Newspaper Page Text
WASHINGTON: SATURDAY, JANUARY 10, 1847.
No. 2f!8. PUBLISHED BY VALES X & E.I TOJY, TERMS: Two Dollahs u vetur; or One Doll*r fur the first regular session of each Congress; and Piftt Cents for the final ses sion of each Congress; and the same for each Extra Ses tion?payable in all cases in ,advance. CONGRESSIONAL. DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and having under consideration the bill to raise for a limited time an additional military force? Mr. CALEB B. SMITH, of Indiana, commenced by observing that the subject immediately before them was the bill from the Military Committee for the temporary increase of the army of the IJniied Stutes, by adding to it ten regi ments of regular soldiers. As to the propriety ot this mea sure, there existed, of course, some diversity of opinion. For his own part, he had not been able to see any good reason to justify its adoption. The correctness ot this view would be apparent when gentlemen came to consider that there was al ready a law inYull force to increase the army by six thousand men beyond its present number. Why was not this addition ma<|? before asking for a new bill > The United States re "eers had been actively engaged in various parts of tff^eemnlry, but all their efforts to recruit men for the service had been fruitless. The Government had been utterly unable to fill up the army to the limit authorized by law. How, then, did gentlemen promise themselves and the country to lill our ranks by passing a bill such as that now pro^sed ? Mr. S. did not believe that any such thing was expected by the au thors of the bill, nor did he believe that the President himself supposed that,he would be able to get the men proposed. Wby, then, was the bill pressed upon the House, upon Con gress, and on the country ? Why were the merits of our brave volunteers, who had !>een and still were exposing their lives to a pestilential climate, as well as to the balls and bayo nets of the enemy, virtually treated with contumely by bring ing forward a bill of this character > When the enthusiasm of the country had been awakened, and men were flocking in every direction to rally round the national standard, why must they be told that the prosecution of this war could not bo en trusted to them } Had not our volunteers now in the field shown that they were fully adequate to the conduct of the war, if prosecuted it must !>e ? Had they not manifested the highest degree of courace, t-kill, patience, and military ardor > Who would rise here and negative that position * Why, then, was Congress called upon for ten additional regiments of re gular soldiets } To that question there could be but one an swei?the Executive desired the passage of this bill that lie might have irj his hands the patronage resulting from the ap pointment of some five or six hundred officers. And was not the patronage of the Executive Department of this Go vernment already sufficiently overgrown ? Was not its in fluence in the Government sufficiently baneful ' Had it not stifled the voice of remonstrance, and changed the opinions and the votes ol members on that floor ? But, no he should not say their opinions ; for he had himself seen the votes of Representatives here changed when he knew that their opin ions were not. The object of this bill manifestly was to give to the President o! the United States additional patronage ; and this was asked with the full knowledge that the men pro vided for in the bill could not be raised. Mr. S went on to say that in a debate in Committee of the Whole it was peculiarly appropriate to look somewhat in to the general condition of the affairs of the country. Mr. S. should make no further remarks directly upon the bill. But there was no man, however strong a friend of the ex isting Administration, or however servile he might be in car rying out all its mesrsures, who could fail to see that the Gov ernment was sinking daily under the utter imbecility of the Administration who controlled it. Contrast the condition of the country this day with that which it had exhibited but two years ago. The present Administration had come into power bv a majority of the popular votes; every Department of the Government had been filled with its friends ; the revenue was ample for all its wants ; the Treasury was full and overflowing ; the national credit was unimpaired ; we were at peace with alt the world < and the new Administration found, moreover, a surplus of ten millions at its disposal in the Treasury. Two years had not elapsed since that fatal 4th of March, and Mr. S. might now ask where was our public credit' Instead of peace with all the world, the dark cloud of war, which hail been so long hovering over the country, had at length broken into a storm, and was now sweeping over the land ; the ten millions surplus in the Treasury had (teen wasted ; the Trea sury was empty and bankrupt; and that national credit which this Administration had received unimpaired was now so poor that Treasury l>onds were hawked through all our cities, and none found ao reverent to the Government as to buy them. Mr. 8. was fully aware that in attempting to speak of these things he should draw down upon his head thoso ccnsures which had been so liberally poured out by the Executive up on others ; but, ao long as he enjoyed the honor of a seat on that floor, he should pursue that independent and fearh s? course which became the Representative of a free people. If he aspired to nothing else, he aspired to this?an independent discharge of the public duties which had been imposed upon him by his constituents. ? Extraordinary efforts had been^made and were still making to prevent an investigation of the causes of the existing war. The friends of the Executive insisted that gentlemen here had no right to make such inquiries ; but that they must occupy their seats in that House and quietly sanction by their votes whatever the Executive might do or wish to do without breath ing an expression of dissent. The history of the world would show that just such doctrine had ever been resorted to when the friends of human liberty lifted their voices in Us defence : immediately the cry was raised " Treason ! Treason !"?just zji if the voices of free Representatives were to l? so silenced. In our own great and ever memorable struggle with Great Britain on her assumption of power to tax us as her colonies, the eloquent voice of Patrick Henry was umong the first to be raised in behalf of the rights of the colonies ; and, as he was arraigning, in the Legislature of his native State, the tyranny and oppressions of George III, he said that " Cassai had had his Brutus, and Charles I. had had his Cromwell, andfleorgc III. might" ? ? * No sooner were the words uttered, even before the sentence was complete, the cry of " Treason ! Treason !" was raised on every side to put him down. The same cry was heard now?and from a quarter where it had been least expected. Great complaints had been uttered against the gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Gejitbt,) because he had spoken in plain and pointed terms of the course of the Executive in re lation to the war. But what right had the President to com plain, who, but two years since, was only a private citizen, but who had seen pro|>er so lar to lose all self-respect and all regard to official decorum as to brand all those who differed from him in opinion with the charge of "giving aid and com fort" to the enemies of the country > Did it become him to complain, who, in advance, and for the purpose of silencing all inquiry into his course of measures, had dared?ay, dared ?to brand the minority in that House as traitors to their country } Mr. S. should consider himself as having deserved all the reprobation which it was attempted to cast upon him self and all who thought and acted with him, if he had not independence enough to stand up and warn the country of his acts of usurpation?if he did not point-the eyes of his consti tuents to Executive tyranny whenever it sought to assume power denied by the constitution. They were told, however, that it showed a want of patriot ism to inquire now into the causes which had led to the war. A want of patriotism * Why, was there no patriotism hut that which manifested itself by the achievement of victories in the field ' Was patriotism to l?e shown only in the support of a war ' Mr. S. had been in the habit of supposing there were higher claims on our patriotism than these. The high est, the purest patriotism was evinced in keeping our country in the right?in guarding and preserving untouched the sacred provisions of the constitution, and keeping free from tarnish the fair fame of our country : in causing that name to be re spected abroad, and in maintaining the purity of all our insti tutions. But gentlemen told them they must wait till the war was over, then they might investigate. N es, wait till Mexico was first conquered?then annexed?till thousands on thou sands of our brave citizen soldiers had perished in battle or by the diseases of a sickly clime ; wait till millions on millions of the public treasure should hsve been exjiendcd and a na tional debt created that must press like an incubus upon us nnd our children ; wait till we had made our name a reproba tion to mankind ; and then, after millions of treasure and thousands of precious lives and a priceless amount of national reputation had all been squandered away?then sit down and coolly inquire what we had been fighting for * No j the pro per time to inquire was wow?now, when the war was but barely commenced ; and the man did but discharge the duty he owed his country who fenrlessly pressed the inquiry. Was it the duty of the mariner, when he saw the vessel in which himself and others were embarked shout to be cast on rocks and dashed to pieces through the wickedness or the want of skill of the pilot, t? sit still and hold his peace > No more was it the duty of a patriot, when he saw his country hurried on in a career of ruin by those who held the helm of state, to hold his peace and forbear to raise his warning voice, while warning might yet avail, and point thein to a . Mr. ?. would ilien proceed to; inquire for with Mexico been commenced and why had presented a labored defence of it In his menage to Oon no MIK.,.1 ?d --did must aay that it would have done mow cied t to <*pe?y ** room politician on the busting* than to a ret 11 32 S3"?1 behind the treaty in which this matter had been eettUd I was true there remained some other mdemmties beatdethe*^ but who did not know that Mexico bad otlered us a treaty ita aouLmentof the- .1", and that our (i?.en.m?m had rrfuaod to ratify ? ' W h? j?M?. ,,te?Xt fionl in chanrins this as the cause of the war ? Neither 1 rt.iutni Jackson nlr President Van Buren had recommended to Con Kressto declare war on "his ground, although there were then no treaties ill existence <n the subject. 1 hey had never U< . ,d for war, nor had Cong*. ..or thought for a moment ol declaring war on that account. The true cause of this war was the annexation ol I.!? . that was the real and original, though remote cause of the war U would be remembered, by most of those who heard him that Mr. S. had been opposed lo that annexation, am !rJr?"??? '?? -sas mouslv, and they warned the country ot what would ine 1 a bly follow. Those warnings had been but too soon an C]3uUsven''then, after annexation had been consummated, war might have been avoided but for the unauthorized act ol Z President in ordering our army to advance and invade a Mexican province, to which we had no manner of claim Wl'rhT President-tried to answer this allegation by urP'"?'n his message that Louisiana, as we received it extended to the Kio Grande, and he argued that therefore Texas had a good title to it, being then a part But in what lespect was she so entitled ^id not r that Texas proper, as one of the provinces of Mexico, neve r had owned one inch of territory beyond the Nu^es^ D.d not every body know that the territory lying littwten tbe Nueces and th- Rio Grande was a part of the Mexican pro vinces of New Leon, Tamaul.pas, and Chihuahua A tine that Texas had acquired her independence, to wh.it ter ritxfry did she thereby become entitled' To just so much and no more, than she had before owned when a provingor department of Mexico, end under her jurisdiction. He w?? ask any gentleman on that lloor, he would^ask of thetwo gentlemen who represented 'lexasin that House, , when the battle1 of ?an Jacinto was fought, 1 exas owned or exercised jurisdiction over one inch of territory beyond he N ueces a'n.l the small settlement at Corpus Christ! Let tell him where, beyond this, she ever had had possession where her flag waved, where her jurudictionlud Leeri ex* tised. To the infant settlement at Cor))U? Christi he adm ted she had acquired a title ; but she had none beyond1 it. Mr. S. would here beg leave to ask one question : had any gentleman calculated that Santa Yc was w.thin he hm.ts of Texas > Would any gentleman deny that it ha;\^cnJV'^ the jurisdiction of the Mexican Government.andtha^ had established a custom-house on this ude the Kio (iramJc . that she had collected revenue there ; that our Government had recognised her right to do so ; and that our own citizens had rcgulaily paid duties thferc as to a foreign Govern men: What pretext then could there I* for sfcying that lexashad a title to the whole country up to the river, troin Us mouth to the source of the main stream ol the Rio Grande The gentleman from New York, (Mr. Phksto* ki*?,) who spoke yesterday, morning, had, in his speech delivered ibpn made an important admission. He saiu ? . o"u,?, |w>aaeaaion of Tamauli,,.. Chitado,... decide a disagreement between them it war. , Here we had the language of a prominent advocate- of the Administration party, made deliberately and' anarch read by him on that floor, whic h, to prevent *11 mi and for groato, cation. ho hod ^"Z'uZ" to writing beforehand. This gentleman here told the House anil Ithe country that the country between the Nueces and thcKio Grande was in the possession of Mexico, menced the war in order forcibly to drive her from f ?dTS admitting all that the party opposed to the war had claim I. was admitting that the President had l>cen guilty ol an act of Mun ition : "hat, in violation of his on*, vriAeurconsuh>g the will of Congress or of the people he had Uken fo^b e possession of a district of country which was in he pos? lion of Mexico, and had driven her from it. I hat act was the immediate commencement of the war. But Mr. S. would now proceed to ask how that war ha. ^WheT^uJediflieullies with Mexico commenced, the nation had iM-en told that to chastise Mexico, or even to conquer he^ would be but a holyday pastime : that we cou ' J\- ' thvre and thrash the Mexicans and end the war in ninety } ? A?d ??TcndeD..o, ho Winrd, if ho ri.hll, rc??,i,bcrod had hern so patriotic that he had off.rod lo do tho l-> > yr ' irai t The war had been commenced early in May las , it had now continued some nine months ? been expended, and many precious human lives sacrincea , and yet, after all this, we were told by those who eamc fres11 from the theatre of action, that, we were no nearer hi" day than we were when we began. Now, then, let him nsk of gentlemen if in eight or nine months we had made n tho g-ortironghold. of in materially crippling her resources, how long, proa edmg a Se same raie, would it take us to subjugate and conquer her The bill which passed both Houses in Mm^. the President to call out 50,000 volunteers : why had th y not been called out ? Mr. own State had a ready fur^ niahed three regiments to this war ; **1 Iwen ? Wasting away their lives in inaction on the si y banks of the Kio (irande. Many, ay hundreds, of noble, active, courageous young men who m>\ the buoyancy of strength and hope, had left their Donea w moulder on those inhospiuble shores. AH mustrrnKmber the correspondence of Gen. Scott with the Secretary ol W a ?Scott with the cw.l caution of an old and a brave soldie , had told this Administration that^the trope, it ?JW miUm mediatcly, could not o|H.ratc in Mexico till late in he lall, and he had rerommernlrd to the Department to fill _up Ihj regiments at their own homes, and let them remain there till the season arrived in which they could be called into ^Uon^ How had this wise counsel been received every body must remember. They all must recollect the taunts and sneers which were vented against the brave old soldier, and he rniations which were thrown out even aga.nst h s lirsll courage. The nation had entertained w h jtikcs about his "hasty plate of soup, ,h ?P to ridicule simply because he had to!d tl*.plain trut^ Who was thrre now that must not, and did n , ?d ( truth and soundness of the views he had then expn s ? .Subsequent events ha<l called forth the admission, even f^rom |,i< enemies, (though the Administration had nt,em ,t l V discrace him, who now all united in confessing that h s positions had all l>een correct. How much letter would , have l?een for all parties had the volunteers been rnustered and allowed to remain at their homes, in a healthy climate, surrounded by friends and by abundance, and there themselves for subsequent se rvice in the war W ould ?0, ? ( of our brave volunteers not ^enough to "conquer a |>eace But they had not l>een called out. No, they had not ; and whv not > If the President wanted more men to strengthen our'arm* in Mexico, why not call for those who were already sanctioned l.v law > Dili lie doubt their bravery, their patriot ism, and military spirit ? Had the volunteers ^edu, he hour of trial at Monterey ? Had they not, in all the late engagements, manifested that dauntless bravery which was a characteristic of American soldiery > W hen or where was it that they had evinced a want of skill or ot courage , Z? did the Administration ask for ten when they well knew that those regiments could not be lilletl r?Bot ?he President, with that gigantic intellect which lia.l ever t>een the characteristic of the man, with that penetrating geniuTfor which he had been from his vouth ^ emmcnt y distinguished, not content with the operations of the army i ? Mexico, where they had won for themselves "nfad.ng lau . had l>een acting another part in the drama. 1 his mighty President of a great republic had been engaged in ca'Tymg on a base contemptible intrigue with a petty tyrant, then a fugitive and an exile in Cuba, the object of which was to brum this man into Mexico, that ho might brmg about a pc?ce. | Yes the American President intriguing with a I and an enemy to elVect that peace which we could not obtain by our arms ! How becoming was such a spectacle in the head of this Government, ami how must ,t raiee our charac ter in the eyes of the world, for a nation of twenty mil ions of I In,, to batter down a feeble ne.ghlK>nng (Jovern nient like that of Mexico, bv secretly fomenting domestic strifes within her borders, and entering into an intrigue with Z M and most contemptible of tyranU-the author, too, of all the existing difficulUea between the two countnee } the | most jierfidious, rapacious, and crufl of men the man who held us and our right* in deeper contempt than any othrr man ' in Mexico how glorious, to behold our illustrious and talent ed President engaging in a secret, under handed intrigue j with a wretch like this to eflect a treaty of peace ! W> ith ' what nleanuie must his friends look upon this part of his his ! lory ! Must not the blush of shame rise into their cheeks at the thought that their President had so deeply degraded the Government and the.country > Hut it seemed that thia in trigue of his had proved successful : he had accomplished the great end he had in view, by returning Santa Anna safely to the Mexican soil. He was now there?the hie and aoul of all their operations against us. Who, then, Mr. S. would ask?who was it that might justly lie charged with liaving given to Mexico the "aid and comfort" oi his presence in the midst of her '??to infuse enthusiasm into the breasts of her people, to guide her councils, and to combine and con centrate her military power } Who had brought this enemy of ours, iu the great crisis and strait of her allairs a gene ral of unparalleled military skill, able in strategy, artful and treac herous in plans, adroit in diplomatic movements, a mas ter in duulicitv, and deeply versed in the nature of man? greater in all these respects than any man they had ever had among them?who gave the Mexicans all this " aid and comfort >" The President of the United States ! 1 his was the frliil of his seven months' conduct of the Mexican war. He had brought them Santa Anna, and with him sixty or seventy of the most accomplished and ex|>erienced military leaders, who were at this hour doing more against us than had over Uian dote since the contest began. W e had been eight months in the war, and what had been accomplished Paredcs, a petty usurer, with nothing to recommend him but the boldness and cruelty with which he had seized and maintained his power, had been turned out, and Santa Anna put in his place, to control and to combine the whole move ment of the Mexican strength. This was the " aid and comfort" which Mexico had received from the President ol the United States. Now, Mr. 8. was prepared to ask which of the two had given to our enemies the largest amount of com fort and of aid?the President, or the Whigs, who had ex pressed their houest opinions of his conduct > And now Mr. S. would proceed to inquire, for what pur pose was this war to bi- prosecuted > It had often un asked whether this was a war of conquest ' It seemed a difficult thing to say what sort of a war it was ; and he thought, upon the whole, it must be a war sui generis?a war that had no parallel. The President, indeed, had assured Congress in his message that it was not a war of conquest; and his lriends seemed much rejoiced at finding that declaration in the mes sage ? vet in another paitof this same document he congratu lated 'Congress on the vast increase of our territory by the conquest of so many Mexican provinces, and urged the ap propriation of money lor the purpose of lorUfymg those new acquisitions. Yet it was no war of conquest?oh no . A gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Staxton.) who seem ed to be one of the spokesmen of the President, had given the House his most solemn assurance that there had been no de sign of conquest-none at all: it had only been undertaken to "carry out the great measure of the age," in the acquisition of California. LA laugh.] Another friend had given the House an assurance equally gratifying. This gentleman exclaimed that he was himself against all conquest, he did not consider it as patriotic to sanction a war of conquest; and he gave the House his word, as a Representative and a gen tleman, that no such designs were cherished by the Adminis tration. Yet it was his own idea that we should finally con clude to run a boundary up the Rio (irande to latitude 32 , and thence carry it directly across to the Pacific, and take all Mexico north of that line. [A laugh.] It was no war of conquest; no sucn thing was thought of or intended ; but as an incident of the war?it might probably happen that we should get one-third or one-hall of Mexico [Laughter.] Another good friend of the Administration, the gentleman fromNew Yoik, (Mr. Phestox Kiso,) told the House the same thing?that this was no war of conquest, but only a war for the acquisition of a little more free teiritory. i Mr KING here interposed to aov that the gentleman Irom Indiana was incorrect. He had said no such thing aa that this was not a war of conquest. He had not once used ihejvorJ^iTH ^ ^ be batj mjstaken. The gentleman had certainly said that we should probably get more territory by conquest, and that this was to be free territory. Mr. KINO again interposed, and again said that he bad mv>?* use of no such language , he had not used the word ? con quc#t" at all* f [A voice : ** He did not use the word. J Mr. KING. No, nor the idea. Mr. SMITH rendered the gentleman many thanks (or the gratifying assurance ; it must certainly disarm their fears. Of course then, after all these repeated assurances from so many friends of the President, Mr. S. was not to say that this was a war of conquest: it was not certainly : then he suP; nosed it must be designated as a war of " manifest destiny ; which (though not so intended) was to plant the glorious stars and stripes over one half of Mexico. It was a war of destiny? of manifest destiny ! [Much laughter.], Mr. S. said that, for one, he was opposed to any conquest of Mexico, or getting any Mexican territory under any pre text whatever. He had always l?een against the annexation of Texas; and he would now say that he still believed1 that no event had ever taken place in our history fram which ca lamities so great were likely to proceed ; that nothing had ever happened to us which would prove so injurious to the country. He had regarded it at the time as one great evil connected with that act that it would open the door to more annexations of the same kind. He had predicted then that within six months the cry would W raised that California must l?c " re annexed and events had shown that it followed close ?" ^question now arose which was deserving of very serious consideration ; and that was, ought we to prosecute this war to conquer Mexico > And if we did, when did we expect to lw able to accomplish it, proceeding at the rate and in the manner we had done thus lar ' If the Mexicans should be possessed by the same spirit which was manifested in the let ter. of Santa Anna, it would be at least ten years More we should succeed. But gentlemen told him that we must com pel Mexico to make a treaty, and that we must dictate its terms in her capital. We must "conquer a peace, wither she was willing or unwilling. Now, he thought this might prove to be very difficult, ami that we should 1-e obliged to sacrifice more life and treasure in the attempt than some gen tlemen seemed to suppose. But if Mexico should retuse to treat, what then > Were we to push the war to extermina tion > Must we carry it on till the whole Mexican naUon was exterminated \ If not, what was to be done ? Uut, supposing we should 1* able to extort from her the province of California or New Mexico, and then add Chihua hua and Coahuila, and New Lion and Tamauhpas; ?uppos inn we got them all, what were we to do with them 1 bat was a question which involved consequences more senousthan were presented by any other view of the subject. The House had had a foietaste here, within the last two days, of what was to follow. A gentleman who had addressed the commit tee yesterdsy (Mr. Hilliakb) had told them that, if these new territories came into the Union, they must c. me in as slave territory ; that they of the South were not to be deprived of the privilege of going into the new States with all their gmsls and chattels, and all that they weie in the habit of re garding as property ; and he went on to warn the House in strains of impassioned eloquence to beware of the danger which was impending over us; that the result of persisting in such a determination as had been avowed in certain quar ters would inevitably be the dissolution of this Lnion. A gen tleman from New York, (Mr. K.*?,) on the other hand, warned the House in like manner to beware ; that, if these new territories were to Ik? admitted and annexed, there must W no slavery there ; that the North would never submit to have the area of slavery extended ; that they would dissolve the I 'nion before they would consent to admit these new Mates as slave territory. Mr. KING snid he must Bgnin correct the gentleman. He had expressed no such sentiment. On the contrary, he had desired that the question should be brought on and discussed. He had no fears at all of the dissolution of the Union. Mr. SMITH said that the gentleman took him up bef,?rein was down. [A laugh.] The opinions expressed here by Northern men must satisfy every one that the feeling of the North was utterly opposed to the admission of more slave ter ritory. Where was the Northern man who dared stand up here and express the opinion that we were ever to admit more slave territory into this Union > He would ask his Dnmirra tic friends here present what were their opinions ' Were they prepared to sanction a greater extension of slavery Thev would declare, to a man, that they were not. Mr. H. charged that it was so ; if it was not, let gentlemen rise up and deny it. if there was one man from the North prepared to vote to sanction the extension of slavery, let him come out and sav so, that we might know where we stood. On the other side, Southern gentlemen were, if possible, ?till more decided than the men of the North. They never would consent that territory should ever be -admitted into this Union from which slavery was excluded by law. What, then, was to be the consequence If this question of slavery was to be raised here?a question fraught with more combustible material than any other that had ever been, or ever could tie started?this glorious temple of our common liberties mutt be shaken to it? deepest foundationa. Much censure had been cast upon the gentleman from Ten iiessee (Mr. Gsnthx) for having introduced a firebrand like this into that House, and arrayed the North against the Mouth by anticipating so dangerous a question ill advance. Mr. S. could not agree with those who condemned him. On the contrary, he thought that the part that gentleman had taken on this subject did the greatest credit to his heud and heart. It showed that the gentleman was a true patriot: that he was willing to forego the extension of an institution in which he and his friends felt personally interested, rather than run the hazard of having the peace ol America endangered. So far from deserving censure for his reference to the subject here, Mr. H. considered him worthy of the highest com mendation for the independence which he had manifested in taking the lead in pointing out the evils that must grow out of any attempt to annex our Mexican conquests to this Union. What, then, was the truo course for the patriot who de sired above all things the perpetuity of this Union and the peace and happiness of the American people ' It was to take the middle ground: to stand out firmly and resolutely against the introduction of any territory into this Confederacy, the admission of which must be followed by consequences so fatal to all an American held dear. It was to keep out every inch of territory in regard to which the question of slavery could possibly present itself. The man who succeeded in bringing about such a result would conler upon his country most precious of boons, and would have done much towards giving security and perpetuity to the peace and haj> piness of these States. U could not be disguised that if any southern territory was admitted this question mutt come: it could not be prevented ? when it did come, it would come attended by a train of consequences far more alurming than had attended the admis sion of Missouri into to the Union. That terrible contest would be but as a flickering candle to the sun, when com ared with the convulsion which awaited this country should same question lie again forced upon .it in the present ad anced condition of her maturity and strength. And here he would ask his friends of the North what guaranty they counted on finding in Wilmot's proviso to pro tect them against the extension of slavery by the admission of more slave territory into the Union ' Mr. S. was himself in favor of that proviso. Yet it whs but an abstract expression opinion ; and he warned his friends that in the hour of trial it would prove to be but an idle abstraction. It was no guaranty at all that slave territory would not l>c admitted ; because, when this new Mexican territory should hove l>een annexed to the territory now in the Union, its people would, claim the right of regulating their own condition in regard to the existence of slavery within their Itounds. II those pro lines should be settled by a population from the South, they would demand the right of admitting slavery there, and no human power had a right to interfere with it. I hey would have a perfect right to shape out for themselves their own institutions. Did gentlemen of the South flatter themselves that a treaty sanctioning the existence of slavery in these new provinces ever wmld Ihj ratified by two-thirds of the members of the Senate ? The thought of such a thing was idle. And, on the other hand, did Northern gentlemen persuade themselves that if a guaranty should be inserted in such treaty that slaverj never should exist in those Territories, a majority ol two-thirds could be obtained to ratify that condition f Let them not hope it. Such a majority would be got to neither proportion. Why, then, bring on a question that must con ulse the Union ' Gentlemen might find, too late,- that they had applied a match to the magazine, and that their measures had lteen the destruction of their own peace, and ol the ex istence of this Union. Mr. S. held that it was our true policy keep jfl'thc question, l'?y keeping out the territory. He desired to see this war brought to a close ; he longed see the long train of its disasters ended. He enteitamed no fear ihat we should tarnish our national honor by making peace with Mexico. , . , There seemed to be an idea in some gentlemen s minds that we should be forever disgraced it we did not whip Mexico. Hut he had no idea that the world could ever be brought lo believe that a nation like this could not cope with seven mil- j onsof semi-barbarians. The highest of all honor was in doing right. Let us take a high, a just, an upright ground with her: that was the loftiest honor of which either an individual or a country was capable. Mr. DA ROAN, after some preliminary remarks in apology for not confining hi" remarks to the bill immediately before the committee, (in which he said he should but follow the prac tice which seemed to be indulged here when the House was in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Ln.on,) said that, without either casting reproach on those opposed to, or lauding those who agreed with him in politics, he meant to call the attention of the House to the actual situation of the country as we found it now. It was of little moment to look back and censure the past; the great question with which the House had to deal was this : W hat is our present condition and what course of conduct ought we to pursue hereafter We had an army now employed in the invasion of a foreign country. It had been supposed by some gentlemen that the Mexicans were so degraded a people that there was little to lie dreaded from their arms ; but he had never entertained such an opinion. He had observed something of mankind and he had always believed that even the most degraded and cowardly of savages, if attacked and surrounded, would fight with desperation. No a nation, if finding itself in a like con dition, or in immediate clanger of it, would fight to the very last : nor would the contest l?e one of a light or trifling aracter. ? ., While our army win thus in the field, our 1 reasury was exhausted, or nearly so ; and though the House was no doubt very patriotic, (and had even passed a vote dcclaung that we were a patriotic people,) it had refused to tax the only arti cles which- held out a sure guaronty of replenishing the na tional resources. Now, it was very clear, from the course of the war, that we were ultimately to come into possesion ot more territory. The acquisition of this might perhaps be now desired by the Executive, and perhaps by the country ; but there could be bat little doubt but that territory, in a great er or less quantity, would certainly be acquired. This brought up another question, vastly more important in its bearings on this confederacy than the arms or power ot Mexico. If the forces of Mexico prevailed against us, we eould retreat from danger there, but when once this question should be raised and disputed in this Union, there woul I be no escape from it, let the consequences l<c what they would. He wished to submit a few remarks on that question ; and it was possible the course of them might not Ik- quite acceptable to his Southern friends for he had consulted w:th none of them ; but he would entreat his friends from the North (it friends they were) not to disregard, but candidly to weigh them It was the existence of slavery which produced all the fin-ling that had l<een manifested here in regard to the acqui sition of territory, and had at length led to open threats of the dissolution of the Union. After tracing the existence of s,a verv in the Union, from its origin in Africa to its introduction bv the acts of the British Government, he noticed the direc tion which it had naturally taken toward the South, an.', there it had its seat at this tim". But if slavery were a l*nefit to anv, were the tH?ople of the South exclusively its beneficia ries > By no means. The millions of Eunpe were fed and cloihed by the products of slave labor. Our cities were built, our canals dug, out railroads constructed, and our own poor population supplied with food and raiment all from the labor of slaves. This state of things had been permitted by an overruling Providence, whose judgments, he presumed, were not to lie the subject of impeachment on that floor. It had no doubt been a part of the Divine arrangements, to bring shout the general good of the race, or it never would have been permitted. And while the evils attending the system were all borne by the South, the North were the chief l>enc ficiaries from the good that it effected. There were some gentlemen, he knew, who considered themselves ns commis sioned from Heaven to burst its bonds asiinder, but when called ui>on to show it, pointed, like Peter the Hermit, to the emblem on their banner. What they had wr.tten there, Mr. 1). ilid not know, or what they intended to; but the r course f'showed that they were actuated by all the ardor which so or ten characterized the votaries of an enthusiastic creed. I here were others who were opposed in sentiment to the institution, but who did' not take so active and direct a part in efforts against it. For his own part, he was one of those who be beved that, hnving been permitted by Divine unernng wisd >m to exist, it could not be productive of injury to mankind. ( When it was otherwise. He knew how to restrain or to ter minate it. But let not men attempt to force such a result by suddenly bursting the bonds of the slave ; they knew not what] would l>e the consequence. In God's own time he would bring it to an end ; but while it continued it was part and par eel of the providential economy of Him who never erred. The North, however, with one voice, aeemed ready to de clare that if new territory was to come into the Union at all, it must Is- on condition that slavery never should l* permtt ted to act its foot there. What was he to infer from this That it was their purjs?se to hedge around and limit the South so that all those who were the owners of slaves should be comiiellcd to stand just where they were now, and never to move a foot in any direction. What, then, would be their condition twentv or twenty-five years hence ' None could know. Iml he was not willing to run the risk of the conac quences of any sueh arrangement. Mr. D. asked if there was now any one gentlemen from th? North here present who waa willing to stand by that com promise which, in the case of the admission of Missouri into th( I nion, had saved the confederacy from dissolution ' If ther? was, it would give him great pleasure to hear it announced, either privately or in any other mode. After a pause, he said he perceived that there was not one. Northern gentlemen were ??? "n?,^?prt^ to disregard the Missouri compromise. Mr. V J.\ I ON, of Ohio, here rose and said that, according to his understanding ot the Missouri compromise, it had been faithfully and literally observed. The express terms of the act confined its operation to the territory which had been ceded to us by France. All of that territory lying south of | the parallel of 30? 30' north had been recognised as States within which slnvery was suffered to exist. The compromise had been faithfully adhefed to, though all of the teiritory lying north of the compromise line had not yet been incor porated into the Union. Mr. DA KG AN, resuming, said that the South had not so understood the compromise; butthat wasimmatenal. VVbatevei had happened in times past, gentlemen were manifestly not willing to renew the principles of that compromise now. Was there a man ihere that was willing to lenew it for the sake of the peace and harmony of the country > Would gentlemen stand by that compromise, or would they repudiate it > The response to that question was, that the compromise was no lon?ter binding, and that they would not renew it. But not so with the South. Mr. D. had not yet met with the first Southern man who was not willing to renew and continue that compromise. They did not ask it from any wish to obtain political ascendency over the North, or hope to control her, but from the condition of things around them. They ,^,pir brethren of the North to renew the same agree ment now; and they of the South would actupuiutisly fuliil it. But no; the North would not do it. How then did the country now stand 1 Its armies in a foreign land ; its treasury exhausted ; territory certainly to be acquired arid introduced into the Union in some shape ; and now a question was raised in regard to the condition of its admission which threatened the dissolution of our Government and the destruction of all our hopes. Could the importance of a question like this be overstated > It demanded the deepest consideration oi every statesman and of every philanthropist. Mr. DOUGLASS, of Illinois, said he was not willing that the silence of gentlemen when a question tyas put should be so construed as to infer that there was no man here who was willing to stand by the Missouri compromise. Mr. D. had recognised that principle at the time of the annexation of Texas ; he was ready to recognise it now, and should be rea dy at all times ; and he believed there were many other gen tlemen here who agreed with him in opiuion. Mr. DA KG AN said he had intended to allude to the gen tleman from Illinois as an honorable exception. As it was, he was proud that the gentleman had risen. Arid now Mr. D. would call on every patriot (if there was one in that House) not to waste time in abusing what had been done, but to arouse himself and look to the future interests of his country. Mi. D. was a memlier of the Democratic party, and never j had refused to follow it except when its measures were con demned by his own deliberate judgment. This he had been accustomed from early life to follow, and he never would I yield to the l>ehests ot party against his own convictions ot what was right; and he called upon others not to sutler them selves to be guided by paity prejudice, but to look to what they felt to be the true interests of this coun.try. As to this war he would not say that its existence was our fault; he was willing to admit that it had been forced upon ?us; but no man, Whig or Democrat, could regret its exist ence more than he did. He had been froni the beginning that it would lie the opening wedge to questions more dan gerous in their tendency to the peace and, welfare of this na tion than a :y foreign foe. He would here take the liberty to say that, after the battles of the 8th and 9th of May, h?* had deeply regretted the order given to our troops to advance and cross the Rio Grande, not because he thought we had no light to enter Mexico, but if lie could have controlled the movement I of our troops they never should have done it. He still wish ed they never had. But they were there; and now what were we to do 1 Should we take Mexican territory or not' I erhaps we might not be able ; but, supposing we could push our victorious way, and the national vanity be so far gratified as to behold our generals "revelling in the halls of the Mon tezumas, what liuit should we reap from the victory ? He regarded the halls of his own ancestors far before those of any foreigners'; and he should feel inclined to gay, let the sons ol .Montezuma ahlde In the boll, of MouteAom*. I>e,h?p? h< might be wrong; but his own policy would be to establish s boundary line lietween us and Mexico, and then declare U the world that we had Iteen compelled to go to war in ordei to settle [tending questions between the two Governments ant to establish a permanent boundary line ; and then he woulti hold on till a treaty could lie concluded. He did not under take to say where the boundary ought to !>e ; let that lie set tled by wiser beads than his; but such would be the course he should prefer; for he saw no good likely to arise to hu [ manity from prosecuting this war any further. He did not j mean to cast a shadow of censure on the Administration, or on those gentlemen who might differ from him in opinion He might l?e permitted to express his own judgment without an implied censure on his friends. Should we then take any territory from Mexico or not? It was an imj?ortant ques tion. Did gentlemen suppose, if it should be announced to those of our troops who had come from States at the South in the hour of battle that the territory their arms might win wax to be made, when attained, a cause of annoyance and injury to those they had left in their homes, what would their thoughts be > What feelings would rise in the Imsorn of the soldier when he saw that all the fruit of his valor and his blood wax to be his own destruction > Gentlemen should have this ques tion well settled liefore they proceeded to acquire new terri tory ; because when it was acquired it would then l?e too late. Mr. D. was not esteemed by his friends a "hot Southron," on the contrary, he was spoken of by them as rather a cool considerate man. As a cool man, then, let him tell gentle men his own candid opinion : unless, in the territory which we might win from Mexicoaud add to our own, the principles which had settled the line of 36? 30' as the compromise line lie". tween free arid slave territory should be permitted to prevail, tbiS? I nion must at once sink. Other gentlemen might enjoy their own opinions : this was his. He had l>ecn raised in the midst ol slavery, and had never been so far North Iwfore as he now was. He knew the [>eople of the Mouth, and he entreated gentlemen not to attempt thus to bind thein hand and foot. The I nion was intended lor our peace and independence : it was our inheritance from noble ancestors. Oh that gentle men on this momentous occasion, for momentous he felt it to l?e, would remember and manifest the spirit in which thru framed the charter of our liberties, and act in a spirit of bro therly kindness and mutual regard. Then might our com mon flag wave in triumph and security forever, and be the emblem to the world of the blessings of a free Government. But if gentlemen were determined to push on, regardlci* of the principles of compromise, and press them to the wall, let them take the admonition of one who, in all probability, would never address them again, and believe him when he said that if they did that they might from that hour date the downfall of this Republic. After very earnestly deprecating -the spirit of division and mutual reproach, and aatain expressing his solemn conviction I that if this question was pressed to an issue the Government | could not longer continue, he advised all the most influential members of the House, both Whig and Democratic, to go ti> uethcr to the President, represent to hiin the crisis to which the country must In- brought, and concert with him such a course of measures as mrght relieve it from the dangers by which it seemed now to be surrounded. Mr. GRO\ ER then took the floor, and observed that it was not his intention to participate in the controversy which had been g0mg on in the House as to the causes of the present war. He had thought that those causes were so clearlv and in so satisfactory a manner set forth by the President in his message, that it was only necessary to put that document i;i wide circulation to convince every man of common sense that the course of our Government on that subject had lieen right and proper, and he had supposed Jjuither that what had lieen spoken by gentlemen on both sides in that hall upon the reso lutions for the reft rcnce of the message had completely exhaust ed the topic, and all further discussion of it would therefore l?e idle. The aflairs of our country ha I now reached a p >int I where talking was not the thing that was needed ; they called for action. He thought the House ought, therefore, to act promptly on the bill now before it ; and when that was dis posed of they would have a more suitable opportunity of dis cussing the very important question which had l>ecn (out of its due order) brought up to-diy. Mr. G. should enter on none of these much disputed topics, but should follow the course of the gentleman who had diwet ed his attention exclusively to the bill introduced, on leave, by Mr. G.'s colleague (Mr. Pmcbtor Knn) some days since'. Mr. (?. said he was gratified to see on the part of his South ern friends?for friends he would call them?a different line of tactics adopted from that which they had once pursued. He had heard to-day two gentlemen from the South very free ly shaking on the subject of slavery, its origin, and extent and what was to be its destiny in future. Now, Southern gentlemen had snid two days ago that this was a topic which could not be discussed here that all lips must tie sealed in re gard to it; and they had uttered in doleful notes their solemn warnings that if ita discussion were further permitted on this floor, the fair fabric of our Union would be in danger But this morning quite a different course seemed to have been agreed on. They had themselves introduced the sub ject. Mr.G. rejoiccd that tney had done it ; and he intended on the one hand in no spirit of angry excitement, and on the other in no spirit of craven fear, but calmly and reasonably to enter on iu discussion. He wished, in the course of the examination, to go along with his Southern friends over the ground, and see where they agreed and where they offered ; lor in regard to many of the positions taken by Southern ga.i tlemen, there was not one particle of difference between litem ; in regard to others, there certainly, was. But, before he did this, he wished to say a word in relation to the lime at which thin topic of slavery in our new territory had been introduced. From various quarters ol the House very severe censures had been cast upon his colleague (Mr. Kixo) who had introduced his bill, as well as on another col league of his, (Mr. Gohiion,) bccause he had indulged in some remarks upon it. In all that had been said by this gen tleman, Mr. G. fully and heartily concurred, save in what he had said in regard to the time of the introduction of the subject. His cojleague had expressed the opinion that the time at which what was familiarly known as " W ilmoi s pro viso" had been brought forward, he would have had it de ferred. Such was not Mr. G.'s conviction. He had ad vised the offering of that proviso; he had supported it when moved ; supported it now, and should support it at all times. What had been the circumstances under which it was mov ed * The House had before it a bill to appropriate two mil lions for the purpose of effecting a peace with Mexico. All were desirous of peace ; the desire prevailed North, South, East, and West there was no difference of freling on that satiject. If then* two millions should appropriated, it was very clear they would be given by the House with the"Vi8?? of acquiring by negotiation a certain amount of territory from Mexico. When then ? Mr. G. asked. Ought the House to express its opinion whether in the territory to be acquired slavery might or might not be allowed to exist ' Certainly, at the very earliest opportunity when the subject was presented to it for action. That was the time for that House, repre senting the freemen of these States, to take its stand, and to maintuin it unflinchingly. Then it was tor thern to say whe ther, under the sanction of legis'ative authority, territory free in itself, where slavery existed by no law, should be convert ed into slave teriitory. Mr. G. had been prepared then, was prepared now, to declare that it should not. There was another reason why the proviso should have been introduced at that time. It had been published'through all the North that the result of this Mexican war would be the extension of the area of slavery. The charge had been, iterated and reiterated through all that region, that this was a war of the Administration, got up by the South for toe very purpose of extending slavery \ that conquests in Mexico would be pushed with a view to plant that institution where it did not then exist. Mr. G. did not believe this ; he c'/uld not, he would not believe it. He could not bring himself to be lieve that there was a single Representative on that flt>or who could for one moment cherish the pur[>ose of using the power of this Confederacy to convert territory, till then Iree, i.jto slave territory. But he wanted some public legis ative decla ration in order to satisfy the Northern mind. I he people ot the North felt in doubt whether they should support the war ; lor though they thought it just in itself, yet they were not willing to engage even in a just war, if it was to be made the instrument for extending the institution of slavery. 1 he Northern mind required, he thought, to be disabused. He therefore said to his friends, give us a declaratory resolution that you have no fcuch design or object in view and that it shall not be done. And what had been the result ' The South said that to make such a declaration was giving aid to the enemy, and embarrassing the war. But he appealed to the great Northern heart?that heart that throbbed in the breast of all the people of that portion of the Union, to tay whether such a charge was just. They were willing to make bare their arm in the cause of their country ; they were ready to furnish both men and means to fight her battles ; but they could not engage cordially, they could not go into the con test with all their soul, if consequences were to attach to vic tory which they most deplored. Mr. G. sought the proviso in order that he might get a more thorough support for the war. Hia colleague (Mr Ki*r.) had been willing to give the two millions asked for to get a pcace, but he wanted to satisfy the North that there was no design in its application to ex tend the limits of slavery. Mr. BOYD, of Kentucky, here rose, and asked permission to put to gmtUmnn V ?n intprrrmaU>i y. Mr. GROVER assenting? Mr. BOYD wished to know whether that gentleman meant to say, and to act out the declaration, that he would not give men and means for this war unless the restriction should be adopted prohibiting slavery in the new territory ' Mr. GROVER replied that he had neither said so, nor did he design to say so. He would give his views very frankly on that question. It was to him immaterial what ?he South might do ; the North were prepared to support, and they would support this war, even without the adoption of that restriction. He thought it insppropiiate to make it the con dition of a bill to raise troops ; but in a bill of the character of that which had been introduced by his colleague (Mr. Kijio) it was eminently proper. The gentlemen of the South and the whole country should understand that there existed throughout the entire North but one feeling, and that was, never to submit to the introduction of slavery by any act of this Congress where it had previously had no exist ence. He believed every Northern gentleman here (with the exception of one)-*-[understood by the Reporter to reter to Mr. Dorst.ass]?wa? agreed on that point. Mr. McCLERNAND inquired whether the gentleman, when he spoke ex cathedra for the " entire North," meaijt to embrace the West also * , Mr. GROVER replied, he meant to 'include all north o Mason and Dixou's line. [Many voices : ?* Yes ; all the free States."] Mr. McCLERNAND then said, if the gentleman meant to speak foi all the free States, he must protest against his speak ing for him. Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL here rose (as did several other gentlemen) and inquired, Do you mean to speak ex cathedra for Pennsylvania ' Mr. GROVERsaid he meant to speak ex cathedra for nobody; he had expressed his hopes. He whs not prepared to speak wi h entire rertainty, but he hoped that on this point the whole North would tie united. He did not aeek to thrust himself Itetween any Representative and his constituents j but he would say that if the sentiment which prevailed universally where he resided was a true criterion from which to judge, he believed that the Representatives who did not come up with hiin and his associates on this great and vital question would have an account to settle when they got home. The Committee had been told that this was a question of momentous importance, and that if the proviso should be press ed and adopted it would dissolve the Union. Whs that so ' On what did gentlemen plant themselves in making such an assertion ' Did the North, in making such a declaration a? this, interfere with the institutions ol the South * They left slavery where it was. They fully admitted that Congress hnd no authority to legislate about it within the States. All the North admitted, readily and inost explicitly, that they had no right to interfere with the institutions e?t?bli?he?l In thn erti States; but they were united in the determination that, by the joint action ot this united Government, slavtry should not be made to exist where it was not before. Whs there, in this, any hostility to the South > Most clearly not. Was it for the sake of any advantage they wish ed to secure for the North ' Net at all. He lelt the interest ol the North and the interest of the South alike out of th? question. To what ought this House to direct its attention ' To the interest of cither ' Not at all. We found California a vast wilderness, almost empty of inhabitanta?at ail event* with an extremely sparse population, possessing in many por tions of it a fertile soil, open to settlement: we hnd seized upon it by our arms, arid n><w held it under military control. To what, he asked, should the attention of Congress be di reeted ill framing laws for this vast territory ? To the inter ests of slaveholders ' to the interests of the North ' No., It should liw>k above and beyond all such considerations; it should look to the permanent interest of the teriitory, to the future happiness of the people for whom it was called to legis late. lie held that that House was bound, by the high est of all earthly obligations, to inquire only how ths interest, not of the North, not of the South, but ot Cali fornia herself might best be promoted. If then we were to annex and to settle this wide region, what sort of institutions ought we to establish there ' Free institutions, or the .'fisti tutinn of slavery ' The experience of mankind, the evidence of all human history, went to prove that Iree institutions were better adapted to develop the resources anil promote ue :.^p piness of snv country than an institution such ss prevai e within the Southern States. The people of the North, at any rate, had no < oui t u; >ri their minds in regard to that question. They m< on.?. o go to the boundary line which separated slave terri.ory J'",n to see at once " which of the two to choose. notei, >e question might be decided from the adm.ssions o . ^ herseff. The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Bsni??s?k) who addressed the committee yesterday, ve'* Iv about the North eternally lecturing the Southla'jou her ?' deformity" and her " misfortune. Vk ence, Mr. G. must say that it was no such thin* All Ithat the North did in this matter was to pray gentlemen