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Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, February 13, 1847, Image 2

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population was neatly stationary. It was scarcely advancing
at all. It would perhaps not increase (wo millions in twenty
years. 80 far from being an advantage to Mexico, then, a
waste country of that description would be directly the oppo
site. 80 great un intervening space between Mexico and her
distant province of California must be exceedingly inconve
nient. California was, in 'act, as remote from the city of
Mexico as it was from' New Orleans, and little less distant
than it was from V\ ashington in regard to facility of in
tercourse. New Mexico was much nearer-to us than it was
to the settled parts of Mexico. This re mote new of her pro
vinces could not be otherwise than a source of great annoy
ance and inconvenience to Mexico.
It was a remarkable fact in the history of this continent that,
for the first time, the aborigines had been pressing upon the
population of European extraction. The Indians had been
pressing upon the descendants of the 8panish population in
Mexico, who, though they were certainly brave enough for their
own defence, yet the jealousy of the Federal Government having,
disarmed them, were captured not lees than two thousand of
them, and were now actually prisoners amongst the Caiuan
ches. It would lie an object with him, when taking from the
Mexicans any territory at all, to take such as he had now refer
red to. The presence of our people there would give a de
gree of prosperity tiwtfyr dmif'"T n liirlt it had not had from
the time of its tirst Occupation down to the present day.
The next consideiVtiou was, that the line should be such as,
if established as the boundary between the two countries,
would Ite the means of securing a permanent peace. And in
< respect to this, he held that the line he had designated was
eminently calculated tosecure this object. We could not, in the
nature of things, expect to keep our population out of thatcoun
try. It would unavoidably spread there, in spite of all the laws
they might choose to pass. They might heap penalty upon
penally, yet our pioneers would rush into the country unless
the party in possession were capuhle of keeping them out.
c. This was proved bv experience. All the forces of this Gov
ernment could not keep our population out of the Indiau coun
try, anJ they consequently hud been obliged from time to time
to purchase from the Indians the lands they claimed to own. If
we were to make peace with Mexico, and make no provision
for our population, in a few years we would be involved in
another war. Undesirable as ail wars were, if possible still
more undesirable w^s a war lor the purpose of coercing the
Mexicans into a submission to our |>ossession of a part of their
country. The establishment of this line, however, would
give us an opportunity of acquiring possession without co
ercion.
While he would agree to the adoption of another line, if a
better could be found, lie would be very far from recommend
ing that it should be h* Id absolutely otul with a view to its
ultimate retention by force. On the contrary, he would hold
it as a means of negotiation, and would say to Mexico, this
line we will maintain until you negotiate with us upon the sub
ject of a boundary. If you aru, ready to negotiate, we are
also ready; and we are ready not only to srttle the question
of boundary, but to settle it honestly, liberally, and fairly ; to
establish a line which will preserve peace on our part, and, if
the line we have chosen be such as to all'ord us any advantage
over you, we will meet it as we ought by a generous payment
to you of an equivalent. These were the principles by which
he would be governed in regard to a treaty with Mexico. But
he w<*uld go still further. He would hold all the territories
which we had now in possession, which could be held with
out too great a sacrifice of men and money. He would hold
them on the same condition in which he ptoposed that they
should be governed. He would lay a low rate of duty, not
to exceed ten per cent., to be collected as a means of meeting
the expense of defending this line. He had consulted with
the proper authorities upon this point, and he was informed that
it would not require more than two million three of four hundred
thousand dollars to defend it. Those duties might be collected
With advantage, not only to ourselves, but to the whole civilized
world; and, in his opinion, the low rate of duty he had
named, combined with the other measures which he had indi
cated, would give us the means of forcing a settlement at no
distant day.
Now, 1 think I tiave shown (Mr. C. continued) that we
can certainly maintain this line, and, by maintaining it, bring
this war to a successful termination, at no cost hardly of
m ?n or money. The establishment of this line of defence
will involve no hazard on our part, or loss of reputa
tion, and, I may add, it will lav a foundation, I trust, when
we come to a final settlement, if we act in the sp rit in which
we ought to act, of a permanent peace between us and the
Mexican Republic. What (said Mr. C.) will be the fruits of
this policy * Why, sir, a large portion of the war expenses
will lie immediately cut off; the whole of the volunteer forces
may be dismissed in the course of a few months, when our
position shall have been taken, and our points of defence occu
pied, thu? effecting a saving of from fifteen to twenty millions
ot dollars a year. Further taxes will not be require! ; the
credit of this Government will be immediately strengthened,
and the mea?urs which some of us have so much at ht-art, and
winch we are risking the enjoyment of?I mean free trade
may in a short time l>e secured, and in successful operation,
as it has already been for a sli >rt time in Great Britain, where
it has ?h iivn itsell a most fruitful source of prosperity.
But it nay t>e sani that Mexico will hold out. I think not.
fthe Will see ttiat we nave undeiuken a task whlcti w# can
perform; that our strength is adequate to go through with it
without hazard and without difficulty. 8he will see that she
is a great loser, and she will see that if she persist.*-, instead of
navmg compensation for any part of her territory thus occu
pied oy us, she will lose the whole and gain nothing. But,
in addition to this, the minds of the people of Mexico will be
turned into a different channel. Tliey now consider this war
as a w.ir nl religion and a war of races, and every nerve is
braced into strong resistance. If the course I have indicated
be pursued, the people of Mexico se. ing that their religion is
Dot to be disturbed, nor their race likely to Ihj overthrown,
every thing will take its natural course. They will become
more regardful of thstr internal concerns than of external, and
in a little time, in my opinion, a settlement will be brought
aoout, and peace permanently established.
But, suppose she should hold out, w.th the chara terwtic
olttunacy of her people, what is the result > We will have
peace without expense, or a war without hazard. A war
H),iing much roorc like peace than war, so far a? we are con
cerned. Pais policy will enable us to sustain the small mili
tary force which we shall require with but small expanse to
t.-w country. It will do more it will place us on hrra fir,,,a ,?
n ???*"?
- "t .'"""v "'y1 m in '?ra
it c <n bring war to a certaitfir,1!. *ucce*,,u">' "hown that
penso of men and money, and without hsatarfli Vm#U rx~
crtption. It now remains to bs shown what are the Krodlf* i
of my opposition to the continuahce of an offensive war. If
I a;n not greatly mistaken, the argument* against such a war
are strong almost as the imagination can conceive. I am
opposed to it, in one word, for the very reverse re-son- to
tbosfl1 I have stated. In the tirst pUce, there is no certainty
that it will bring the war to a termination at all, and in the
next ptace, if, under the most favorable circumstances, it will
bring it to a termination, it will nevertheless be attended with
vast expense, and with the hazard of disastrous consequences
and l iij of reputation to this country.
In discussing this branch of the subject, the first thing to W
done was to keep definitely on our minds what was tfie real
and true object ol carrying on a defensive war; for, until that
was understo>H], we should lie able to come to no deceive
conclusion in reference to it. A nd h?re, he must be permitted to
say, he bad made up his mind that the object was not con
quest?he had made up his mind that the object was not
conquest, Iwtu* we had territory more than ample upon our
hands already for all the purp >ses of this Government for
years to come. If not for conquest, he would ask for what an
off msi ve war was to be carried on ' He Would be answered, it
was to obtain peace; or, to u?e the language commonly em
ployed, ?? to conquer a peace"?an expression which, if lite
rally considered, would l?e to perpetuate war. To conquer
peace could mean nothing more than to make war petmanent.
How, then, was pcace finally to lie obtained or conquered '
It could only !>e by treaty. War might be. mado by one na
tion : peace must always be made by two. Our object, then,
in order lo secure pare, was to obtain a treaty. What sort
of a treaty ' Much a treaty as would suit Mcxico ' WrcouM
get such a trea'y at any time. No; but a treaty that would
suit us?such a treaty its we might choose to dictate ! 8uch
wa4 the treaty of peace which it was the object of this war to
obtiin. J he war, as ho had already said, had been prose
cuted for the puip mi of obtaining the establishment of a boun
d irv which this Government desired shoulTlie farmed by the
TOo del Norto. This was one of its object*, 'J'he object,
then, was to compel Mexico to acknowledge that to be ours
w itch we could hold without her consent. Twist it and turn
TV* rou'd make no more of it than this,
lis vigorous and offensive war, he repeated, was to com|>el
' k ^."'krmwledge that to be ours which we could easily
hold in spite of all site could do.
T ill7*1 Mr. C.) under this aspertof the question,
n|P h,. 'lh* U while to pursue a w?
if>ou assjred
I ' ?'J ' 'i',y "f during this campaign
ti arl whih 1 ,r*"y H,f' Wh#t " toJ-?*?
the army wh.ch you pr.po*, to rni-e in order to accomplish
eonSr/T mJ Wh#l " "r ?h*h Will he
required to carry 01, your military operates with that army '
\ ou propo? to raise upward, of seventy ,h m^nd men, and
to expend Mirtr-five or forty million* of dollars. Nay. we
r:r;: h,ve?n ifl
end of h, 1 y ?Ur N"w. *'iat will I* the
en I of th" campaign Suppoee, by a concurrence of fiv ,r
able circumstances, you have effected the whole that you e,,?
template I hy the employment of this force and the exp*ndiiure
>. t.us money, what then is the state of the case ' Whv
y?"i will have sacrificed in the first place thirty milli ms of it,",!*
?r. to get t, the city ftf Mexico to dictate this see; and wh,t
Mst^rl ,iI m"-V be },y kM.kitlR at the
?* ' ^" -'Ii'f J must be put dotw as certain to perish, not
lie ? w r.rt "1' * 1 fifteen thousand lives, then, must
that IV, ' ' V nf>vr l"jt 'I'1* question : Ts it worth while
S^;wrifirM ^ in order ,0 get that
Wflich 1. withm your reach without any sicrifice at all '
| Sir, I put a higher question, thirty millions of dollar* to b?
j expended in pushing your war, which must result in obtain
I mg for us no more than we have already > Is there any man
here who would give for California fifteen millions of money >
| * et we propo* to prosecute a war at an excuse of thirty
millions, which is to produce this result. Sir, I am but touch
, ing the shell of this matter as yet. Is there any certainty
that you will reach the city of Mexico, or if you reach it, is
there any certainty thul you can dictate a peace there, even if
in possesion of the city ? The* are considerations which
i command our attention. They are considerations of the ut
most magnitude. Hut there are others which aie not to bo
oveilitoked. An offensive war looks ultimately to subduing
the country against which it is waged, and taking this to be
llio object of it, we have scarcely commenced un offensive
war. It is true we have acquired two-thirds of the Mexican ter
ritory by this war in that part of Mexico that is adjacent to us
and let it be remembered further that this acquisition gives us
a larger extent of country than the whole valley of the Mis
sissippi, and in this immense space we have not more than
j Uve or six thousand inhabitants.
Now we have overrun this adjacent country to this vast
extent, and with tins thin population hardly a man of whom
had joined the forces ot the enemy, and what has been the
result ol thus getting possession ? Have we conciliated the j
I Mexicans who occupy that vast country > Not at all. They I
are more hostile to us than they were at first, and more ready !
j to take advantage of any opjwrtuitity to do us injury. Can we ;
hold these possessions then without a large force > Not at all. I
It must require several thousands of our best troops. What j
then have we accomplished > We have hardly approached
the confines of populated Mexico ; we have but entered her '
ulterior provinces. Mexico proper consists of that remarkable
high land, ol which the city may be said to occupy the centre;
a vast region extending down to the Pacific, and to the south
ern side ot the Gulf ot California, containing seven millions of
population?a population ten times as numerous as that of the
country which we have captured. Here is the seat of her
wealth and of her power; of her strength in defence, in resis
tance to our arms. \\ hat description of country is it ? It is
mountainous as any region in the world. It may well be
compared with Atlas in Africa, and with the Caucasus in
Eurojie. These mountains are interspersed with enormous
defiles, rendering the approach of nn army a woik of the
utmost difficulty. This is the character of the country we
are about to conquer. ' How are we to overcome these diffi
culties ' The plan is first, as I understand it, to take Vera
Cruz. Now, what is the description of country in that
region 1 he country about Vera Cruzj like the province
ol i ucatan, is a hot and sickly region, the home of
the yellow fever for eight months in the year, and, durine
the months that it is exempt from this scourge, it is subject
to the most violent storms, which endanger navigation and
make it difficult lor ships to land. April is a very sickly
?"?nih ; March not so sickly. We are now near the middle
ot r ebruary. W e may have force enough to take Vera Cruz ;
but I appeal to Senators on all sides, shall we have force
enough to march to the city of Mexico > Sir, I will not say
that we have not, but I will say this, there is no certainty
that we have. It is altogether a contingency. We may not
be able to reach the city of Mexico before the sickly season
commences, and, if we do not, all is lost for this campaign.
Mexico will be encouraged, and we discouraged, before we
can remedy the disastrous effects of this result of our ineffec
tual attempt to reach the city.
But suppose we do reach the city of Mexico, can we dic
tate a peace ' Whom have we to deal with A people?a
race above all others renowned in history for obstinate resist
ance when assailed?a people who held out, when their inde
pendence was refused to be recognised, for twenty years.
I hese are the people we have to deal with, and is there any
certainty that we can bring them to consent to propositions for
peace, provided we get there } Well, if there is no certainty,
but, on the contrary, there is evciy probability that another
campaign will be inevitable, (and it must be so, if either of
these contingencies happen,) we must then have a second
campaign.
-Now, a solemn question comes up. Can we raise the
moans And we must remember that it will be necessarily a
much more costly campaign than the first, at a great distance
from a place where we can procure supplies. The expense
must be proportionally great, and this to be continued for a
great length of time ; for, if we do not conquer Mexico, if
we do not conquer a peace, we must- then have a guerrilla
warfare; such a war as exists between Russia and the Cau
casus. Well, sir; can we have the means to meet this enor
mous expense > In the first place, as to the men, let me tell
vou that the spirit of volunteering is gone ; that spirit ceases I
when men return with broken constitutions; when men, who j
went for glory, return with disordered health. You will |
get no more volunteers. Vou must depend U|?on the ordinary
course of recruiting your army, and that must I* sufficient to
give us 20,000 men for the third campaign, if it takes place.
NN ell, sir, suppose this difliculty surmounted, can" you pro
vide the ways and means > I fear there will tie more difficul
ty in this than you imagine ; rememlier that you have only as
a reliance your I reasury notes and such money as you can
borrow. \ ou must either borrow or impose taxes; what
taxes can you impose > Your taxes upon imports can give
you but a small supply ; you must resort to internal taxes? a
measure which is abhorred by the people of this country more
perhaps than by those of any country upon the face of the
earth. But there is one circumstance which should lead you
tj an avoidance of internal taxation, if it can be avoided by any
possibility ; and it is, that many of the Sjatcs are indebted more
than they can pay. If you lay an internal tax it must bj laid
uniformly throughout all the States and if you lay it upon
those States tlfti* indebted, will not repudiation extend ' Will
the people pay the tax ' Will Pennsylvania with a debt of
forty millions?will those States which, are unable to discharge
their obligations?will they hear auch a tax ' No, sir.
But, suppose this difficulty to lm got over?suppose that
yeu get all the means you want?is there sufficient unanimity
ifi'l 20a! in the conduct ot this war to enable us to prosecute
it successfully to the termination which you desire ' Does
the experi.-nce of this session furnish evidence that such would
be the ca^e ' No, sir; there is too much division of senti
ment. There is too large a proportion of the people of this
country,who believe that the war was avoidable ; who believe
it might have l?een avoided, and that it ought to have been
avoid, d. There is t?o large a portion of the people of this
country who believe that it was commenced without constitu
tional authority. I here is too large n number who believe that
the war was not only unnecessary and inexpedient, but that its
commencement wa- highly injurious to the interests as well as
to the reputation of this country. And these opinion, are no
< oubt honestly entertained. What my opinion is in regard
to this I would willingly express, but I do not hold it proper
the mJ!!!'n'*'0 ^l''"i'(ns ujsin matters which are not relevant to
portant *ubjecl!"n,u'"',*r <"oni' leration in rcfetence to ihisim
judge Iroin appearanr?!i',"ic'ent. *"r me to say that, if we may
vail will rend, r it highly imp'r&"!?"? "f ?Pinion which Pre"
?eal and unanimity in relation to this'wVi wl" ** th,t
order to procure the means for carrying it on loVS*?"*'"
| termination in the way that is proposed. " u' !
j Hut there was a still deeper, a still more teriific difliculty
0 tie met?a difficulty more vital than those lo which he had
aUu led-a difficulty arising out of a division of sentiment
i Ki. ',j i ?tCnt * l",C V, ry 'ou,"'?tion of our Government. How
wh wl i U?*r. u i^9 ac<l,,'re?l? if ?ny were acquired > To
etclu v T '' f'''Uf -V enur?' ' Should they enure to the
a? h? ? T n ?ne HOrU"n ?f ,h* ' W* were told,
~rthn 7h", U ">?' well justified the as! |
aertnn, thai a,I parties in the non-slaveholding portion of the
r *!? rlirf:
should etclo I ii fy 'hit such proviaion should lie made
J " ' *<;?? '"teres,ed in the institutions I
? frorn ,a P*r,lcl|'?ion ,n the advantages to l? de
thuVa^uired. appl'C"t,un ?f 'nations to the territory I
Sir, vsaid Mr. C.) if the non-slaveholding State., having
?sT.^-iSTU ,h" qaT,0n ** aversion "o
* ? n to this conclusion with no interest
Z he KE? 1 T- a'"! n'k !
Who are U be 1 ??" ?laveholdin* Hu.es,
! sJ<,^d of K. ^l,r,V0,, 0rJ,h,,,r rights, and ,1*1
I spoded of the property belonging to them?assailed in the
rjtrvr
ion Of ^ '"f *elf preservation, and not a n.err ques.io,, ?f
E S1' If t' ' ',y ,h-" ?'? n<H con
1 STL IniabM * nn'1 <>" ?ne
1 ? ? U' ?"""red there would 1k> ?n the other If
he might jud^e from what I, had ifard, f^m "h. ap^ ra'nces
proc eeding from the non-slaveholding S,?es-.nd h. had "o
re..H,n to doqbt it, .hey being the first to cry out for a vigot
ou;. prosecution of the war-coold they su,,pL that le? fZ- i
Jim would exhibited on the part of those who were to Ik-en- 1
,y from tli. ir rights, and while this radical differ- I
enee existed lietween them '
Hu', (sai.l Mr Calm or*,) I will admit'that .11 this has
been surmounted , that men, money, and unanimity can Is
had. Hie question then come. U|)i CM1 yoUt if )|o
gM peace with Mexico in the city of Mexico, can vou bring
ibis war to a successful conclusion by subduing the country '
That is the question. Is there any certainty?for I do not
make it a question of probability at all?that you can bring
this war to a conclusion in that way > Look at the history
at such wars I here are two analogous wars to which I have
already alluded ; that of Russia in the Caucasus, nnd France
in Africa. I hose ar*1 wars of n similar character. The
assailants a>e brave art.l well discipline I troop*, yet the oei-u
pants of- those mountainous countries were defending them
selves surcessfully for year, against such troops, the ls-st per
haps in Europe. Are we to encounter no difficulty of this
kind when contending against a people who are proverbial for
resisting t? tho last ' No, sir; there is no certainty that the
war will lie brought to a close, and if there is no certainty
where then will you .find > Where will you end with your
m.litary operations ? Vou must have not only ope or two 1
campaign*, but you must have four, five, *ix, seven, eight,
"f nine campaigns. II iw many campaigns has Prance had
already in Africa ' [A Senator : She ha? had sixteen. 1
l ?W m.riy has Russia had in the Caucasus > How many |
ir,.'LWFl"rW" in ,h" war Indian I
^ ? which lasted five year*, and in which we expended
thirty millions of dollars } Well, suppose we do bring the i
war to a close at the end of a third or fourth campaign ? Sup- I
poae we do this, then there couies the great question, after you
have foiced Mexico into a compliance with your terms, what
are you to do with what you have thus gained > Can you
incor|>orate Mexico into your Union ' Can you bring her
seven millions of people, all differing from you in their re
ligion, in their habits, in their character, in their feelings >
Can you bring them into connexion with your citizens ? (Jan
you incorporate them into this L'nion, and make them a part
of the people of the United States ' No, air, you cannot,
(-an you hold Mexico as a province > No, sir; it would be fatal
i to attempt it. The vast increase of Executive power consequent
upon such a movement renders it altogether objectionable,
i Now, I put emphatically this great question, With all these
I views lie fore you, with no certainty that one or the other of
these objects can be obtained, is there any reason that can jus
5 tify to yourselves the carrying on of a war simply to get that '
which you cannot hold > What will be the ellect ol carry
mg on thVce, lour, or live campaigns ? The effect will be
! this : you will have a debt of two or thrte hundred millions
I of dollars j you will have your expectations of enjoying the
benelitsof free trade blown to the winds; you will have that
great measure frustrated for another geneiation ; you will have
inflicted a blow upon your own interests from which vou mav
never recover ; you will have sacrificed tiiese enormous sums
of money which these campaigns will cost you, while all that
you will obtain by way of recompense would lie most readily
and eas. ly obtained by taking an opposite course.
It they should be so unfortunate as to fall into the error
now of prosecuting the war vigorously, with a view of endea
voring to compel Mexico to submit, instead of taking the de
tensive position which he had indicate,.', he would say to
gentlemen (and he hoped that his warning would not be in
v*m) *l,at ,hey were taking a step which they would hereafter
rue , for, as sure as he was talking, the party now in power
would be held responsible by the party coiling in.
I his was a subject of great magnitude. It deserved atten
Uve consideration He might say mucE more in relation to
it, but he would forW With the tew observations which
ho had submitted he would content himself at this time, mere
h k n im ref,'ren,f ,t0 ,he question bebre the Senate, that
he should be compelled, as the Senate would ?>erceive from
the views which he had expressed, to vote against the amend
ment which had been offered by the Senator from Michigan.
Ah to the other two propositions, the amendment of the Sen
ator from Georgia and the bill itself, he would reserve the
expression of his views in regard to them until he saw ihe
turtlu-r developments of this great question as to how the war
was to be conducted.
Wednesday, February 10, 1847.
A PRIVILEGED QUESTION.
Mr. \ ULEE rose and said 10 desired to offer a resolution
which, though not altogether i question of privilege, yet was
one which involved the rights jf persons entitled to the privi
lege of seats on the floor.
The resolutions weie here read, and are as follows :
r i "i"* c<"tor? of the Union, a newspaper mib
uihed !!! ? C,tyi?' W,a,J?int'ton. having, in a publication con
tamed in a number of that paper dated the Uth of February
issued and uttered a public libvl upon the character of this
ofuie Senate t,u P:ivilc8e of admission 10 the floor
nflh.. Vir!!>e'\ v?0,ve'l> That l,>e report of the proceedings
? ot tl,e 8t!> daj of February in relation to the bill
f "'!? An.aIVt lo ?,St; limited time an additional mili
tary force and for other purposes," is partial and unjust to the
body, and that the Reporters for that p*per be excluded for
Senate" ?easion from a place in the gallery of the
^Ir" ^a8keJ for thc immediate consideration.
Mr. SEVIER objected.
Ihe PRESIDING OFFICER announced that objection
being made, the resolution would lie over one day.
Mr. BADGER suggested that as the resolution related to
a question of privilege, the parliamentary practice gave it pre
cedence over ordinary resolutions, and exempted it from the
rule applicable to them.
ik ^ '"i ' if^11"*0 0f?ER said that, upon examining
the rule, he could find no distinction made between resolu
tions upon questions of privilege and any other resolutions,
ihis resolution, therefore, must lie over.
Mr. BADGER appealed from this decision.
r. CALHOUN hoped the Senator from North Carolina
would not insist on his motion for an appeal, for it appeared
to him desirable that the resolution should lie over until to
morrow, so that Senators might have an opportunity of ex
amining the article referre J to, which contained, as was alleged,
attacks?lor it was not a single attack, but several?upon this
body, as well as the report that was complained of, to sec if
tnat report has been garbled.
Mr. ARCHER said that he could have no objection that
the resolution should lie over; indeed he believed that that
would be the fittest disposal that could he made of it at pre
sent, but he was unwilling that this deei.ion of the Chair
should establish a precedent.
Mr. SEVIER insisted that the rule was applicable to all
resolutions; .
Mr. BADGER agreed entirely in the suggestion made by
the honorable Senator from South Carolina, that it was better
in every respect that this subject should lie considered to-mor
row and not to-day, for he admitted that it was a subject which
ought not to t>e acted on without full consideration. In adopt
ing a resolution to vindicate the dignity of the body, and to
preserve it from gross assault*, they ought to proceed in such
a manner as to show that they were not acting under excite
ment but coolly and d. liberately. They should do nothing
but what a just appreciation of their own dignity and respec
tability required. He would |M perfectly willing, therefore,
that the resolution should lie over, but he could not consent
to withdraw the appeal, for the reason which had been very
properly assigned by the honorable Senator from 'Virginia.
If the decision of the Presiding Officer should be acquiesed in,
it would establish a precedent which might be very inconve
nient and even .iaigerous to the |>rivileges of this body, or
an., of its members. He instanced the case of a gross and
open insult that might be offered to the body while engaged in
deliberation which would require the immediate interposition
of its authority. An obstruction to the public business might
be occasioned by a riot taking place within the hall or other
wise, and it would lie exceedingly inconvenient in such ease
that a resolution to punish the offending parties should be re
quired to be postponed for a day. It was for such reasons as
these that questions of privilege took priority over all others,
and were always in order ; and it was a question for the Se
nate to determine, when such question ofprivilege was raised,
whether it demanded immediate action, or whether it might
l>e consistently postponed ? It was for the pur|>ose of avoid
ing the establishment of such a precedent as the decision of
the Chair which has just been made would estabbsh, that he
had taken an appeal.
Mr. CALHOUN said he did not entertain the least doubt
of the correctness of the position taken by the Senator from
North Carolina that a question of privilege always takes prc
't8JK.nC'>' 'lai' lne**,'y suggested the postponement in outer
Mr. DX\fKr,"D """"nation.
subject was very cte?rlyUi?Lth? Parliame'itary law upon this
found upon a full examination tluf ,l would be
questions of privilege were exempt from the rule m,a"r<*r,,mK
dmary resolutions to lie over for one day. Hut he rose mere
ly to see if he could hot extricate the Senate from the difficul
ty in which it was placed, by proposing (and he Mieved the
propositi n would meet the approbation of gentlemeu on all
sides) that Ihe question of appeal as well as the resolution
should be deferted until to-morrow.
Mr. YULEE acceded to the proposal to postpone the con
sideration of the subject until to-morrow.
On Thursday thc Pnesidk^t of the Senate said that thc first
business in order was the question upon the appeal taken by
the Senator from North Carolina from the decision of the
? hup* ui reference to thc resolution* offered yesterday by the
Seat!* from Florida. He then proceeded, in a upeech of
?ome length, to assign the grounds upon which hi* derinion !
rested. J his resolution, he thought, fell clearly within the (
rulei requiring resolutions to lie over one day, if the present
consideration of such resolution should be objected to. Unani
mous consent was generally given to Ihe immediate considera
tion of questions such as the one presented in these resolu
tions, it wn? true, hut n.> general parliamentary usige could
be ("?ruiitted to override an express rule. Like the case of
ihe common law conflicting with a statute, the former must
always yield to Ihe latter.
Mr. B A DO hit contended, with deference to the opinion of
* ie chair, that a resolution concerning a question of privilege j
did not fall within the rule of the Senate. He instanced the j
ruse o a verbal motion being made on a question of privilege,
which motion any Senator might require should lie committed lo
w riting, nuch a motion, thus put in writing, could not, in
is opinion, lie construed as such a resolution as was contem
plated by the rule of the Senate.
After further debate, the question was'taken upon the appeal,
by yeas and nays, as follows : "
Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, Haghy,
I Imiiu i'u "ii* ' <;'lw',n';rV Dickinson, Dix, Fairfield,
Wp, Berrien, B.itler, ON
for win C ' I ' ?? ?''omas Clayton, John M. Clajlon,
iZton' f..' n,IC'n,' , l)i,Vi*' Kvaris, , Greene, flnn!
h^S lJjilr. l? ' Mangum, MUler, More
ami Vuicr 'an'* Simmons, Upham, Webster, Westeott,
co,H:;1i,':':;'"",r,of ,hc,c>ir ??d the funhcr
cons deration of the resoh.fton* was po.tp.med till Friday.
estino " "I',0'1 ""'t there occurred an inter
t .... ? k" Pr< ?'1 l''umh of which precludes any attempt
? ' I?'*'1 tbe following out line may serve
to give the reader some Idea of the course it to.,k :
?.?r ik^ , ,^e*pl,,n?d the causes which imlucd him to
nL k t U^n' , tI,nt rrg""tted the oppor
tunity hid not been aff,nle<l him of relieving the Senate from
he trouble and the loss of time attendant upon the eon<idera
tior. of this matt,.r Such an opportunity w.,urd hare been
afforded had the editor, m whose p,,^r the objectionabkl pub
lication was made, even after two nights' time for reflec-1
tion, thought proper to disavow h'u aanction of the very grow
ami outrageous assault upon the Senate that his paper hau
contained. It would have given him greut pleasure to have
withdrawn the resolution, upon the exhibition on the part ol
the editor of such a sense of juatice toward* the Senate a?
would have been implied by a retraction on hia pait of the
offensive article. -
Mr. Y. aent to the Secretary the paper containing the offen
sive article, and it was read. (
It appeared to him that the intention to malign the Senate
was clearly indicated, inasmuch as the very paper that con
tained the abusive article furnished, in its account of the pro
ceedings of the Senate, the information that would have shown
the editor, if he had Jeered to be informed, and to shape his
statements according to the facts, that the allegation which
lay at the very foundation of the charges brought against the
Senate was unfounded. He held, therefore, that the editor
was very clearly responsible for having meditated an assault
upon the Senate. It was not his purpose to arraign the editor
of the Union before the Senate, in order to iutlict upon him
any punishment beyond that which would follow trom the
declaration that his paper was no longer to be regurded as being
worthy of confidence.
Mr. BUTLER rose to give a direction to this subject which
would be more conformable, he said, to his own wishes, and
he h^>ed not inconsistent with the design of the honorable
tnov^T Ho was very glad that these resolutions had been
postponed, so that their action might be of that deliberate
character which was most consistent with the dignity of that
body, in order to atford the editor of the Union an opportunity
of showing why he should not be excluded from the privilege
of the floor. He suggested that a committee be appointed to
hear any reasons which might l>e offered by the editor before
coming to a linal vote on the resolutions.
Mr. SEVIER moved that the further consideration of the
resolutions be postponed until to-morrow, with a view of taking
up the orders of the day.
Mr. WEBSTER asked for the yeas and nays, and they
were ordered, and being taken, were as follows:
YEAS?Messrs. Allen, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, B*g
by, Bright, Butler, Cass, Chalmers, Dickinson, Dix, ^air
field, Houston, Mason, Nilcs, Sevier, Soule, Sturgeon, I ur
ney, Westcott?20. ' ?
NAYS?Messrs. Archer, Badger, Berrien, Calhoun, Cillej,
Thomas Clayton, John M. Clayton, Corwin, Crittenden, Da
vis, Dayton, Evans, Greene, Huntiugton, Jarnagin, Johnson,
of Louisiana, Mangum, Miller, Morohead, I'uaree, Simmons,
Uphaiu, W ebster, Wood bridge?24.
Mr. ALLEN then uddrcssed the Senate at much length.
He contended that the privilege of the Senate did not extend
to taking cognizance of, and inflicting punishment for publica
tions which might be deemed offensive, contained in the pub
lic newspapers.
Mr. SEVIER concurred in the view expressed by the Sena
tor from Ohio. If they attempted to visit with punishment
what they considered a libellous article published in this city,
it would be equally incumbent on thom to punish the same
sort of offence committed in New Orleans or any where else.
Wht re were they going to draw the line of distinction It
was assuming a dangerous exercise of power, and one which
could lead to no good results. The proposition of the Senator
from South Carolina (Mr. Bvtlek) was stilt more objection
able than the resolutions themselves. If it were attempted to
carry the punishment further than the mere deprivation of the
privilege of the floor, it would be very apt to be regarded as a
matter of oppression, if if were not supposed that they were
aiming a little lieyond the organ of the Government, as it was
called, and striking at a higher quarter. The editor of the
Union, possessing, as he believed he did, the true Virginia
spirit, if brought before a committee of that body to answer in
a matter of this sort, would refuse to answer, but would under
go the punishment of imprisonment, it they intended to go so
far, for the very purpose of exciting public sympathy in his
favor. Instead of asserting the dignity of that body, the
affair would end ill making the Senate supremely ridiculous.
He hoped his friend, the Senator from South Carolina, would
withdraw his proposition. ...
Mr. TURNEY said wo were indeed living in strange
times. Senators on his side of the chamber were told that
they, having the majority, were responsible for what was done.
This was entirely an error. There was a party in the Senate
which might be termed the balance-o! power party, for they
could shape every thing as they pleased. The country (he
thought) ought distinctly to know the condition of parties, in
order that the responsibility might rest where it properly be
longed. He did not approve of the term " Mexican victory
that was used by the correspondent of the Union, though in
point of fact the matter alluded to by that correspondent was
such as emphatically enured to the benefit of the Mexican
cause. He stated what was substantially true. Where then
was the slander > He did not think that the editor should be
huld responsible for the declarations of his correspondent, es
pecially as the very paper containing them gave the facts which
justified him in calling it a Mexican victory. He was in
clined to the opinion that the publication of that article had
contributed to the linal passage of the army bill. It the course
of proceeding proposed by these resolutions should be followed,
it would be an act (and the public ought so to understand it)
done by the Senate for which the Democratic party was not
responsible. If he were allowed to make a prediction, he
would say that the three million bill would be lost. He saw
indications enough to convince him that audi would be the
fact, and he supposed the Demociatic party were to be held
responsible for this also. The responnb.liiy for all these
things ought to be placed where it propei ly belonged.
Mr. YULEE inquired of the Senator from Tennessee what
he meant when he s|<oke of a balance of-power party ?
Mr. TURNEY replied that he simply meant to say that
there was a certain number of Senators in that body whocon
siituted a balance-of-power party ; who could, by uniting
themselves, cither with Senators on the other side or on this
side, carry or reject ony measure they pleased ; and who, in
the majority of instances he believed, during the present session,
hail chosen to vote with Senators on the other side.
Mr. YULEE desired to be informed by the Senator if he
meant to assert that theic was an organized party, segregated
and acting separately for the purpose of commanding a ma
jority bv attaching themselves to cither of the two political
divisions of the Senate, or whether those two divisions were so
nearly halanted that the majority was created by such Senators
as happened to differ on certain questions troin the parly with
wtiich they usually acted ; b cause, if the latter was meant, he
could only say that the Senator from Tennessee himself pur
sued the very course that he found fault with.
Mr. TURNEY said it was very truo he sometimes voted
again* his party ; and he should always do so when he be
lieved they were in the wrong. But what he rnesnt to sny
was, and he helmed it was very generally understood, that
among the Democratic} parly there were aspirants for the Pre
sidoncy, and those aspirants had their peculiar friends and fol
lowers, who were ready on all occasions to act in such a man
ner as to give to the aspirant the ascendency. It it were de^
manded of him, he could poiut out one such aspirant, though
he would rather not l>e compelled to do so. Nor did he think
that it was necessary to he. more explicit ; for he believed it
was a matter distinctly understood by the whole country. As
to the question "which had been put to him by the Senator
from Florida, whether the party he had spoken of as being the
balance-of-power party was an organized party, he would say
that he knew nothing of its organization. He only knew that
its head was organized, and that he presented to his followers
-?irse they should take. This party, he contended, small
as it miirrii u, -konld alone be responsible to the American
people for the passngo or rejection of all those measures which
the necessities of the country required.
Mr. CALHOUN hoped, after what had been said by the
Senator from Tennessee, that the Senate would excuse him
for detaining them with a few remarks. If the Senator, when
he s|s?ke of an aspirant for the Presidency, intended his ob
servation to apply to him, he would tell the Senator that he
was entirely muitoken. He was not, and never had been, an
aspirant for the Presidency. He would tell the Senator, fur
thermore, that he would not so much as turn upon his heels for
the purpose of lieing elevated to the Presideney. 'I he Sena
tor bad uttered a hlwl upon him when h?> said
The PRESIDING OFFIOKR. The Semtor must be
aware that he is using language not strictly parliamentary.
Mr. CALHOUN, continuing?when he intimated that lie
was capable of voting on any occasion with a view to the at
tainment of any other object than that which was legitirnalely
within the sphere of his public duty. The whole volume of
his life would show that he was above being influenced by
any such considerations or motives as tho-e suggested by the
Senator. There were men, however, who could not bejieve
that an individual could be actuated by a single purpose other
than party considerations or the promotion of interested views.
Hi?purjMiso was to perform his duty to the country, ami no
denunciations here or ulsewhcre could divert liini from that
purpose. He had always Mimed at this object, and he should
always continue to do so.
II the Senator meant to assert that there was any organized
movement here thnt was participated in by biin, with a view
lo delay or to defeat any of the measures of the Democratic
party, he was never more mistaken. He thought it would l?e
very difficult for the Senator to specify a single measure which
had lieen delayed or defeated by such means. He was glad
the Senator had thought projier lo refer in this pointed manner
to him, for he had seen such insinuations in the public papers
regarding his couise in relation to the Mexican war.
Mr. (5. then entered into a vindication of his course in re
gard to the war. They were told that there would have been
no war if the annexation of Texas had not taken place ; and
he was charged with inconsistency because he had favored the
annexation and was opposed to the war. He was of opinion him
self that if the annexation of Texas had not taken place, there
would have been DO war with Mexico, but that annexation
was not the cause of the war. The immediate cause of the
war was the marching of our troops trom Corpus Christi to
the Rio del Ntjrte. If Gen. Taylor had remained with his
forces where he was, there would have lieeu no invasion
there would have been no conflict.
The President, it appeared, considered the Rio del Norte
as the iKiimdary of T. x.is, and was governed by that conside
ration in directing the movement of the army ; but the ques
tion then arose, Did it belong to the President lo determine
what our boundaries were ? There were but two ways ofde
terming a question of boundary : one waa by negotiation and
tieaty, and the other wax, if the party contenting the boun
?7h, i "0t Cl?'Df,t0 h5rra''' for Oongre? ?o declare what
boundaries ahould be, and to maintain it at the hazard of
Pr'J-ii ,h? co.n*ulut,on neyer placed il in the bands ol the
lTV. 10 lietf1fn'"e ????* a question. If any body ?a. to
H^K p"T" u?r ,lh? War? " w(u not Senator from
S. ifh I'"' ,HC drP'?r0d the Wttr' f0r lh" i"
which it baa been brought on. And here he might t>e asked
why he had not taken some step tp arrest the march of (Jen.
; iaylor Jle answered, in the f,rat place, that he did not
hear ol the marching order until a long time after it had been
Riven. He got the first information of it from the Senator
from Delaware. And that Senator would remember that he
had said, when so informed, that he did not think such a thing
could be possible. It turned out, however, to be true.
After it had lmen officially announced, he had staled to his
friends that the march of Gen. Taylor ought to l? arrested,
otherwise a would bring on a war, and he would ha e moved
a resolution to arrest the march of the troops had he not occu
pied the peculiar relation that he did at that time with the
Executive in regard to the Oregon question. By moving such
a resolution he would appear to stand opposed to the Execu
Uve, though not so in reality, and would have been prevented
from carrying out his views in relation to the settlement of the
Oregon question by which a war with England was averted.
Mr. CALHOUN explained at R^iat length the course which
he had tuken in relation to both the Oregon question and the
Mexican war.
'i'he debate was further continued until a late hour. Messrs
TURNEV, YULEE, BUTLER, ALLEN, and others pari
Ucipating. ? Y
And the Senate adjourned without coming to any decision
on the resolutions.
WASHINGTON.
"Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and
Inseparable."
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1847.
Ge*. TAYLOR AND HIS ACCUSERS.
0 _
In our daily paper of Monday we published a com
munication very successfully meeting and repelling
the attempt of a writer in the government paper to
disparage the valor or the discretion of the Com
manding General at the battle of Monterey.
As for the " Union" itself, the Editor says that,
before pursuing any further its war against Gen.
Taylor on account of the affair of Monterey, he
prefers " to wait until the documents in relation to
" lhe prosecution of the war, which have been called
"for by the House of Itepresentativcs, shall have
" been made public."
Now, it will be remembered by all who have fol
lowed the history of the persecution got up in the
House of Representatives against the General, that,
when these " documents" were called for, the House
refused to make the call general when a motion
was made for that purpose by one who protested
against garbling the papers, to suit the official, per
sonal, or party purposes of any body. The Editor
of the "Union" evidently has an inkling of what
new charges against Gen. Taylor these selected
documents are intended or expected to form the
foundation.
Our suspicions of an intention of this sort would
not be awakened as they are?for we are not prone
to indulge in groundless suspicions?if we did not
perceive, in other prints than the organ of the Ad
ministration here, very intelligible indications of
something in the wind; straws showing which
way it blows.
In the New \ ork "Sun," for example, we find
the following:
C ,,,arn f?m Washington that the Committees of the
WO Houses on Military Alfiirs spoil the most <f Saturday
(the day following the War apon (Jen. T. in the HoZ
"J ! " War Apartment, examining
the correspondence of Gen. Taylor with the Government
rent "there Zfth r0?ard to lh? i ??<J rumors are cur
, ,# f;:n'ern"ie'>' " not u i thou t cause of com
plaint against the General.
inf0lrme<1 ?f ? sreut """"J allkoatioks
Which have become bruited a!?out the seat of Government
since this unfortuate letter made its appearance there, an,I
which bear hard upon the justice as well as the general pro
priety ol the contents of that letter ; but, as the Military Com
milteet are said to have given the subject a thorough exami
nation, and U is expected to conxe before Congress forthwith,
we refrain from giving currency to any thing of an unpleasant
na/urc m relation to the matter until it becomes an imperative
duty and the disclosures, if any are to be made, become au
thentic history instead of irresponsible rumor."
Well done, Mrs. Candor!
I he " Sun of Baltimore also reflects some light
on the subject; its Washington correspondent, in
his published letter of January 31, saying as
lollows:
... 1 here '*? ? doubt, on the part of members, a disposition
to h, dissatisfied will, the plan of miliary operations of (Jen.
aylor. Hut we must wait for the (Laments which Mr.
I hompsoi, ? resolution will show forth, before we form an
opinion on the subject.
?' Every thing now ia m-ro conjecture, except on the part
'{''"Xe"tlemen forming the Committees on Military Affairs
rJXorHnUT w ir t/,e eorre*P?ndencc olfjen.
relent 7r lr DeP?r"?'". and the reports of the dif
imSL f ? k ,a'Q' th?refore' to drop the subject
till the matter shall come forward in a more tangible form."
Similar hints and allusions in other papers leave
no doubt on our mind that the General is in more
danger Irom the enemies behind his back than he
realized from the enemy in his front, either at Mon
terey, J'alo Alto, or Resaca de la Palma.
The remarks of our correspondent npon transla
tions induced us to compare the copy [translated]
of Ampi'dia's Letter, as sent to Congress, with the
copy [tranflated] forwarded with (Jen. Taylor's
official report to the War Department, dated Sep
tember 2:>th, and published in the " Union" of the
12th October last; and we find such a discrepancy
between them, in a very important particular, that
it seems to be our duty here to republish them.
The discrepancy to which we refer certainly pre
sents an unanswerable reason why the original
Letter of (Jen. Ampi:dia should be forthwith pub
linlied. One or the other of the following transla
tions must be incorrect; possibly, and indeed pro
bably, neither of them is critically exact. And one
' mS? the reader will see, is very certain, that
Gen. Taylor agreed to the Capitulation upon an
existing state of things, and the House of Repre
sentatives has condemned the Capitulation upon a
state of things so entirely different that the main
consideration which induced Gen. Taylor to ac
cede to the Capitulation is not to be found in it!
THE TWO TRANSLATIONS.'
n,e f?ll?*ing version accompanied the Report of the Sc
Cr;,tary''f War t0 ,hc p'"?ident, and was by him made part
of las Message to Congress :
HxAnmrAiiTRns, MoNTRiiRr
September 23, 184?, at it /,*/< nl ,?W//
iu .u ?t 1 maile a" ,h* defence of which I be
lieve this city capable, I have fulfilled my obligation and done
all required by that military honor which, to a certain de.ree
is common to ail the armies of the civilized world ? and ... 1
continuation of the defence wotild only briinr unon ih- r
that the ArLr?!?n ?P?" nnd believing
that the Amen, an Government will appreciate these aenti
niM .Kh'? Uxceilency to evacuate the city and
w "rh is lei ?,7 T lu" materiel of war
-Tal lJ uni'rin 'h? nMUrnnco ,hat prosecution
aKn"",, lhe caisten# Whu h'v0 '?kp"
comideration ,0nCcrPtth* "#,urar)CP my most distinguished
totTuZz T.tlu, ,'EUR0 DE AMn:""
Ceneral-in-Chie/of the American Army.
I lie followinu '? the translation forwarded with General
r^H'sOffi^1 Report to the War Department, and pub
lished in the Government paper of October 12 ;
HEADQUARTERS AT MoHTKBIT,
SepL 23, 1846?9 o'clock P. M
Senoh General : Having made the defence of which I
believe this city susceptible, I have fulfilled my duty, and Lave
i?atislitd that military honor which, in a certain manner, is
common to all armies of the civilized world.
To piosecute the defence, therefore, would only result in
distress to the population, who have already suffered enough
front the misfortunes consequent on war?, anil, taking it for
granted that the American Government has manifested a dis
positiou to negotiate, I propose to you to evacuate the city and
its fort, taking with me ihe personnel and tnuleriel which have
remuinetl, and under the assurance that no harm shall ensue
to the inhabitants who have taken a part in the defence.
lie pleased to accept the assurance of my most distinguish
ed consideration. PEDRO DL AMPUDIA.
To Senor Don Z. Taylor,
General-in-chief of the American army.
DUAGOONING CONGRESS.
A sort of. desperation appears to have seized
upon the particular friends of the Administration
on discovering that there is an indisposition in Con
gress to surrender all the powers of government
into the hand# of the Executive. No stronger
particular evidence in support of this general ob
servation need be quoted than the virulence of the
government paper, just now, in its Editorial de
partment, but still more in the communicated ar
ticles which it editorially endorses. What can be
more justly offensive to the independence and free
dom of spirit of the Legislative bodies, for exam
ple, than the subjoined passages in the Union of
Tuesday night, forming part of an article signed
"Vindicator," conspicuously referred to in the
same paper under the Editorial head ? Is it to be
wondered that Senators should be disposed to re
sent this affront to their dignity through the Execu
tive organ ? Ia not the course of the government
paper calculated, in fact, to make an irreparable
breach between the President and the Senate ? The
reader will perhaps perceive already, in a part of
yesterday's proceedings in that body, what must be
the natural effect of this course.
from the "csuok" or Tuesday ni?ht.
" Tiie Army Bii.l.?A correspondent in this
4 evening's 14 Union" has painted with strong and
4 indignant feelings the rejection of the army bill
* by the Senate of the United States. We are. as
4 much astonished by the grounds on which it was
* rejected, as by the failure of a measure so long
* agitated, so much demanded by a patriotic people,
* so essential to the vindication of our rights and
4 our honor," &c.
Extracts from the article of the Union'a corres
pondent, thus njerrtd to.
44 In the Senate of the United States on yesterday the
4 Mexicans achieved another victory. rI ho bill for organi
4 zing ten regiments of regular troops having been submitted,
4 with its amendments, to a committee of conference of the
4 two Houses, that committee unanimously agreed 6n a re
4 port, which was submitted to them for their approval. The
4 House of Representatives at once adopted the report by a
4 very large majority. In the Senate it was, in its most im
4 portant feature, rejected by a majority of six. * * *
44 If Santa Anna, Ampudia, or any other Mexican General
4 could snatch from our soldiers a corresponding victory, we *
4 should place them upon the same elevation where their
4 compatriots, friends, and fellow-soldiers in the Senate of the
* United States now stand."
And what is the act of the Senate which is thu9
so insultingly denounced in the Union? Why,
simplv, that the Senate has thought lit not to sur
render its constitutional privilege of passing on ap
pointments to office. For this it is that the Senate
i* scandalously assailed in the Executive journal
as achieving a victory for the Mexicans, and as the
compatriots, friends, and fellow-soldiers of Santa
Jinna and Ampudia ! We confess we have never
witnessed before in any public journal so gross an
outrage.
THE SENATE AND THE GOVERNMENT PRESS.
The 44 National Intelligent er" exhibits, it must be con
fessed, a most liberal spiiit, in all conscience. We had some
reasons for hoping that it would even testify some disposition
to uphold the liU-rly of the press. But, if that supposition
were entirely nut of th>' question, win it too much to expect
that it would forliear throwing its weight into the scale against
another press in such a position ' Is the liberty of the press
of so little moment in a free Government that the " National
Intelligencer" is willing to nee not only every editor of the
press 44 cribbed and circumscribed," but every citizen, who
wishes to address the country on the most important public
measures, sweated down to s<?me set phrase, or some imagi
nary standard of 44 public libel.' ?Union of yesterday.
Our readers will bear us witness, with one ac
cord, that we expressed no opinion, one way or
the other, as to the proposition depending in the
Senate, for an expression of its sense of its privi
leges, outraged, in the case before it, by an officer
of its own, and by a press which is, when it speaks
of measures under consideration of the Senate,
universally understood to speak the voice of the
President of the United States. The fact that a
proposition of this description, touching the privi
leges of the Senate, was yet depending?was under
grave and deliberate consideration by the Senate
was a sufficient reason for our not expressing any
opinion touching that proposition. Our own view
of what would be, if not the wisest, the least
troublesome course for the Senate, might be infer
red from the course of this paper when very nearly
the same sort of aspersion has been cast upon
it, as has now been upon the Senate, in reference,
first, to the Oregon dispute, next to the Mexican
question, and as, quite probably, would be the
case in regard to any debatable question of which
we and the Administration took different views.
We have passed it by in silence. We have dis
dained to notice it.
But did the government paper expect from us that
we should chime in with it in stigmatizing the Se
nate as 44 Mexicans," and the Senators as 44 com
patriots, friends, and fellow-soldiers" of Santa
Anna, Ampudia, 41 or any other Mexican General ?"
How could we do otherwise than denounce to our
readers such a violation of the respect due to the
elevated body thus vilified in cross as well as in
detail ?
The Editor mistakes his position altogether when
he would shield himself from responsibility lor out
rages such as this behind the JEgis which protects
| the freedom of the press. It is not the 44 Liberty
of the Press," but the Muse of the Press, which
we deprecate, not because of its positive crime, as
in the case before us, but because its direct and ob
vious tendency is to undermine the proper influ
ence of the Press by destroying all confidence in it.
Certainly, we are not willing that, in the language
of the 44 Union," every Editor of the Press, who
wishes to address the country, should be 44 cribbed
and circumscribed," or 44 sweated down to some set
phrase but we are of opinion that the control of
a press gives no right to mako assertions which
have no truth in them, or to hurl forth the most in
solent and degrading imputations, for which there
cannot be pretended even a shadow of foundation.
When, scarcely yet a year ago, imputations less
vile were cast upon the Senate from another press
in this city, and the Senate took the matter up, it

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