav, on Lake Oblario, $5,000* For the improvement of Little Sodui Bay, on Lake Ontario, $5,000. } 1830. J lor the improvement of the harbor at the mouth of Geneaee river, or. Ijike Ontario, $20,000. 1836. J.?tor the improvement of the Oak Oretiard harbor Stale ot New York, $7,000. ' For the construction of a dredge-boat lor Lake On tario and river St. Lawrenee, $2u,000. 1831. J.?For repairing and improving the harbor at Buffalo, on Luke- Krie, and ihe continuation of the ?ea .. W*11 ,0rthe Protec?'?>" of the tame, $50,000. 18-0. J.?For improving the harbor at Dunkirk, on lake trie, $15,000. For improving the harbor at Erie, on Lake Krie $40,000. ' 1830. J.?For improving Grand River Harbor, ou Lake Erie. $10,000. lie, 183-2. J.?FoMmproving Ashtabula harbor, on Lake Erie, 1830. J.?For improving the harbor at Cleveland, on Lake Erie, $.'0,OOO. 1830. J. For improving the harbor at Huron, on Lake Erie, For improving the harbor at Sandusky city, on Lake Erie, $11,000. 1836. J.?For improving the River Raisin harbor, on lake Erie, $13,000. 183C. J.?For constructing a dredge-boat, to be used on Lake Erie, $?0,000. For the improvement ot the St. Clair Flats, so called, so as to prevent their obstructing the pas sage of vessels Irom Buffalo to the ports on Lake Michigan, $40,000. 1830. J.?For improving the Grand River harbor, on Lake Michigan, so as to give protection to vessels sail ing on said lake, $10,000. For improving the harbor at the mouth of Kalama zoo river, on lake .Michigan, so as to give pro T, tection to vessels sailing on said lake, $10,000. 1830. .1. ror improving the harbor at St. Joseph, on Lake Michigan, $10,000. 1831. J.?For improving the harborat Michigan aity, on Lake Michigan, $40,000, For tli?i improvement of Little Fort Harbor, on Lake Michigan, $12,000. For improving the harbor at Racine, on Lake Michigan, $15,000. For improving the harbor at Southport, on Lake Michigan, $10,000. 1836. J. For improving the harbor at Milwiiokie, on Lake Michigan, $20,000. 1836. J- Fob improving the harbor at Chicago, on Lake Michigan, $12,000. For constructing a dredge-boat to be used on Lake Michigan, $15,000. !ofr" ?0r ""P1"0*'"!? the harborat St. Louis, $75,000. 1836. J. For constructing a breakwater structure at Stain ford Ledge, Maine, $20,000. J !'?f' '! .^?r imProvf?S the luirbor at Boston, $40,000. 18.16. J.?for continuing the works at Bridgeport, Connecti cut, $15,000. For removing the obstruction at the crook in the harbor of Providence, Rhode Island, $5,000. ror improving the harborat Newcastle, Delaware $15,000. 1830. J.?For improving the harbor at Fort Penn, Delaware. $5,000. ' 1S.U). J, For completing the Delaware Breakwater, $75,000. Lor removing obstructions in Newark Bay, New Jersey, $15,000. 1836. J.?For improving the harbor at Baltimore, $20,000. For the improvement of the harbor at Havre de tii-ace, Maryland, $20,000. 1832. J.?For the improvement of Savannah harbor and the naval anchoruge near Fort Pulaski, $50,000. tor the improvement of the Great Wood Hole harbor, Massachusetts, $1,450. 1836. J.?For the continuing the improvements of the navi gation ot the Hudson river above and below Al iuit i .. ""ny, in the State of New York, $75,000. I8J7. J.?f-or the improvement of the Ohio River above the rails at Louisville, $80,000. 1830. J.?For the improvement of the Ohio river, below the Falls at Louisville, and of the Mississippi, Mis *ouri, and Arkansas rivers, $240,000. 1831. J.?For_ removing the rait of Red River, and for the improvement of said river, $80,000 For repair and preservation of harbor works here tofore constructed on the Atlantic coast, $20,000. Such, gentlemen, (continued Mr. Wehstkr,) i* an enume ration of (he appropriations of this bill, running along the shores of the sea and the lakes ; running down the Gulf and the riv ers?forty-nine objects in all. I notice but one important omis sion. 1 think there ought to have been a very liberal appro priation for the better navigation of Salt river. [Boars of laughter, in which the ladies in the gallery heartily joined.] INow there is the bill that the President negatived ; and I will shortly state to you the reasons, as I collect them from his messages, and make such remarks on these reasons as I may whilst 7 go along. The President assumes that these harbors are internal improvements, and l>ecause there is no power vest ed in Congress by the constitution under tha( specific head he denies the existence of such a power. ( The course of the Government has been just the other way. j The people not only acquiesced in these improvements, but clamored for them ; ind they are now very likely to clamor again. He continues. [Mr. W. here read that portion of the veto message in which the President assigns as a reason for tho veto, that several of hi. predecewor. had denied the con stitutionality of Congress to make such appropriations. 1 I know not where, said Mr. Wibstkh. Ifyou say thataome ol his predecessors denied the general power of making inter nal improvemenu-if that be what he means, why nobody contends that such a power as that is in the conatitution. But then (he question is, does this belong to any such power > . works are not internal improvements ; they are harbor improvement., connected with commerce ; and the question is 'to they are not provided for in the constitution > ., V*? f re?d?nt says that some of the objects provided for by VJf ;,lll"e local. lie within the limits of a single Stale. W ell, 1 dare say they do. It would be somewhat remarkable lying in two or three States. [Laughter.] It would be rather a Urge harbor that would embrace even Connecticut and Rhode I'land, two of the smallest of the States. The question is not whether the site be local, or whether the expenditure be local, [^ppTamLT r'UrpOI,e h? ?ener?'?? national purpose. As well might it be said that expenditure upon the Capitol was local and not provided for, as toaay that expenditure upon a harbor or breakwater, which is necessary for the general pur pose. of the commerce of the country, is a local expenditure mmde within two States, and therefore not by all. The Pre 81 P?*eedM to ?y that the power exercised by Congress was novel. ? [Here several sentences were lost in consequence of inter ruption by individuals in the vicinity of the Reporters.] r?, ,? fre*'den'^rcw a distinction between the improvements or the benefit of fore.gn commerce and those for the benefit of fin/".! .7 wonder Cwi'l Mr. Wkbstkr) where he find, that distinction. Mr. Polk states that many of these ,p propnations were made for the finrt time. Well, if the appro priation* bad been made, and they were adequate, there would i?e no occasion for making new ones. [Much laughter.] ( W,, , U" nrtu ICarn,itJ away hy s v"*ue not'on thai the nan? . ^ ha* no P?w, r 10 make inter . I improvement.. We are speaking of things not by any general name?not by clarification or clawes , we are speak ing of thing-. by phraaes descriptive of the thing, themselves. VVe call a harbor a harbor. If the President of the United state* say. that i. a matter of internal improvement, why, hen, I say that the name cannot alter the fact; the thing is a T"not every onc of,hne harbon ??uch *a le water* L, not every one o( them on a ?hore of the w.t?? of IK0' nttV'?,bl01 nw" ' "nd arc not lhc navigable waters of the ocean, and gulf, and bays and rivers?are they not all, for commercial pur|K*ea, out of the jurisdiction of the .States, and in the jurisdiction of the United State. > How can it be said that (hc?e are within the particular ju riadiction of the States > Wheiever the money is .0 extend ed, it u expended within the jurisdiction of the United States, and for purposes concede,! to it by the constitution. But let u. now go to the origin of thi. p >wer. Let u. a? !olLTrrf lhP of the United Sta? to the written text of the const,tution, and let us see what he did. Hie power of the l.nited State, in this rcpeet, is ex pressed in tha constitution in a very few word*. It says that Ihe X7" Ar P?Wer 10 commerce lK-twern The whole force is concentrated in that word "regulate." I rli . /' r himself admit, that the word regulate, as ap plied to facilitie. for foreign trade, does eitend to the making of harl?or., beacons, piers, and light-bouses ? but hie whole message attempts to run a distinction between foreign trade and trode between the State.. Well, the |>ower over both is given in the same clauhe of the con.titution?in the very mirne word., and i. exactly of equul length and breadth with (he other. If one i. deni.d both are denied ; if one is conceded both are concede,!. It i. impooeihle to eepa ate them by any argument or logical process worthy of a statesman's mind. VI holly arbitrary I .ay, without the leort foundation, to say that Longreaa may make provi.jon ft>r a harbor accommoda tion for foreign commerce, and not for domestic trade. Is the latter not a. important as the former > I. not (he breakwater at the mouth of the Delaware bay a. important for the trade of I Philadelphia with New Orleans a. with Liverpool, an.l so Tr!7 KW f Ig nnt ?,,r C0?",ir?R of tho largest with dTa" ? ?Uf m*r"'mC r?n we do nrHhing d^inrilon i"!,!ny,Tn co,lM the idea that such a I of (?<,ni,rPHs "r ' hav" ?"'fore me a long list of act* ; to show that the P i ?f lmP,1r,nnc. ?" ' think, lending ac^cewli TiiT " ,ni"Ukp" f'f provisions J h "JiT ?f ,h? W'- " ? ''si ' Jackson's time in Mr'^'.^n ,n,Ad."^u,', ,im'. if> General \ objects, and some ?f tbem'f "T " W' for rx,c"y ?rnilar I H""" not another more convincing statement to make to you, and which clone* the consideration of this part of the auhject. [Ma. Waa.xa* presented the list referred to; which, in print, exhibit* nearly a column of items of appropriation made dur ing the Administration* ofc Geu. Jackson and Mr. Vah Bu ms, which are of the same nature, and many for the same object*, as those vetoed by Mr. Polk. ] Now, I have placed before you the bill, (continued Mr. W.) the Harbor Bill, as it passed both Houses last session. Some of its enactments were read by my friend near me, Mr. Hone 5 and now let me add, that I have caused the assets of ex penditure and appropriation in this bill to be carefully examined, and former legislation in regard to these several objects to be investigated, and now I state to you the result. Here are forty-nine distinct objects of appropriation in this bilf of last session, and I say to you that, out of the list of forty-nine, thirty-three of them are the identical objects for which appro priations were rnade under the authority of (ieneral Jackson in his time. [Cheers.] Well, then, there remains sixteen, and I say to you that, upon careful examination, it will ai> pear that these sixteen objects that have grown up since the time of General Jackson, and which Congress thought pro per to provide for in this bill, are every one harbors connected with the internal trade of the couutry, and therefore strictly within Mr. Polk's rule. [Cheers.] Gentlemen, I leave this question. In the free discussions that have taken place on it, in and out of Congress, the argu ment is exhausted. Phe question is, whether we are con vinced, and whether wo are to stand up to our convictions. The question is, whether this great West, so important a part of the country, bearing its share of all the common burdens, is to be struck out of all participation in the benefits which are showered upon other portions of the Union > [Cheers.] I think not. It is put already. I expect to hear an answer to it from the North, the Northwest, and the South. But, then, I do not rely upon Conventions at Memphis or St. Louis?I do not rely on resolutions ; but its constitutionality or unconstitutionality. I rely on the disposition of the people to understand what their constitutional rights are, and then to take care that their constitutional rights shall be guarantied. Gentlemen, before I leave, this part of the subject, I must say a word upon an impoitant report made to the Senate at the last session, by a committee to whom the resolutions pass ed by the Memphis Convention were referred. A distinguish ed Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) made an elaborate report. So far as he admits any thing done by Con gress to have been rightfully done, and admits any degree of authority in Congress to do what has not yet been done, I concur with him. The rest I reject; for I do not think the distinctions taken by that eminent man are at all sound. I re gret that it is my misfortune lo differ from him. The report proposes, I may state in brief, that where a river divides two States, or only two States arc concerned, these two Stales must make the necessary improvements. I do hot agree with that; I do not suppose that it is any matter of conse quence whether the necessary improvements are connected with two States, or four, or only one. It is not a question of location?it is a question of public importance, hook, for instance, at that portion of the North river which runs between two shores, both of which belong lo New \ ork. I here, I suppose, the power of Congress over Governor Marcy's overslaugh farm, as it is called, is as per fect as it is to make a similar improvement further down where the river divides the States of New York and Nog, Jersey. This is a distinction without a difference. Well, having thus alluded in the mo?t respectful manner to the report of the committee of the Senate, and not having time to discuss its propositions at any considerable length, I will now, by way of conclusion, give to you my opinion on all this question of making harbors. In my opinion Congress has the power to make harbors on the rivers and on the lakes to the full extent to which it has ever proposed to exercise such power. That whether these proposed harbors be judged useful for foreign commerce, or only for commeice among the States themselves, the principal is the same, and the constitutional power given in tho same clause and the same words. That Congress has power to clear out obstructions from all rivers suited to the purposes of commerce, foreign or domes tic, and to improve their navigation and utility by appropria tions from the Treasury of the United State*. That whether a river divide two States or more than two, or run through two States, or more than two, or is wholly confined to one State, is immaterial, provided its importance to coiamerce, foreign or domestic, be admitted. For example, the North river is a navigable tide-water river' for many miles, while running entirely within the territory of the State of New York. Yet I suppose the removing of ob structions in this part of the river is as fully within the power of Congress as the removing of obstructions in other parts of the river wheie it divides New York from New Jersey. I think it wholly immaterial whether a proposed improve ment in a liver for commercial purposes be above or below an actually existing port of entry. If, instead of clearing out the rocks, and in that manner im proving the channel of a river, it is found better to /nake a canal around fall* which are in it, I have no doubt whatever of the power of Congress to construct such a canal. I think, for instance, that Congress has the power ,t<?purchase the Louisville canal around the falls of the Ohitf; and that it ought to exercise that power now, if the work can be pur chased for a reasonable price j and that the canal should then lie free to all who ha?e occasion to use it, reserving such tolls only as should be sufficient to keep the works in repair. It seems to me that these propositions all flow from the na ture of our Government and its equal power over trade with foreign nations and among the States, and from the fact re sulting from these powers, that the commerce of the United States is a unit. I have no conception of any *uch thing, as aeems to be thought possible by the report of the committee of the Senate, as an external commerce existing between two States, carried on by laws and regalations of their own, whether such laws and regulations were adopted with or without the consent of Congress. I do not understand how there can be a Pennsylvania ves sel, built, manned, and equipped under Pennsylvania laws, trading as such Pennsylvania vessel with New Yoik or Alary land, or having any rights or privileges not conferred by acts of Congress, and consequently that the idea is unfounded which supposes that when only two States are interested in the navigation of a river, oriUwateis touch the shores of only two Stales, the improvement of such river is excluded from the power of Congress, and must be left to the care of the two State* themselves, under ari agreement, which they may enter into, with the consent of Congress, for that purpose. In my opinion tho provision of the constitution which for bids a S'tate from entering into any alliance, compact, or agree ment with another State without consent of Congress, can draw after it no such conclusion as that, with the consent of Congress, two States ought to l>e bound to improve the na?i gation of a river which separates their territories ; and that, therefore, the power of Congress to maka such improvements is taken away. A river flowing between two States, and two States only, may be highly important to the commcrce of the whole I nion. It can hardly be necessary In discuss this point. It is sufficient to soy that the whole argument is founded on the notion that the constitution prohibits more than two States from entering into agreements, even with the consent of Congress. 1 his is manifestly untenable. The constitution extends as fully to agreements between three, foui, or five States as !>? tween two only ; and the consent of Congress makes an agreement between five as valid as between two. If, there fore, two States can improve rivers with the consent of Con gress, so can five or more j and, if it he a sufficient reason for denying the power of Congress to improve a river iri a parti cular case, that two States can themselves do it, having first obtained the assent of Congress, it is an equally valid reason in the ease when five or ten States are concerned. They too may do the same thing with the consent of Congress. The distinction, therefore, lietween what may be done by Congress where only two States are concerned with a river, and what may be done in cases where more than two are so connected, ?*tuely vanishes. I hold the whole doctrine of the report of the committee on this ,?oint to he unsound. I am also of opinion that there is no difference between the power to con struct a pier and the power to construct a harl?or. I think that a single pier, of itself, afford* a degree of shelter and pro tection from winds and was, that two parallel piers make a harbor t and that, if one pier may be rightfully constructed, it is no extravagant stretch of constitutions! power to construct | another. In fine, I am of opinion that Congress does con . strtutionally p<,*se.s the power of establishing light-house*, | buoys, J***?ns, piers, breakwaters, and harbors, on the ocean, , the gulf, the lakes, and the navigable river*; that it docacon I stitutionally possess the power of improving the great rivers of | the country, clearing out their channels by deepening them, orremovmg obstructions in order to render navigation npoi i.iem more safe for life and property ; and that, for the same reason, Congress may construct canal* around falls or rivers, in all necessary cases. , All this authority, in my opinion, flows from the power over tlTZT: !n"l*n ? , <lornc",ic' conf*rr-<l on Congress by I the constitution, and, if auxiliary considerations or corroliora j %*uTnt U they are found in two fact,, viz t | l*t. / hat improvements, such as have licen mentioned, who ; ther on the oce.n or the gulf, on the lakes or the river*, are i improvements which, from their nature, are such as no .ingle State nor an, number of State*, can m ke, or ought to be called on to make. All idea of States undertaking such im ! prove me nts i?, in rny opinion, preposterou*. A* all the ro venues derived from commerce accrue to the General Gov ernment, and none of it to the States, the charge of improving the means of commerce and commercial inter course, by such works as have been mentioned, properly devolves on the treasury of that Government, and on that troa sury alone. I had intend, d to diwtiss at length the President'* veto of the bill for indemnity to the sufferers under French spoliation* l>efore INOO. I must omit murh of what I had in tended lo say on that *?|,,ert. but 1 will slate the history of it in as few words as possible, that there may be no mistake | or misapprehension. On the breaking out of the French Revolution, French pri vateers, for whoae conduct the Government of France was re sponsible, made, and continued to moke, spoliation* on the commerce of the United States. The Government ot the United States remonstrated, and sent embassy after embassy to France. The French Government repeatedly promised in demnification. Now, the French Revolution broke out in '93, and from that year till lbOO a vast amount of Ameiican property was illegally seised by French cruisers, for which the j Government demanded indemnity. France repeatedly pro mised compliance with these demands ; but, by the treaty of 1800, France having asserted certain claims against the United .States growing out ol the treaty of alliance of '78, the American Government pressing their claims, the result was?without go- 1 ing into any unnecessary detail of the negotiation?an agree- i ment between the two Governments, that, if France would re- j linquiih all claim on her part to the fulfilment of the treaty of '78, the United States would relinquish all claims of our citi-1 zens on France for spoliations up to that time. That was the result of it. The wars continued. Other depredations were ; made ; and after the peace of Europe, and the restoration of the Bourbons, and, indeed, after the accession of the present King of France, in 1831, the United States, through the agen cy of Mr. Rives, in Paris, negotiated a treaty with France for the indemnity of claims of American citizens. Terms were general. They embraced all claims, and twenty-five millions of franca, or five millions of dollars, wete appropriated by the Government of France to pay these cla:ms, and a commission I was appointed by the Government of the United States, to whom was left the distribution of this fund. This out ut Washington. Persons brought in their claims. One mail said, "My ship was captured ; here are my pupers; my loss was #50,000." Very well: he was paid* But here comcs another, whose ship was capturcd in '99, and he says : " I have a good claim ; I had a ship properly documented, seized I by French cruisers, condemned, and confiscated. Here is the register and bill of lading?my damages are 50,000 dollars." But the commissioners say you are not to be admitted, l>e cause the Government of the United State", by the treaty of 1800, for a consideration useful to itself, assumed these claims. Well, then, these claims have gone to Congress for redress, , and Congress passed a bill for their indemnity. Mr. Polk ve toed the bill. Well, this is interference of the veto power with cases of private right. [Applause.] Here is no constitutional | question. Congress assumed the debt. What is Mr. Polk's answer ? I have said, and I repeat jt,, that the whole argument is trivial. It wants the dignity of tin argument. He says, for instance, "you have been long be fore Congress ; there is no more reason to pay you now than there was twenty yeurs ago." [Shouts of laughter.] In the first place, this ;s not true in fact; for twenty years it had not been decided that the claimants had no right to call further on France. But suppose it was so. Suppose that these claim ants, in pursuance of a first debt, had called upon Congress from year to year, and been put olfby one evasion or another, but had at last succeeded in convincing Congress that the debt ought to lie paid. Would that afford any reason to say that there was no mure reason to pay them now than twenty years ago ' I hasten to leave this, but will not without making one remark. There are opponents of the Administration who are actuated only by political dissatisfaction and political dielike ; I but I say that I know thai the feeling created against the Ex ecutive by the veto of this bill, which deprives so many poor persons, widows, and orphans of their last hope, has touched the hearts of hundreds and thousands with something much stronger than mere political dislike. [Tieniendous applau.se.] The next great subject is the Tariff, which I discussed at the time, and about which I have nothing new to say. My object is and has been, in every thing connected with the pro tective policy?the true policy of the United States?to see that the labor ol the country?the employment of the country?is properly provided for. I am looking not for a law such as pre serves the capitalists?they can take care of themselves?but I for a law that shall induce capitalists to employ their capital in such a manner as shall occupy and employ American labor. I go not for such laws as shall induce capitalists to withhold their capital from actual operation, giving employment to thou sands of hands. I look to capital, therefore, in no other view than as I wish it drawn out and used for the public good, mid the employment of the lalior of the country. Now on this! subject I shall hand to the gentlemen of the press a series of I resolutions passed in Massachusetts, which I have not time to read, but which entirely embody my views upon that subject : Hetolved, That the passage ol the taritr bill of 1846, adopt ing new and vicious principles in our revenue system, is a por tentous experiment, threatening disturbance and injury to the great interests of the country. ! Retutved, I hat trom the iirst establishment of the Federal i Government two principles have been embodied in our revenue laws ; the first, that, as far as practicable, all duties should be specific, as most simple in collection, and most secure against fraud ; the other, a discrimination in the rates of duty, with a view to foster anil protect the industry of the country, and to invite capital into the establishment ot .manufactures. These principles, directly recognised in the first act of Con gress, Jn 1. 89, more fully developed in 18 ti, anil in subsequent actsol legislation, were fully consummated in the act of 181 (2; an act which, moderating and reducing the protective duties of the act of 1832?an act receiving the sanction of nearly the entire Democracy of the country?was pr. juired with more labor and care, it is believed, than had been bestowed on any previous revenue law. Heaohxd, That under this system the whole country has prospered in a degree which has no parallel in the history of nations. Whilst the western wilderness has been giving place to cultivation and civilization, the older States have been trans planting and establishing the arts and manufactures of Europe, thus converting the whole country into a scene of active indus- i try, in which diversified labor, mutually exchanging its pro ducts on terms of equality, realizes a remuneration and reward wholly unknown in the overpeopled countries of the Old World. 1 Hetolved, That we deprecate the changes introduced by the tarill ol 1846 lor the following reasons : We deprecate the change from specific to ad valorem duties as affording increased facilities for fraud, as setting aside the light of all experience, and the opinions of all commercial men. We deprecate it as a revenue measure, inasmuch as it reduces the revenue upwards of five millions of dollars on the average importation of the last three years, whilst our war ex nenditures require a gn at increase of revenue, and are actual ly met by an increase of debt in the issue of Treasury notes. We deprecate the principles of attempting to provide for this deficiency by an increased importation of products, to come in competition with our own, displacing and paralvzingto an equal extent oui own industry, and eventually producing a great reduction in the wages of hibor. j We further deprecate the principle of increasing the impor tation ol foreign manufactures, alwavs tending to excess, ami to causing the exportation of specie in return, the fruitful | source of derangement in our currency, and of embarrassment in all branches of trade and industry. We deprecate the sud den change as wantonly sporting with the interests of capital i invested under the implied pledge of Government for its con tinued protection. Hut we deprecate it far more as wantonly sacrificing the interests of labor by opening upon it the foreign competition of the under-fed and over-worked labor of Europe, the avowed purpose of the new policy. We deprecate it as j the result of hxecutive dictation and stringent party discipline, adopted nnihr the coercion of a minority, w ithout examinn lion and without discussion, against the sober judgment of a majority of both Houses of Congress. Henohed, That the allegation that the protective system fa vors capital more than labor, is equally contradictory to every sound principle of political economy, to all ex|>erience, and to common sense. Whilst capital is considered necessary to set' labor in motion, it is an admitted principle that there is a nni- | form tendency, in capital employed in different pursuits, to an eqiialization of profits through a free competition. Whilst other pro|>ositions are disputed, this is never contested. It is j confirmed by all our experience. Every branch of manufac- I ture which has been successful has been subjected to occasional i checks and embarrassments through ovcrac'ion. The pros- i perity which has followed the establishment of the tarill' oi l 1842 has led to new construction and new expenditures in all branches of industry beyond any former precedent. In fact, I we are told by the friends of thl- Administration, as if in dou- , ble mockery of their own reasoning and our apprehensions 1 that the manufacturer ha* more to fmr fiom home competition ami ovci-production than from tiny foreitpi competition which rem reach him uniler the prenevt tariff. It is, in fact, obvious to the most simple understanding, thai the investment of capital in works which can only be made productive by tlieH-mploy ment of many hands, is putting capital in the power of labor rather than in a potition to control it. Re?oh<ed, That the assertion, so oft repeated, that the tariff of 1842 has operated as an unemial tan upon the laboring classes in the manufactures consumed by them, is wholly destitute of truth. Our application of manufacturing industry has always keen nnlde, in the first instance, tq those productions requiring liltlc labor in proportion to the raw material. In these the suc cess has been greatest, and it is notorious that, in the manufac ture of cotton, wool, leather, hats, Ike., the common articles bI 'he laboring classes are produced at prices which may defy all foreign competition. Even the cotton mimimum, the object ol so tnuch undeserved obloquy, is well known to be all bat nominal in respect to the lower branches of the manufac ture, and that its only actual effect was to levy a high duty on its higher branches, on ah* may well be termed luxuries. Rcnotved, That while the loss of capital by this change of system is sudden and determinate, the effect upon labor wi'l be a continuous wasting disease, with no remedy but the rctracine our steps. h Retolved That the high reward of labor in all its branches IS the peculiar advantage of our country, is intimately connect ed with the general diffusion of education and intelligence and is the best security for the |?ci mauciice of our li-ee institutions I he protective system acts as the proper guardian of this boon. That while we welcome and a,.prove the repeal ol the >>r>tish corn laws as a concession and benefit to the de pressed labor of England, by increasing its means or subsis tence, the Government is acting a very different part towards our own labor m opening its products to a free competition with those ol the nnderpiul laborers of Europe. JtMohied, That the principles of free trade advocated by the modern economists of Europe is founded on a .Ute of society essentially different(from our own. It contemplates labor in excess, content with a bare subsistence, and with no hope of improving its condition. It regards only the profits of capital. With us labor is active in accumulation for itself, going hand in hand with capital, and requiring especially the shield of the protective system against foreign interference. Therefore, renohfd, That it is the duty of the Whig party and of all friends of their country, to urge upon Congress the duty of revising and mollifying the existing tariff of 1846, so that it may furnish revenue sufficient tor the wants of the Gov ernment, and re-establishing the principle of specific duties hi all practicable cases, and ol discrimination in the rates of duljjr with a view to foster and protect the industry of the coun try in all iti branches. Resolved, *1 hat, whilst Massachusetts is deeply interested n the protection of her capital, and her labor devoted to ma. uulaoturuig and the mechanic arts, it is a great mistake, pro pagated for party purposes, and received by * too easy credu lity that protection is a local or purty policy. We esteem it Lift 2?J} MS." ^ ??W l? Now, 1 will aay at once, that I am for protection, [cheer., 1 ample, permanent?founded unjust principles ; and the next thing 1 have to aay in, that, in niy judgment, the principles of the act of 1842 are the true principles?[loud and long-con tinued cheering]?apecilic duties, and not ud valorem asses ment. [Cheering. ] Just diacrimination, and, in that just dis crimination, great care not to tai the ruw material so high an to be a bounty to the foreign manufacturer and be opposed to our own. Discrimination an J specific duties, and such duties as arc full and adequate to the purposes of protection. These are the pnnciples of the act of 184?. [Ureal cheering and loud applause.] And whenever there is presented to me any proposition from any quarter which contains adequate protec tion, founded on those iudiapensable principles, as contained in the act of 1842, I shall take it. [Thunders of applause.] My object is fo obtain, the best way I can, and when I can, and as 1 can, lull, and adequate, and thorough protection to the domestic industry of the country, upon just principles. [Loud cheering.] And, in tho next place, I have to say that I will take no part in any tinkering of Ihe present Jaw, while its vicious principles remain. And, in the next place, 1 desire to say that the great responsibility of the Administration, as far as am concerned, they shall not get rid of by any tinkering with any particular political interests. [Ureal cheering.] Allow me- to aay frankly, ye iron men and ye coal men of I ennsylvania, I know you are incapable of compromising in such a case ; but if you were, and any inducements were held out to you to make your iron a little softer and your coal burn a hide clearer, while you left the hand-loom weaver? [the loud shouts of ho, ho, and vociferous checring which here burst lorth, diowned the remainder of the sentence.] lenUeraen, on the Tariff I have spoken so often and so much that I am sure no gentleman wishes rne to utter the word again. There are some things, however, worth while to remember. Of all countries in the world, England for cen turies was the most tenacious in adhering to her protective principles, both in matters of commerce and manufacture. She has of late years relaxed, and found her position could afford somewhat of free trade. She is skilful?she has vast machinery?she has a dense population?a cheaply working, because a badly fed and badly clothed population. She can tun her career, therefore, in fiee trade. We cannot, unless willing to become badly fed and badly clothed also. Gentle men, for the gymnastics men strip themselves naked, and for this strife and competition in free trade our laborers muststrin themselves naked. [Loud cheers.] It is an artificial system we see every where?at least we see, m some remarkable instances, that the doctrine of free trade, carried to its extreme, entails consequences upon every on~, Look at the condition of starving Ireland. The failure of the potato crop starve* a population of eight millions, and yet able men I admit them to be?theoretic men l think theui lo be though?distinguished men, hold that Ire land now is no worse off than if all the great landholders hold ing the estates in Ireland and receiving rente from the estates, instead of living in England and spending there the money roin their Ireland estates, lived in Ireland, and supported Irish " vl/|W 11 ?" 1''e'r ^na8 nni* "bout 'heir establishments. What does Ireland now want? What is the cry > Em ployment, employment! And is it not come even to that pass that the gentleman is obliged to employ hundreds and thou sands of the people and pay them and put them in work of very doubtful necessity, merely to pay them and give them "read And I wish that every Irishman in the State of Penn sylvania could be here to-night, so that I could ask him to re member the condition of the people of his own country which are starving lor the want of employment, and compare their condition with his here in Pennsylvania, where he has good employment. 8 Cientlemen, this notion of free trade, which goes to cast off the employment of men on the ground that it is best to buy wlero you can buy cheapest is folly in a country like ours. What is the cry of free trade in England > Why, it is for cheap bread. In England the deficiency is in bread. Labor is limited in its reward. It can earn but so much. 11 has, therefore, a vital interest i? reducing the price of food. I herefore free trade in England is but another name lor cheap bread. I hat is not so with us. What we desire tor our laboring population is employment. We do not cx ;>ect food to lie cheaper in this country ; our object is to make t dear. Our hope?and let all rejoice in it?is, that the price <>r our agricultural productions may rise for the benefit of the hr.m"V Uu!? JU8t a< far a* they do that, they go to enhance the profits of the operator and lalwrer. So long as they get rS ^ Wh ?Tm IT1 ^ Wttge8' lh"y cn" l,u> i' rate. Who, of al Europe, imitates her > Nobody, as far us eXCtTt N?lland a,1<1 T u*ry. Austria, Russia, Spain, and France hold on to what I call the common-sense doctrine of protecting their own labor. Mr. Dupin, in the French Chamber of Deputies, said that ftnT.T8 ?fEr* in ,a?r "f protection of t rench labor. (Cheers.] Our American instincts from the first have been very much of the same character. Whence thUTth n?" 'rnl)ortat")n agreements, but from an instinct iat the interests of our own industrious population ought to be consulted and promoted ? And I happen lo have a very im portant document here, which one of my fellow-citizens cause,! to be copied and printed in a very handsome manner. It is a ^importation agreement, [loud cheers,] entered into in this city as early as 1765. Thai was an American instinct ! thlm leVn r"neml>ored ' I perceive amongst them Robert Moms, the financier of the Revolution, Charles 1 hompson, the Secretary of the Congress that adopted the ,ZTlr !-n ? illustrious names, whose represents tives ar? still amongst us. rJ?n?hThn; 'h,T7\an iml>utation that honest men ought to sist, which is, that the protective policy aids capitalists, and meant to do so exclusively. We hear every day of the great capitalists of New England. A word dissipates all that. A corporation in New England is a form of partnership. Any thS Z J? I5? ChTindividuals invest their property to build a mill, they do it in the form of a cor poration, their private responsibility still remaining in a quali T^TT'k11"! that, wa>'?hey embark in the enterprise. I he talk about rich and exclusive corporations is idle. It is 1 hpr'' not one of them into which men of mm'erate means may not enter, and many such men do enter, and are interested in them to a considerable extern Gentlemen, I have already alluded to the great importance of the protective policy in this State and in other States to the handicrafts: that was the original design of the policy. I have I>een informed that there are seven thousand hand loom weavers in the city and county of Philadelphia. A larger number of handicraft operators than is to be found in Lowell. Each of them earn five dollars per week. In Scotland the samp class of laborers earn only $1.75. W.l,lI/V0rU.P?rdOr! whil8t 1 ren<l? mo*t interesting account of a 4 th of July celebration in this city in 1788 ? eeSr^i^:^ IF* ??*' lhc ?itixeM of Philadelphia celebrated the declaration ol I*OKrKftnx*rK made by ihe ihir tbT, ."Yr i ?* ? A,"eric? the 4th of July, I77C>, and the establishment of the Coxs-rrnrriOK or frame of Govern ment then recently adopted hv ten States. A procession was formed, l'he military and comnauics of the various trades and professions united in it. iVwaToISnised and commanded by Generals Mifflin and Stewart and some other well known gentlemen. I he various companies displayed their flags and banners with appropriate devices and mottoes. a t!Z!' K*T'on hogback, as a Ire,-aid, attended by a trumpet, proclaimrd a New Era." wonfs^MTil. nraT ;M"},lc,'bt;nr <* cried a blue flag win. the w, 7* f ?*ptember, 178/,'- i? sj|VPr letters Mckean and his associates, in their ?Ae? of Office, were seated m a lofty ear, shaped like an eagle and ;,HWsuft;onXtlw .?n YV v. The Wpported a the th. ? (r W ,he Vr<> of I'ihcrtv ; under the cap the new Constitution," framed and ornamented and tahS'iSE!m. Co"ili,,Ui0" the word' "The conX ?s,ocialion?? to^VeTeSe^roSir Soe,et,r' with ,te H"^"d mot mmW Socie,-v' w!th their tpinring and .iH ter/ 'r',100""' ke- Mr- ?Wlsudet carrieil tI.C- flag, ill ' , w** * "ive standing in ihe beams of t ?? InT. '"'""I'rr ,hc hivr 5 the flag a blue silk ; mot to. In Us rays we .hull feel new vigor " tn-in/inr*! 'flowed l>v a curriagc holding men -tvenvinsr and ' . ?*' *' '?dy and her fonr daughters sat upon It, pencilling fa'inpA ' , l,z' a"<l n" dressed in cotton of their own manu molln""vi ?er "'.r ,ofty WM? ? "HK with this VI -,'m ' 'AT TH? UjllosGoTIIISHHITPIlOTICTTHIt MiSO , T KM r AjSSBlCA." I be Federal ship ?Union" followed next, and after her oat-builders, sail-makcxs, merchants, and others interested in commerce. 'J hen the other trades, cabinet and chair-makers, with a (lag and motto, Br Ukitt wk sirrroaT Sneirrr." Next, bricklayers, with a flag on which was a brickyard and . '"r,T* 5 ,,an'h work ; the distance a Federal ?ity building, with this motto, It w.h iumii in ^rrr. but tni a t'RoflriHrr marks it kast." ..MHen?Cam# ,he l,nr,er*. firing on their flag the motto Mat Isoitstut xvkb hr KxrouRAOin." After tliem various trades again, and then whip and cane-makers, with their rnot f'n !u w r"f"rVf ?"r ?Wn Manufacture*." Al'ier them th'ls motto"'"'ii "'"""It*1 ,l,c the brewers, with a (lag with tin* motto, 'How* Hiirwrd is Bkht." applause |<a,Pment wn" rrt,*>ved with loud and enthusiastic ' ?'7 ,a^ y?u whether these sentiments and banners indi ???/ J" ")Vprnr^cnt to lay duties only forrevenu* find without resfwet to home industry > [Criesofno.no.] Do y'f 'T, L ( w'r,n,>" of Mr- or those of the citizens of hiladelphin h. 1788 ? [L?0(1 BhouU of .. ri h( ci ht and long-continued cheering. ] ('inilernen, I had intended to make some remarks upon the present state of the finances and tho present state and prospects o e puMic treasury. But I have not lime to present them. I will the documents to the gentlemen of the praia, tad if they we fit they can publish them. [The following is the statement referred to;] For the year ending 30th June, l&ifl, the Secretary of the Treasury ?ill be enabled to present to Congress a more favor able stale of the finauses than he had previously estimated. In his annual report at the commencement of the last session he estimated the receipts of the year at $20,820,000 And he staled that the actual balauce tn the Trca ?ury on the 1st of July, 1845, (the beginning of that year,) was 7.658,000 Making the total means for the year, as estimated, 34,478,000 lie estimated the expenditures tor the same year at 29,627,000 Leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury, 1st July, 1846, of. 4,851,000 Hut it is believed that the actual receipts fur the year in question were about 29,500,000 And thw actual expenditures no more than about.. '28,000,000 If this be correct, the actual receipts exceeded the Secretary's estimate 8,700,000 And the actual expenditures fell short of his esti mate. 1,000,000 Instead, then, of this balauce remaining 1st July, 1846, as the Secretary estimated, 4,851,000 Actual balance in the Treasury at that date must have been about 9,151,000 Being$4,300,000 more than the estimate. Ac cordingly, it appears from the monthly state ment of the Treasurer that the balance in Trea sury, 29th June, 1846, was 9,310,000 But the Secretary will probably not be so fortunate in re spect to his estimate lor the preseut fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1847. He estimates the revenue for this year at $'25,000,000 And the expenditure* for the same period at '25,500,000 The actual revenue for the 1 ?t quarter of the same year,- viz : from 30th June to 30th September, 1846'was 6,782,000 And the actual expenditure for the same quarter 14,088,000 Leaving a deficiency for tliat quarter of. $7,306,000 If the first quarter be a Eiir sample of the whole year, both as to revenue and expenditures, the deficiency at the end of the year will be 29,224,'./)0 To this deficiency the balance in.the Treasury 1st ^ July, 1846, is applicable, viz; 9,310,000 , And the remainder, unless other provision be made, goes to increase the public debt 19,914,000 The previously existing public debt was. 17,075,000 The whole public debt, therefore, on 1st July, 1817, both stock and Treasury notes, on this calculation, would be 36.989,000 These are but estimates except ?e far as they are collected from the monthly and quarterly reports from the Treasury. It may be that the receipts and expenditures for the first quarter of the present fiscal year will not turn out to be a true index to the remaining three-quarters. We have yet to see, too, what will be the actual effect of the new tar'ffon the revenue. And it is also to be borne in mind that in stating the above receipts and expenditures no allowance whatever it maile Jor expense.* incurred but not yet tlejruyed. The raising of more troops of course enhances the expense of the war, and on the whole it is probable that the deficiency at the end of the year may be $!iO,OGO,OUO. Public debt, estimated amount, if the war should eud next spring, $100,000,000, annual iiiterest. $6,000,000 Sinking fund J?X'f?o Ordinary expenses *a,vw, $36,000,000 Deduct income from public lsnds and all other sources, as estimated by Secretary Walker, for the year ending 30th June, 1847 2,500,000 Leaving to be provided for by duties on imports. .$33,500,000 If the imports under the ntw tariff should be the same as they were for the year ending Juue 30th, ' 1845, say $103,000,000, after deducting exports, it is estimated that the nett revenue from imports will he 23,000,000 Leaving $10,500,000 to be raised by du'.ies or In creased imports $10,500,000 To produce this sum there must be an increased import of $47,021,190, making a total import ol $150,021,790, after deducting all expoits of foreign goods to be consumed in the country and paid for if we have the ability. The exports ol our products, fisheries, 8ic. for the present year of short crops of grain in Europe will not exceed $135,000,000, leaving $15,000,000 to be paid for in specie, which we cannot spare ; it would immediately derange onr currency, depress business, and destroy all credit. If the public debt should reach only to fifty millions, then three millions of annual expenditure will be saved, and the ex ports of siwcie on the foregoing calculation be twelve millions instead of sixteen. I think theie will lie a great deficiency, and I rather think that tho President will recommend a tax upon tea and coffec. Well, all I have to say is this ? there was a majority found in either branch of Congress sufficient to carry the preeent tariff measure?a measure which has, in my judgment, destroyed the best system that this country ever enjoyed?I mean the tariff of 184'2?whither for reward or protection, or public credit. [Great checring.] This there were majorities found to destroy. These same majorities exist. By that act they struck off five millions from tho annual income. 1 hey may, or may not?I will not anticipate?receive an equal amount under their tariff. Let events decide that. If they do not; if they want more money ; if they must have more money, they have the same majorities, if they see fit to bring it about. If they will take my advice, should they he in want of money, I would say to them, restore what you have destroy ed?[cries of " Exactly, that's it," and loud cheers]?give us back that system 'of credit?put, as soon as you can honorably, an end to this war. ilsi j You may have increased your public debt; give ua a good system to live under, and pay under, and we can meet the loss. But if you mean to overwhelm us with foreign importation i if you think you will receive?as you will not?forty millions of new importations, how do you expect to meet this demand ' It is true, the time favors the high price of iron in England, and keeps up the price here, whilst the famine in Ireland, and the general scarcity in other parts of Europe, augments the ex portation of American produce. But, looking to the end, I entertain a confident opinion that the importations of the country will not reach such an amount as will make good the destruction of the tariffof 184i; and if such importation should take place, and the people of the United States were foolish enough to purchase foreign com rr.o ditiesto that extent, what must be the consequents ' Why, thnt our exports would not pay for onr import*, and the coon try would be drained of specie. Gentlemen, I now take my leave of you and of the occa sion, by returning thanks to the ladies who have honored me and all of us by attending this assemblage. If they have not received pleasure, they have fulfilled so far the duty of the sex, in conferring it. [Enthusiastic cheering.] If the au dience immediately ltefore me have sometimes felt that their ears were weary, their eyes nevertheless have been always pleased. [Renewed cheering.] They rejoice in the prosperity of happy home* and a happy country, and in the innumerable blessings Providence ha* vouchsafed to pour upon u*. Who is there?are there any who can look back with more pleasure and honest pride upon the history of the past } Who i* there in any part of the earth that can contemplate the present circumstance* thai^sur round them with inore satisfaction than one of this goodly land * And where are there father* and mothera who can look forward with higher or *ounder hopes for the happiness of their children, awl their children's children, than the latheis and mothers now before me > [Loud cheers ] Let us soften political duties by surrounding associations and social feelings ; and, while the fathers and the aon* through successive generations shall, with manly strength, uphold the pillars of the State, may those pillar* be ornamented by the grace and beauty of mothers and daughters! [Loud and long continued cheering.] SAILING OF THE LIBERIA PACKET. The " Liberia Packet" sa led from Baltimore on the 3d instant with emigrants sent out by the American and the Maryland Colonization Societies, and a full cargo of trade goods. Before the sailing an appropriate addresa was deli vered by J. H. B. Latrobe, Esq., and a fervent prayer was offered by the Rev. Dr. Hamner. A very laTge concourse of people were present to witness the ceremony, and to bid "God speed" to the enterprise. Dr. Lugenbeel, Colonial Physician, two colored missionaries, and one white one, were on board. The American Colonization Society sent out ? large amount of goods for purchasing territory along fhe coast. The Lilieria packet i* a beautiful vessel, greatly admired by every one who has seen her. She will prove a great advan tage to the Colonization Societies, and no doubt a profitable investment to her owners. May she long floatj Fins at Ciiicaoo.?An extract of a lettei from a gentle man, dated Chicago, November 2ft, says : "This morning, about four o'clock, during a terrible gale of wind, n fire broke out in Pardee's warehouse, which threatened half the town. The loss will amount to between thirty and forty thousand dollars." , ' At the General Scientific Congress lately held at Marseilles the subjsct of the cultivation of rice in the salt marshes on the banks of the Rhone was discussed, and it was proved that rice would thrive a* well in that locality as it does in Italy. Sample* were produced which had l?een grown at Mandirac, m ar Narbonne, where a trial on a large scale had lteen made, and which, notwithstanding the difticultiea attendant on a new undertaking, would, it was thought, yield a profit of 50 per cent, to the proprietors.