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_t?? IN SENATE?Monday, January 10, 1848. INCREASE OF THE ARMV. The bill to rai?c ten additional Regiments of Regular troops being under consideration, and the question being oil iu pas sage? Mr. JOHNSON, of Maryland, said : My purpose, Mr. President, in now addressing the Senate, is to give my opin ion upon certain points connected with the present war, which, it seems to be conceded, may be properly diacumed upon the present bill. They are thee : . 1. Is the war u just and honorable one, or is it unjurt and dishonorable > 2. Ha* it been heretofore properly prosecuted 3. How shou'd it her.'alur be proaecuted ? 4. What end, conmtently with the good name of the na ' tion, should be attained by it * Mr. President, upon each of these proooeitions, I proposo to present my \iewn with the frankness and freedom which be come a Senator, and at the same time with the deference which I sincerely feel for the opinions of those upon both sides of the chamber with whom I shall be found to differ. Nothing, sir, is more annoying to me than to ref. r at any time to any thing personal to myself, and it is especially ao to do ?o in the presence in which I stand. Hut there may be circumstances which render it a duty. I feel myaell in tlitl condition, and I therefore ask the kind indulgence of your self and the Senate te 'say a word or two of a personal char acter. _ ., ... To those who know me, Mr. President, it is, I am sure, unnecessary to disclaim that I am actuated on this occasion, neither in what 1 ah.ll aay or do, by any other motive than the single moire of duty to my country. If I could be mad enough to desire anv other political post of honor than the one which I now hold, (sufficient, one would tlnnk, to satisfy the cravings of any ambition,) I hope I know myself well enough to be able to say, with truth, that 1 should (corn to obtain it by pandering to popular passion or official power. But, sir, I am proud to state that I have no such desire ; that there is ? no office in the gill of the present Executive which I would accept, and none in the power of the people to give that I would lake. In the school of political ethics in which I have been taught, I have imbibed, as my first and last lesson, tho duty to do what ypu believe to bo right, and confidently abide the result. Be it ihe approbation of your fellow-men or not, you have then the approbation of your own conscience, trans ending, infinitely transcending in true value any reward that ?an flow from human source. \8 to popularity, sir, I estimate it as nothing, if it is sought after Its real worth is when it follows good ends, accom plished by good nuans. It becomes disgrace when catered for. I would not avow any political opinion which I did not sin cerely entertain, nor conceal one which I did entertain, to win any honor which ray countrymen coulJ bestow ; honor ao von, if I wai capable of to winning it, would bo to me but hourly abasement. . Sii, I need not say that I came into this body differing with the Administration upon almost every subject of our public civil policy. This difference, decided a* it was in the begin ning, so fai from ha ving been diminished, has been but more a id more strengthened and confirmed. I believe they misappre hend the true policy of the country, and fundamentally upon great and vital,points of constitutional power. 1 may be mistaken, but I believe as sincerely as I believe in my own existence that the day will come, and is rapidly coming, when this will be seen to be the general opinion of ihe people, and that until then the country will be deprived of many a blessing which the constitution was intended to bestow. Hut, sir, new questions have arisen, and are now agitating the na ' tion. Wc are at war; and upon one of the questions grow- , ing out of it I find myself differing perhaps with most of the Senators on this side of the chamber, not I hope with all with | whom it is my pride and pleasure generally to agree. I need not say, Mr. President, to you or to them, that this difference | exists, if it does exist, because I am unable from a sense ol | duty to ha*e it otherwise. Party ties, party prepossessions, party assoc ations, strong as they ever are and should be,-can never be^ufficiently strong to make an honorable man violate what lie feels to be his duty to his country. And when in that duty is involved his country's reputation, they should be and are weaker than the spider's web. Nor uiH>n this occasion do I feel any other concern than that which the mere lact of difference creates, because I know so well the Senators who are around rae, that whatever regret they may feel that our opinions arc not upon all points identical, I should cease to have, what I am eure I now have, their res pect and esteem, if I surrendered my own judgment and pal tered with my own conscience upon a measure vital in that judgment to the true fame of our common country. W e dif fer, sir, but we differ as friends. We differ, sir, but we differ as patriots. We have alike ihe true honor of tho country at heart?we arc only not agreed, p-rhaps, as to what that true honor demands. ... u- u -1 Sir, be libels them, and libels roe, who doubts our high and patriotic purposes. He violates the decorum of private lite, and the decencies of official relation, where it exists, who inti mates that we are capable, under any state of things, or for any purposes, of taking sides with the enemies of our country. Wc aim alike at her honor; we disagree, if we do disagree, as to the true mode of vindicating and maintaining it. Mr. I re sident, all of the good and liberal of my countrymen will, I have no doubt, when they shall have seen what I am about to say, do me the justice to believe that mv motives are pure and . patriotic. There may be, and perhaps are, mere followers of the party camp, whose hope it is to feed on the spoils o! the contest, who may profess.to doubt it; but none such do I drop a syllable to satisfy. Bred in the corruption Of the motto of the political freebooter, that the spoils belong to the victor? fighting not for principle, but for plunder, they are as leculent as their motto, and beneath the notice of honest men ? only, indeed, to be shunned as you would shun any loithsome toad that might lie in your pathway. Is the war just and honorable or not ' I think it is, and I hope, for the good name of my country, . that such will l?c the judgment of Christendom. Sir, I wish to be clearly understood. I am not inquiring into the con.luct of the Executive, into its prudence, or its constitutionality. My single proposition now is, that as between the Lnited States and Mexico, the former had just cause of war on the 15th May, 1846, when theVar act of that date was passed, and that on that day war iu fact existed by means of the un just and illegal act of Mexico. Sir, I repeat before going fur ther, that I sincerely trust, as I love the fair fame of my coun trvmen, that I msy be able to make this plain. Sir, should bow in deep and licartfslt mortification for that fame if I dul not believe it to be plain. I would not have it even to be in volved in the slightest obscurity or doubt, fiom the dread of the iudgment which the civilized world would then be compelled to pass upon us. We live in an age when nations as indi viduals, lo?e their power and usefulness, and sink into degra dation if they perpetrate acts of wrong and injustice. e are, thank God, surrounded by a moral atmosphere as neces sary to healthful national existence as the atmosphere we breathe is necessary to individual life. If we discard it, if we sink below it, if we substitute for it that which ta inseparable from violence and injustice, the punishment is at band. he decay l?egins and progresses until we are involved in hopeless National character is national power; and the purer, the more elevated, the more spotless that character, the greater the pow er. I trust, therefore, in God that I am right in the opinion < that this war is upon our part just and honorable. II not, it not clearly just and honorable, then will we be pronounced by the judgment of the world a band of murderer*. ^ No other sentence can then I*' passed upon us. If we arc right, we are worthy descendants of sires who knew no moial blemish, who estimated the national honor above all price. If we are wrong, we have disgraced the inheritance of freedom they have left us, brought dishonor upon our land, and aimed a Wal Wow at constitutional freedom itself. t If I speak strongly it is because I fe. l strongly. I wish to give off mce to none; I take no offence if others hold a differ ent opinion. I am here to justify my own before the Senate and the country, and I mean to do it with the freedom that be longs to each of us. I have an instinctive repugnance to believe my country wrong in anv war in which she can engage, and I rejoice tint in tins instance my feelings anJ m> jq Igment are one. I now pro ceed wiih the attempt to maintain that judgment. I have not tjnie, sir, nor health to state ail the fusts which our difficulties with Mexico have developed applicable to this question. Hot if I h?d should I deem it necessary to trespass ao muc.i upon the time of this body. My purpose is to refer only to such as I arn aure cannot he suecessfu'ly deniel, and which are of themselves, in my judgment, conclusive of tlie controversy. In 183i the Mexican Congress passed a decree requiring nil citii-ns to surrender to the Government their arm*. I he le gislature of Coihuila and Texns by decree remonstrated Mwrist it and other acts relating the constitution of Mexico of 1. *4, by which they had changed the Government frrtn a r ederal to a Central one. For this Gen. Cos, under the order of Sanla \nna, at the head of his army broke up ihe. Legislature of Coahuila and Texas, and arrested all the officers of the Government, march ed over the Rio Grande and established his headquarters at Han Antonio, leaving a garrison at I^puutitUn on the Nueces and one at Goliad. The Toxaus then com'itenced the revo lution, retook Go'iud, L'pautltlaa, and Han Antonio in 18'tfi. The boundaries of Coahuila and Texas, as these depart ments were laid off into one State by the constitution of '24, was tho Nueces, running for upward of one hundred miles up that stream, ami then by a line across from that point to the Rio (stande. The territory below that line, between the Nue ces and the Rio Grande, was a part of the Htate of Tamauli ims Tamanlipas granted it to var.ons individual* by what were called colonv-grants, under which rainy settlements were made. These colonists, or the greater portion of them, so en titled to this portion of the territory, joined in the Texaa revo lotion, and were represented in the Convenuon of I exes which ?nbeequently declared the independence of that Republic. The Jay after the battle of San Jaciitfo (3lai April, '36) San ta Anna aurreudered as a prisoner. In about six weeks after wards he entered into a treaty with the Government of Texas, acknowledging the Kio Grande at* their southwestern bounda ry, upon condition that General Filis. la, then at the head of'five thousand Iroopa, being all that were left to the Central iitU to maintain their power, ahould be permitted to retire west of the river, and that he himaelf ahould be released, 'I*hese conditions were complied with, Filiaola being permitted to retire with all hie force to the west of the river, and Santa An na in October afterward* released. The treaty contained also various stipulations abaut the release of prisoners und the sur render of property. Gen. Rusk, then at the head of the Texan furces, and under the order of the Texan Government, trans mitted a copy of the treaty to General Filisola, who recog nised it, and at once complied with ull the obligations it iinponcd upon him. In 1836, 19th December, the i exnn^ongress passed al iw describing'the Rio Grande as their southwestern boundary. After this, Filisola was auperse.led in command by the ap pointment of General Urrea, who immediately commenced raising an army to re-invade Texas. General Rusk, who was still at the head of the army of Texan, and stationed at the Gaudaloupe, ordered the families b?tween that part and the Kio Grande to retire to hia rear or to remove to the western bank of the river. The moat of them did retire to his rear, but many of the Mexicans elected to eros* the river and settle on the opposite aide. For the purpose of facilitating the re moval of those occupying the country and of watching the movements of the Mexican army, und preparatory to an ad vance upon Ma'amoros, he diapatched General Felix Houston with a sufficient force to take possession of Corpus Christi, and that was done. General Houston exercised more autho rity between the Nuecea and tbe Rio Grande than Urrea did, who was stationed at Matamoros with a force of about ten thousand men. At on? period Urrea ciossed the river with the greater part of hia command, and encamped a few miles eaat of the river; but in a very short period he re-crossed to the western aide. In this condition things remained until 1843, the Mexicans having no army to the east of the river, and the Tcxana having a few troops at Corpus Cbristi and San Antonio. With these troop-., however, the Texana fre quently made excursions to I'iciJ'), a place upon the Rio Grande and aeveral times crossed it. The Mexican troops made two incursions, crowing the river both times, coming as far as 8an Antonio, aud upon each occasion were immediately driven back to the west bank. In 1813, also, an armistice was agreed upon, under which the Mexican army was to re main on tho west and tbe Texans on the east side of the river. This armistice was in the same year revoked and the war de clared to be renewed. Tho proclamation of General Woll, who was then in command of the Mexican force, Issued t?y direction of Santa Anna, declared that all Mexicans found within three leagues of the river would be considered as " fa voring the usurpers of that territory," meaning by the territory the whole of Texas, be tried by court martial and capitally punished. There were during this period, at a post called Lacido, on the east side of the river, some citizens under a military organization, and organized simply with a view of de fence aga;nst the Indians, mustered only upon such occasions, but claiming to be citizens when Hays or McCullough was there with tho Texan rangers. . From the commencement of the revolution in 1834 to the independence declared by Texas in 1836?from that jieriod to the admission of Texas into our Union in 1815, and from 1845 up to the present hojrt, no Mexican document can be found, military or civil?no Mexican otiiccr, military or civil, has ever been known to contend?that the territory lying be tween the Nueces and the Rio Grande belonged to Mexico by any other title, than that which she. maintained to the whole territory between the Sabine and the Rio Grande. Under the colony-contracts granted by Tamaulipas, tbe settlers, at an election in Texas in 1841 or 1842 for members of Congress, voted at Corpus Christi, claiming to be citizens of Texas, and their votes were received and recognised by the Government. The evidences to the title, too, to the lands so settled upon, including all transfers from the time of the revolution of 1834 to the present time, are recorded amongst the land records of Texas. On the 1st of March, 1845, the alternative resolu tions for the admist-ion of Texas into the Union were passed. On the 20th of December, 1845, Texas was admitted, and on the same day an act was passed to extend the laws ol the United States over the Slate of Taxas. On the 31st Decem ber, 1845, Texas wa? constituted a revenue district, and the city of Galvcatdta, the only port of entry, having annexed to j it, amongst other ports as ports of delivery, the port ol Corpus Christi, a port on the west side of the N ueces. I nder that , act a revenue officer of the United State# has been appointed I for Corpus Christi. . On tho 2d February, 19-17, Congress, j by an act establishing additional post roa.is in the State ol Texas, established, amongst others, one from Brasos Santiago, via Point Isabel, to Fort Brown, opposite Matannros, and one from Corgus Christi to 13ras-?s Santiago, a point south ot Point Isabel, near the mouth of tho Rio Graude. Now, as before stated, Texas was annexed under the hrst of the alternative resolutions of the 1st March, 1815. [The first resolution provides that Congress doth consent that the territory properly included within and. rightfully lie longing to the Republic of Texas may be erected into a new State, to Ik} called the State of Texas, with a republican fcrin of government, to be adopted by the people of said Republic by deputies in-convention assembled, with the consent of the ex isting Government, in order that tho same may be admitted as one of the States of this I nion. That the foregoing conscnt of Congress is given upon the condition that the said State be loimed subject to the adjust ' ment by this Gove rnment of all questions ol boundary that j may arise with other Governments; and tho constitution ' thereof, with the proper evidence ol its adoption by the | people of said Republic of Texts, shall be transmitted to the President of tbe United States, to be laid before Congress for its final action on or before the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and forty-six. The second resolution provides that ii the President "of the United States shall, in his judgment and discretion, deem it most advisable, instead of proceeding to submit the first re solution to the Republic of Texas as an overture on the par: of the United Stales for admission to negotiate with that Re public, then that a Slate to be formed out of the present Repub lic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two Representatives in Congress until the next apportionment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing States, as soon as the terms and conditions of such admission and the ces sion of the remaining Texan territory to the 1 nited 8tstes shall be agreed upon by the Governments of I exas and the United States; and the sum of SI00,000 is hereby appro priated to defray the expenses of missions and negotiation*, lo agree upon the terms of said ?Jmiasion and cession, either I by treaty, to be submitted to the Senate, or by articles to tie submitted to the two Houses of Congress, as the President may direct ] Immediately upon the annexation, the Minister of Mexico, General Almonte, demanded his pas-ports, upon the ground that the annexation itself was a state of hostility to Mexico ; and from that period lo the march of General laylor from Corpus Christi to the Rio Grande, the frequent efforts of the American Government to terminate the controversy by nego tiation failed s and before that inarch the Mexican Govern ment were collecting their forces upon the Rio Grande, with the avowed design, not of taking possession only o; the terri tory between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, and conceding to the United States that portion of Texas which lay west ol the Nueces, but of disputing with the United States the title to the whole of the country between tbe Rio Grande and the Sabine, and upon the ground that the whole and every paft of that territory was still a portion ot Mexico, by virtue of her original and paramount title. Now, the proposition which I seek to maintain is, that, as between the Government of ' the United States and the Government of Mexico, the former hail, in this condition of thing', a perfect right, and the same right, for the purpose of repelling the threatened invasion, to march her troops into the territory between the Nucccs and the Rio Grande, as into any territory situated between the Sa bine and the Nueces. The question is not whether such a movement of the troops was under all the circumstances, ju dicious and prudent. It is not, whether by a different course an actual conflict might not have been avoided ; but whether, as a matter of right, as a matter of aelf delence, the United States had not, under the lrw of nations, full and peifect authority find justification to moke such a movement ? Now, whalarc the clear and indisputable facts ' TheLnilcd States had received the Republic of Texasintothe Union without antecedently defining her boundaries, and under a constitu tion which reiterated-what had b.vu, as far back a? 1836, a part of her original constitution as an independent Republic? that ilie Rio Grande, from its source to its mouth, was her southwestern boundary. The United States extended a'l h?r j laws over the Slate of Te*es, as so a (milled They had as sumed actual jurisdiction at Corpus Christi. They knew that there were citizens lj?tween the Nueces and the Rio Grande who claiincd to be citizens of the Mate of Texas so admitted. They knew that for n ne years the State of Texas hail existed as an independent nation. Who propowd wi bdramng Taylor on the 13th May Who denied then that we had good right to repel the Mexi cans and lo invade, for the purpose of avenging the outrages, any and every patt of Mexico t She had refused to nego tiate ; she hud considered annexation a? war ; she had termi nated all diplomatic relations < she had refused to receive our Minister upon a mere quibble of tho then President, t*cau-e he was afraid of his own power , threatened with downfall because it was believed he was willing to negotiate at all. ' She had mustered an army on the Rio Grande, with the de clared object <tf invading all Tetaa, and recovering the whole to her own sovereignty. Her then Government owed Us exist ence to this very determination. She had never maintained anv peculnr title lo what is now called disputed territory. What, in this state, were the. United States lo do Were they bound to remain still *nd wait tbe invasion, or were they no. authorized to meet the threatened invaaiorf. even upon tbe admitted territory of ihe invader f Who doubts that, with nations as wilh individuals, the right of self defence gives the right to strike the first blow ' To prevent an injury is easier than to repair it. Sir, where is the writer on :he law of nation* who hold* a diff'ient opinion > There Arc some propositions ?o plain thai they admit of no illustration?they furnish their own bent illustration, and this is one of them. We 11ml a clear undeniable right to meet Mexko at the very out ermost limits of Texas, and lepel her theie, or, if wc deemed it advisable, an equally clear and undeniable right to autici i pate tier by striking the first blow on her own admitted ter ritory. But it is said that the place of conflict was on Mexi can territory. If it was the argument in our behalf would not be in the least enfeebled. She was there intending to go further. She was there to drive our army back to the Ha iti ne ; she was there to re-conquer Texas, the whole and every part of Texas, and not to retain a portion only, upon the ground that such portion was not Texas. But even the fact is not as alleged. Whether this portion of | the territory was or was not rightfully a pait of Texas, was j at least a matter or dispute. Texas claimed it: Texas, over I a portion of it, exercised jurisdiction. Citizens residing on it claimed to (>e citizens of that Government. Mexico had in vain attempted to recover it < the constitution of Texas in cluded it. The United States had exercised, after the admis sion of Texas into the Union, sovereignty over part of it? the highest act of sovereignty, the taxing power. She had I received Texas into the Union without any other definition of j boundary, reserving th'e right only as between themselves, Texu* and any other Power who might question the justice of the boundary, to settle it by negotiation. Without a breach of honor to Texas the United States could no more have sur rendered, without inquiry and negotiation, to an absolute and armed demand this portion of the territory, than they could ' have surrendered to such a demand the entire State. All, then, that can be said is, that the title of Texas to this part of her territory was open to dispute. Such a dispute is to be settled but by two means?by negotiation or by force. If tho negotiation was refused, if Mexico elected the other alter native, force, can she complain if we meet her with force } But suppose her design was not actual force, bat to get posses sion only of the disputed ground, had not the United States the fame right to take possession, anil hold whatever they pos sessed, until the question of title was dccided by negotiation ' The very question of title might have been affected by the fact of possession. Mexico might have relied upon it as conclu | five of the inability of Texas, and the United States as their successors, to prevent it, and as demonstrating that the origi nal sovereignty had not been lost by the revolution. This the United States bad a right to guard against ; their own honor bade them guard against it. If actual possession by Mexico could vteuken the title of Texas, it was their duty to strength en it by also taking possession. Pending a question of disputed territory, not actually possessed by either, who ever contended that it was the duty of one of the parties to suffer the other to possession and then try the title * No, sir, no lawyer would give sucti statesman would so act. Things should in such a case be suffered to remain ui -b??<w Neither -hould seek to get advantage of the other. If I atn right in this, and Mexico d -signed taking possession, then she cannot complain if we alro take possession ; and especially not if she knew that, notwithstanding such possession, we were willing at any time to negotiate on the question of title. Sir, it has been said that to march into the disputed territo ry is an act of hostility. I concede it. But then to threaten to march, to prepare to march, to muster an army to march, and with the avowed purpose of taking forcible possession and holding, is also an act of hostility. This Mexico did first, and we ha I then a clear right to anticipate her, upon every principle of the national law, by marching ourselves and plac ing ourselves in a condition successfully to meet and repel her. Between nations, as between individuals, aggression may be met by aggression, assault may be met by battery. But it is said revolution gives no title unaccompanied by actual and un disturbed possession and jurisdiction: As a general principle the proposition is true ; but what is actual and undisturbed possession > Does it mem that the revolutionary Government is to have a soldier on each foot of her asserted -domain > Docs it mean that every inhabitant within her territory is to acknowledge and submit to her sovereignty ? Or does it not only mean that such Government is to have possession claim ing exclusive title to the whole of her asserted bounds, and possess the power and determina'ion to make that title good by force against the original sovereignty > I say it means this and nothing more. See the result of a different doctrine. We declared our in dependence in '76; the war continued seven years. Sup pose no treaty of |>eace had besn made recgnUing our limits, but England had simply retired from the contest in disgutt with the stiuggle, as the might well have done, would not our title at that moment have been as good to every foot of our glorious Thir'een as it was t? the very battle-fields of Sara toga and Yorktown ' And yet, bow inconsiderable a part of our country was ever trodden by the American soldier or with in ac uat reach of his arm. And yet how many hearts 1 throughout the contest beat high with true loyalty to England, and were striking or were burning to strike for her standard. ; No, sir, the proposition is not true, a? it is sometimes under | stood. It means only the ability to make the usurpation good i by force of arms, when the usurper's title is by force of anna assailed- Subject to this test^ who can doubt that Texas had the ability to maintain her title to any part of jhe territory claimed by her between the Nueces and the Rio Grande ' Let the facts give the answer. After her dechrationofindependence, and after she had by force driven the Mexican troops across the latter river, they afterwards returned but twice, ard were each time driven back : and, from the period of the la-t in cursion, in 1813, no Mexican soldier ever crossed the river, and no civil officer of Mexico oVey pxercised jurisdictitn over it. Texas then cl limed the territory ; Texas drove Mexico from it: Texas had apparently the power, nnJ certainly the will, to drive her from it wheniver she invaded it. If these were the facts?and I appeal to the honorable Senator from Texas for thrir truth?what doubt js there that, to that part of her constitutional limits, she has a perfect title ' Sir, a word or two more, and ujion this point I have dune. What natnr, what American would be now content to abirdjn the terri tory, mako the Nueces the boundary, and tight only for that b iundary ' For pea^e, to put an end to the war, to spare the further effusion of blood, some might lie found who would, by negotiation, agree to that limit of Mexico?would surren der all title to the rest of Texas. But who is then- who would now propose to fall back to the Nueces, and abandon at once the intermediate territory, the very fields of Palo Alto and Rcsaca de la Palma to Mexico, and fight her only to the banks of the Nueees } I believe, I hope for the honor of a common allegianre, that there is not one. I have said that I trusted for the sake of our heretofore stainless character, that tie opin ion I have thus fully endeavored to maintain was correct?that the war is on our part a just one. ' If not, sir, whv is it not * It is beeauce without justifica tion wc invaded Mexican soil. It is because without justifi cation we caused Mexican blood to be spilled upon Mexican ground. It is because they were met at their own homes, which we invaded ; upon their own fields, dear to them as love of country is dear?consecrated to them by all the asso ciations which bind man to the soil of his birth in the holiest of all duties?the defence of home and country ; and have, without right, without cxcusc, without palliation, given them to the sword : slaughtered them by^hundreds and thousanda, and driven the survivors away. Sir, would not such a tale of wrong of itself cover our country with ignominy ' But it is not yet half told. What else have we done * We have seiz ed upon it as a pretext for other, and, if possible, yet deeper enormities. We have published to the world a falsehood. We have endeavored to conceal the true character of our out rage. We have stated that the contest was of their own seek ing, not ours ; an 1 upon this degrading perversion have pur sued them with still more frightful outrage. We at once call ed into the field .SO,000 soldiers 5 placed the whole naval pow er of the Government at the disposition of the Executive ; en trusted him with ten millions of dollars and carried on the war thus ttegun ; took possession of their towns, bombarded Mon terey, carried it almost by storm, slaughtering men and wo men by hundreds and thousands. Still, the story is not told. The damning dishonor is not yet as dark as the truth. Ano ther Congress assembled ; we of the Senate composing it in par!. Wc authorized additional troojts to lie rsised; we placed additional funds in Uie hands of the President. Wc hesr of an intention to strike outraged Mexico in yet more vital points. Wc do not arrest it. Wc suffer the ex pedition t<> go on. Before the Mexican blood ia yet diy upon the fields of Palo Alto, Rcsaca de la Pal ma, Monterey, and Buena Vista, Vera Cruz is bombarded. Her churches fall under the dreadful aim of the mortar; the bio d of her wo men and children runs in streams through her before peaceful and happy streets ; her almost every thoroughfare is obstruct ed by the mangled bodies of her slaughtered citizens, until at last her vslor can hold out no longer before the mighty and crushing power of our arms. Shn. surrenders. Yet still our vengeance is not glutted. Innocent, unoffiaiding, outraged Mexico has yet more cities to be laid waste or conquered? mo;e hearts to be wrung, mote gallant blood to lie shed, moro women and children to be flaughtcrrd, more agony in every ; form to ?utter. We have not vet had oar fill of hlood. We ? inarch on in fiendish progress. At Cerro Gordo, Cliurubusro, 1 Ch.ipultrpee, Molino del Rry, our march of slaughter is 1 renewed, and goes on with yet more fearful violence. Mexi can Woad waters every plain < the cries of Mexican agony ; startle every ear, arid sill the work goes on. We lay siege I to the city of Mexico itself, bombard its peaceful dwellings, I nuke her streets to nin with human blood, and slaughter again women and children, until resistano becomes unavailing. We get passes-ion of the capital, and yet carry on tho conte?t , Mir, can our country have done such deeds ' Is she so deep 1 ly steeped in crime } lis* she no honor left > Are wc chris tian and civilized mm, or are we robbers and murderers * I hope she will pardon me the inquiry ; and yet, if the war was unjust, if it wit not provoked, if it was our act and not the j act of Mexico, ev.-y human heart, animated by a single hu , man feeling, can but answer in the affirmative. But no, sir? no, sirs it is not so. She is high-minded, just, and honorable. She is civilized, not savage. Her ctii | rens are moral and christian. Those scenes are in the eye of God and man to be justified, becsuse necessary to our honor, snd forced upon as in vindication of our violated rights. Mexi co ia answerable for all these sad ami sickening results. The war is just, because she commenced it. It does exist by her art, ami, so Jielp me God, but for that conviction, as I never- i ence truth and dttost fauehocd, I would never have v&wd for the eel of the 15th May, 1846. [Without concluding, Mr. Joasisoss here gave way for an adjournment; and the debate being resumed on the following day, Mr J. continued hi* remark* a* follow* :] I lutve suid all that 1 proposed to say upon the part of the subject to which 1 culled the attention of the Senate ye?t>-r day. i' ig p??*ibUt however, that in what I am about lo oiler to the consideration of the Senate, 1 shall incidentally refer to it again. I rise thin morning, ?ir, to speak, in the first place, of the actual conduct o( this war uuder the managenicnt of the Pre sident of the United Slate*. The war was recognised as ex isting on the loth of May, 1846. We are no* in the monlli of Jauuary, 1848, and lo all appearance the restoration of peace is a* far ofl'und even further than it seemed to be on the 13th of May, 1846. The whole (tower of the nation, so far as he hos deemed it advisable to ask to have that power de volved upon him, ban been placed in the hands of the Execu tive. Not an occasion, although thrre have been ?o many and ?uch glorious ones, has presented itself in which tho Ame rican arms have not been triumphant, and yet there i? no peace. My opinion is and has been throughout that the rea son i? to be referred exclusively to the want of vigor with which the war has been prosecuted. We have had an oetcn tatioui and a-uertod vigor, but we have had nothing else as lur as the President is concerned. ? I am very far from imputing?because 1 am incapable ol making a charge which 1 do not believe to l>3 true?I am very far from imputing that this want of actual vigor haa been in tentional on the part of the Executive. So far from it, I be lieve that he has been deluding himself from time to time with the idea that peace was lo bo obtained without the ? (fusion of blood 5 a sad delusion, one which must hereafter constitute a great and overwhelming account of responsibility against himself I taid yesterday that it was the march of our troops from the Nueces to the IlioCiraude that was, in my opinion, the immediate causc of the war. I say to-day what I have had occasion to *uy in other places, over and over again, that I believe that that march of itjielf, if it hal been made with a propel torce, would not actually have led to such a result. 1 have no doubt that if, instead of sending the small but gal lant band?the heroes of Palo Alto and Resaca do la Palma to the Rio Grande, he had sent from 5,000 to 8,000 men, not a drop of blood would have befen shed, and no Mexican ever have ventured to have trodden the soil on this side of the river in ho*tik? attitude. But, sir, the war commenccd, was recognised, ar*] 50,000 troops, with an unlimited amount of trea*ure, wcrelrcely placed at the disposal of tho Executive, together with ak implied promise such as to give the Presi dent the assuranci (if such were needed) that this unlimited < amount could, if\he expression maybe excused, be made , -.ill mnro. l.nlim*cd. Ami y?l hJa "??<= ' *?8tcai1 j of calling cut tfenty or thirty, or forty or fifty thousand men, ax he was authorized to do by the act of the 13th of May, ; 1846, be and Ihc officers at the head of the \\ or Department called them put by driblets, and announcing to the country from tiuw t</tnnc that they had a sufficiency of force to con- , 1 iicr a peie. What liu; been the coi.scqiHiice That ; which ever man of intelligence who speaU as he thinks mutt ackno'rledge?that great and mighty and extraordinary , as have bee the triumphs of the American arms, they have | hardly furni hed us any thing but the glory attending ihem. They have, to be sure, illustrated the American character for valor and lilitary skill; but they have served no other pur pose. And why, Mr. President > Bccauso each struggle has been atjsuch fearful odds that the gallant officers in com mand have keen unable to follow it up or profit by the result. Sir, look ?t the history'of the campaign on the Kio Grande. General Tailor, who, with a few thousand men, marched to Monterey, md succeeded, after a dread and fearful conflict, in carrying* ll*t almost iinpregnably-forlified town, wa< so for crippled thf l ho was unable to hold even the pr.soners that be might tike] What happened afierwards ' The plan ol the I campaign ik changed, some new light dawns upon the mind 1 of the Executive, and Mexico is to be stricken in a dillerent pgrl Thci? is a point still more vital to lie assailed a point still more certain, if a-sailed, to lead to the restoration of peaoe, and ol the vindication of our outraged lights. What is done ' General Taybr is stripped of what was supposed to lie the very ll >wer of his command. The enemy approached. Eight or ten million! of the public property were exposed to Ik; lost, unle t* preserved by the gallautry and indomitable valor of the few soldiers Wfi behind to guard it. Almost with el etnespeed it becomes known at the city of Mexico, and an aruiy such as ?he ! ad never before inarched into the field waa organized, amounting U some twenty or twenty-five thousand troops, and led on by their great* st chief. Mr. President, much-as his previous successes had satisfied ev/rv American that Taylor, ond the officers and men under his command, were competent to accomplish almost any tri umph that human power could accomplish, was.there one who did not theo tremble for their fate 1 And the fact that they were not utterly annihilated may be considered almost a mili tary miracle. Disparity of force was comparatively nothing belore the energies ol American soldiers, and in the annals of former military triumphs the proudest of them all will hereaf ter be regarded as nothing in comparison with the victories ol liuoua Vista. They are all thrown in the shade by the bnl- . bant light of an exploit which, while it electrifiod the Ameri <an heart, astouuded the world. ] Let us look now, sir, to the campaign of last year. t?en. Scott was compelled to a-sail the city of V?ra Cruz With be- I tween 12,000 and 14,000 troops, and to carry at all hft7.ar.ls a castle supposed to be impregnable. H6 succeeded in ac complishing it, but he has done little or nothing beyond that. Every battle which wa< fought between > era (.ruxantl the city of Mexico was fought with a disparity of numbers ac tually appalling. That noble leader was forced to march a distance of one hundred and fifty or two hundred miles (I forget the exact distance,) into ths enemy s country, and tor a ureal portion of the way through a dense population, to as sail a ciiy containing 180,000 or 200,000 inhabitants, sur rounded by fortifications which were supposed to be impreg nable, and without even the means of keeping up his commu nication with the seaboard for the purpose of getting supplies These supplies found their way to him from time to time by the gallantry ol llie escort, who wero obliged to fight foot by foot almost every mile of their progress. And at the end of all his great and extraordinary triumphs Scott tinds himself m the city of Mexico with only some 6,000 soldiers. >iow, sir, who docs not believe that, if he had started with an army of :M),000 men, although he might then have been deprived of the glory of his many victories, we might have been in pos sesion of the city o( Mexico perhaps without the shedding of a drop of blood, American or Mexican. \\ ho can doubt that it is the duly of an Executive managing a war declared to exist by a christian people to do what the honorable Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Davis) said it would be the cflfect of this b 11 to accomplish?not to ensure a tnumph on the battle field, but to avjid a battle by accomplishing success by force of numbers ; to b.eak down the moral power of the enemy ; to conquer a peace by demonstrating to that enemy that re sistance is in vain. All at onee (I find no fault with it on the contrary, 1 rejoice at it) the eyes of the Executive have been owned. All at once it seems to be perceived by him that the war heretofore has not l?-cn vigorously proaecuted ex cept on paper. Well, whose fault is it Mr. President Who would have borne the dread responsibility if our gallant little army on the Rio Grande had been sacrificed Who wood have had tho equally tremendous responsibility if thoae gal lant spirits now in the halls of the Montezunias had bwn sa crificed > The nation* of the world would have said with one accord the Executive of the United States. I pon bin the responsibility for the useless and cruel expend.tu-e of Mood and of treasure would have rested. Sir, I make bold o aay, in ?pea king in the presence of those who know infinite y mo.e upon such subjects than I do, that if th? President had called out the 50,000 volunteers afier hearing of the battles ol I alo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, there never would have been another blow struck in Mexico, and peacc long since restored. The Mexica is, to be sure, have a high and indomitable spirit, (I speak peiticularly of that portion ol them who have in their veins the true Castilian blood but they know there may be a point at whi.-h resist nice ceases to be a virtue, and they would have seen that that wss their condition when they sm a determination on the part of the United Stales to exert their , wh de power in the accomplishment of the purpose for w.mh war had been declared. , Who can doubt that, if the Execuiive of the l.nitfd Statea had announced that the pur|?o*eof the war was incre v opro I cure indemnity for wrongs ond to vindicate outrage, i .isra ter, and to maintain the h >nor of our ll ?g, and hai p.n ; thousand troops in Mexico, as he might have done, it w"u have led to a cessation of hostilities. Sir, I think we ..nc no peace, because the President of the ? nited Sla es ha> <i" ? * erted the power which Co igress placed in hi* which was intended tote exerted. I think, wi?' ' t> ?rc ore charge upi>n him, that tho American ldo<xl which !u? * en so freely p?ured ou", has been thus freely poured out t*cau* ? ol hi ? rror. I think, and 1 therefore charge upon h.m, t .i ..ie niilli'ms of money which h-ive been spent, and hav-e y-1 o spent, have l*en and are to In; spent because of hi" error. I bis is all that I propose to say, Mr. President, on the manner ; in which this war hss been conducted* And tliie leads in - to cort?id?r very briefly w ta\ should oe, in my judgment, the?i<?dc of its further proeccuti n- 1 iert 1 are only three modes to Ihj resorted to. ' b? firs*, i-. to wi i I diaw thf troops aitogether?it not t Abe Nu?ce?. ? ?? s" 1 of the Rio Grande. The second, to withdraw ihem to what is tcined ? defensive line, and the third, to canv on the war in the heart of the Mexican terriiory until Mexicw agree to teims of peace. I prefer the la*t. Mr. President, in saying that I prefer the last. I do nw wish t-.< l>e misundetstrod. I piefer the last, if the end to >e o >.a n nl is not one which, in mv judgment, would tarnis.i i e . ne rican name. I prefer the last, if the object to I* accomplished i, merely the vindication of our violated honor and indemmly for our heretofore violated rights. But if th^ purpo?e o i* war with the President ol the United States is to the nationality of Mexico ; if it is the forcible di-memberment of her territory, then I say on my responsibility m a benator and a man, I would not give him a dollar. Sir, we live at a time wVn character^ of imfl?n* va ue with nation*, u we know it to be with indviduile; anil if there be any one thing which more than another stain* ua tional character, it i" using national power to indict national injustice. And il there be any national crime more crying an,] enormouH in the opiuiou of all Christendom than any other, il M the forcible dUmembernuiit of the territory of a weaker nation. , ? , . When I aay, Mr. President, that I am for flighting the war our, I mean that I am for fighting it out in ordi r to accom plish the purpose which we seek to havo accomplished i" that is, to have American right* recognised, and Amerioau honor vindicated, and so recognised and bO vindicated a* to furnish full and complete security against any subsequent violation. The two first points to which I have referred?the proposi tion for withdrawing the troops, and that fot taking a definaive line?I have already said I cannot concur in. To withdraw the troops altogether, in my judgment, would be national dis honor, and I cannot therefore entertain the idea for a moment. To take a defensive line would not in my judgment lead to lieace, but would on the contrary be perpetual war 5 ai.d so far as'expense is to be mentioned in any comjiirison with the other calamities of war, it would be a'tended with infinitely greater expense than that of fighting it out. Now, sir, the ob jection to carrying the war on is the expenditure ol money with which it wilt be necessarily attended, and the consequent do rangeinent of the whole financial condition of the country. My impression is, from some examination which I have given the subject, and with an anxious desire to arrive at a aatMac tory result, that the war may be carried on in M-xico without the expenditure of a single American dollar, and of course without aH'ectinii the pecuniary condition of the American j>eople, or the pecuniary condition of the Government itself. The resources of the Mexican Government, Mr. Pi widen t, even under all the disadvantageous circumstances under which that Government has existed, are infinitely gredter, it st ems to m?, than is generally supposed. The fact is that until a comparatively recent period, indeed until a short lime befcre the commencement of the war with ourselves, the oxj>eiidi tures of their Government have been about $i 1,000,000 annually ; and it has btcn appropiiated t> these purposes. They havo had an army of 30,000 men always on pay, coet ing the Government about $ 10,000,000. Ihey ha'.e had a civil list bill of about $6,000,000, and interest to lie paid on the public debt to the amount of ^5,000,W), making ? $21,000,000. Their army has been punctually paid, ihoir civil list punctually met, and the interest on the public debt until, as I have said, a* comparatively recent period, has beefi met with equal punctuality. From what resources, sir > The products of their mines when thev are in full epe'ration; and for a series of years when in such full operation they have produced $25,000,000 per year; they charge what is termed a transit duty on all the bullion that is drawn from the mines until it reaches the port ol exporlution. This tran?>? uaiJ in tlie tn/m ol u permit, granted on the purl of the Gov ernment, to convey the bullion from town to town, the permit being renewed at" each terminua until it reaches the plucc of exportation ; and when it gels theie it is subject t> an export duty of one per cent. The average amount of these transport duties, until the bullion reichcs the place of exportation, is about two and a hall orthree per cent. The gross amount of bullion drawn from the mines, as I have said, is alwut $U.r>,0o0,000. The Senate will easily perceive, then, the amount cerived lrom this source, with an average of two and a half or three per cent, as transit duty, and with a spi cific export duty of one per cent, upon the value of every pound of bullion exported. The next source of revenue, and the amount tbat it raises, it is almost impossible to calculate, or rather, to speak more cor rectly, the amount it would raise if peace was rcstoied to Mexico, if that couuiry was restored to quiet, ami business operation* were permitted to go on in their ordinary course. This source is the stamp tax. They charge what is termed a stamp tax on every description of contract transferring every description of property of or exceeding the value of *500. That is to say, every contract between man and man relative to property worth $500 is to be written upon stamp paper, for which the parlies pay to the stamp officer. six dollars. Uut, according to their laws, contracts of this description are lelt in the hind* of a notary, and are recorded amor g the official transactions of the notarv, making it necessary for the paities to the contrac', if they desire to have in their po^ession evi dence of the contract,to obtain official copies, ai d the result is that each one ot the parties almost invariably takes a copy or the contract. The copy is aUo written on stumped paper, and for the copies there is paid six dollars each. There is another source, and that is a duty on the sale ol every thing tliat U sold. Nothing passe, from hand to hand by way of sale that docs not pay a specific duty, regulated by the amount of the value of the article .0 pawing. Now, 1 will not estimate the amount thus derived i it is sufficient for my purpose to state the fact as I understand the fact to be, that ti.e amount of revenue received from these sources has been abun- , dantly sufficient to enable the Government of Mexico t > meet punctually its disbuisemen!s to the amount of $21,000,000. j This amount would support any army which we mi^ht put ( into the field, and this wo would have a perfect right to appro priatc. Not to seize and confiicate individual property, wh.cli h abhorrent to every sense of justice, which would be an act of barbarism, a duhonor to the age in which we live, anil a . stain upon our national character; but to appropriate the pub lie revenue of the country so as to enfeeble the power of taeir Government to reduce the military to the same ataiulard as pri vate citizens, and prove by the fact that wc are thoroughly able. to enforce it, that the restoration of peace depends ou their submission. Now, 1 believe as confidently w 1 c m any thing of which we have any certain knowledge that by pur suit!" a course of this description, for the purpoaeof enforcing a termination of this war, wc shall not only obtain money a* moth as is necessary for the support of our army, but that of the money aa sjtent no portion of it will come from the people of the United States. Now, I know the objection that may be raised as to the consequence that may result from faking poa?-n?n of the whole country. I think I can see alnu -t ?* Yeasty as does the honorable Senator from Sou'h Caiolu a (Mr. Cautoyf ) the result of incorporating the whole of Mexico into this I nion, and if I believed that the object was the incorporation of the whole of Mexico into the Union by the further prosecution of the war, much aa I should hang my hea l in mor.iUcation and shame lor the honor of my country, I would willingly submit to the withdrawal of the troops rather than proseculc tbo war an hour longer. But I do not believe that such is to be the resul'. I do not believe that the people of the l.nited ? tati s would suffer an Executive officer to perpetrate suc.i a wrong if the Executive even had it in contemplation. I do not be lieve that they would ever them-ehes a?*t?t an Executive to accomplish Mich an object I would have much l"ss conti dence in ihem thae I have if I thought it possible that the mere lust of rapine, the mere lu*t of territory would lend them | to dishonor the American name by blotting Irjm existence a neighboring and feebler nation. I am f r prosecuting the war because I U- ieve the conse quence will l>c to bring Mexico the earlier to oer ?,,d to prompt her cheerfully to acc. pt terms of rare. Ami una Irtrirgs me to say a word or two on what * ,n " - opinion, the terms of auch a peace. . Now, air, I speak for myself, though 1 have no doubt that I speak the sense of m^at of the friends ar >ur.J i"' ? - 7 able friend from South Carolina, the other day, in the 1 which he did us and the country the honor to deliver, said he Iteiieved the penile of the United State, wereMrtevocably de termined on taking indemnity for the wrong- ?hich we have suffered from Mexico in territory. I hope he is mistaken. 1 1*1 eve he is mistakrn. I believe the people ol the United States would be to-morrow contented by a trr.ity whi< h wou d make the Rio Grande the boundary. I brlievr hey wouUl Sc , contented with auch a treaty, for the purpose oft. nnmatmg the war, rather lhati that Mexico should compiled by the force ol our arnia to dismember herself. Now, in expressing ihia j hope, and in expressing the opinion that the war might be; honorably terminated by taking the 1? o Gnnde as the boun darv, I wish it not t> be supposed that I an. oppoaed to the acquisition of additional territory. I ain sgainet the aequi ; si lion of tcnilory by force. I an not oPr ,sed to the ac quisition of territory of itself, but for one . ?n? deration which weighs in my judgment, and which baa had heretofore a d ?till haa a controlling ojieialion. Mr. 1 resident, I f? ar, greatly tear the conflict to which aucl. ? "cqui?mm w^W |(. d ' Ti c honorable Seni.a r lrom -New Hampshire (Mr |H*?) UM the s nate ibe otl ei .lay that the true origin of thi. war lay in the settled purpose on the part ?f the South t, perpetuate end extend slaverv. I an. not allodmg to this do* With any design to try con. 'us.ona w.th the honorable Senator on the queation of alavery. Sir, he will pardon me tor teMing liiin that tha- is ? sulri? which no Sonttfern ni.n ?i tbn . floor, when he can avoi I it, desire, to discus. He will per init me to tell himOmd I do it wtih all good fee!ioff, and *uh all tin- reset ; in winch I hold him ns a S, t.ator of tf.e I mtrd Slat that it has l-een owi ig in tho exciting dwcussi na on j this subject in the >v.rUi that .l.vert i??-* exists in many ol , the Southern States. He wdl pemvt me to tell hun that, ar far a? I know, it ha- be?:i bis coura.% and that ot those whose sentiments he on tUi. aut?jeet, which baa dune'more than m thu s <?!*? < -wimU i?-rcrKtuntion. TU* greatest Radical advocate, of ahve y have been the Senator himself And hi? parttcu'ar eons'.ituenta. Mr, I have my ..pin,on- upon thi. subject as deep'.v instilled as can Have the Senat r from New Hampahhe. I'hev were ul-nos! Urn with me ; l'?ey have !, en eonfirmed by the etpetienre o! evcrv dav of niv life : they have U-en strengthened bv iheox perience'ofalll havesee?*ronml me. Idenotchooser K'> them on tliis d ?or unless the qucrti n is pressed home. iJu', whil-t 1 In.vc fixed and u .ilt? rablo e..nvictior,f is to the nwre ina'itu'ion if>av.ry itself, as a politi.-al or civil in-tituUon. i have another conviction as deeply awl irrevo:al?lv lix.d. !?'!>? tba? is . conviction that ihe Southern tState?^ owe it t?> tbem selves one and ail of them, lo aland on their own n?M-, to ?indicate tbeir own ei,ua. ity, and ex.-luaiv.ly at their own nine, and without the ii?t>.if"onee of othi r*, tomrddl. in their own wa v with this peculiar ins ilution. Notwithmandin i this, Mr Presiflen! I cai no' bo blind to all the indications ot the tirr.es. I cannot but say that the opinion* entertained in the .North, however erroneous I may think they are, arestd! honestlyen tertame.1 I cannot tmt say that the Senator from New Hampshire would f?Ne to the implied promt* which be Iks given '!?the State which wr.t him here, if he were not to] f^J"e f'1'* c I cannot but perceive thai it is a noon ??fe*lmf. whkh i ^ uu rwh|r|wind -\?'GE" ISih ir" .a" e',ua,,y deto"ci,?d and steady fcelu,. at in ? r .' i, le,1"JK8 le further excited, there can be but wh in' I 1 l ^ deadly conflict or amicable separation. And common ti.. s d cotnmo" uuc'*'ry? bound together by 1 mon i j a .till ^ ,K ln a co,niaon fenown, looking in cjui I Swiihi tr,e 8l,>n?U, 'U!Ufe' 1 canr"* but *<* W ^?rt it U btcju^ I i!F? ? ol MUch * result. And ?ilh u?,'Jri.uTi. tM:' ^ " ""t " because I am?. ? bought into exwtence, and not thatBra'ea,;iy?lSVne,,!ly to"? of territory, that subject bv the dit !? ???luUon oll.rrd upon M J?&.* dut,n?uu1^ ^nator from Georgia at the told'that SKilltSltf. * di'f rrnt course by being Mr. Prea'deut u. ?c ? " pecuniary loan. Wjih me, ter. With me the bound!? i"tS Ul? '?*" ?f,f "#C* nothing cornered with what [ fi? , 1 ,u w"!,d wou,d ** " lo* attending the de.tr union of our oafi^ it i. not true that a u.acc McomuSt^ ? .'* which I have referred would leave u* without in L !er?V? we have irulunnily in the hiatorv of ihi romty, Sir, found in the many glorjbua baulo-lielda which ttK " " l? 1 lo an astonished world , it i. to L f7u?d h ' T ?kctrified every American heart at ihe feJult "f e^y baS disturber* of "hich il furnW?? ?g?tn.t the uiHturhtrs of our peace hereafltr. A ft w hn..,?r,,i- r . i T* tr if U SllOUld g? l? hundro^) thtt mav be expend" Cd w.ll be forgotten even while .polio of, "bileti? and renown which it has heaped upon the American charac ter will be renumbered a* long a? time itaelf shall endure I am not, therefore, to be told that peace on such u.rm, would leave iu losers in the true, high, and moral sense of the term A word on another subject arid I c<uac to trouble the Senl a e. I have already indicated, Mr. President, my preference ol a regular over a volunteer force. Wow, air, that ptefcr ence i? founded (and I have but a word or two in the way ol reason to asiigti for it) on the opinion which information in my poMession has enabled me to form, that the exiense of a regular force ia much lets, and their efficiency infinitely greater, above all. that the sacrifice of human life ;\s less. Mr. Secretary Poinsett, in hi* letter of 2Ut March, 1838, to the Hon. Mr. Speaker Polk, (now President,) Breaking of the comparative expense of the two deacriptions of force, say a that? ' "The difference ol expense between the employment ol tin* description of troopa (meaning volunteer, and mi'li-.ia) and regulars is at Irnut at /our to one independently of the " ? ?\ attending their ignorauce of every ailr?-i-' or^neh of the aerviec, the ? --v-??e oT marching them to and ironi uistant points for ahoit periods of ser\ice, and the great increase that will be made to the pension list under the provisions ol the act of the l!)ih March, 1836." Now, air, the Senate will find how inefficient this descrip tion or force i??I mran aa cooi])ared with regular forces?bv turning to Document 2!>7, of the 2d WHiion 25tb fongreJ., I hey will there find that volunteer force* were called out iu the years 32, '36, '37, and '38, to serve in the Florida war, in the Black Hawk war, in the war againit the Chrrokees, and in the S ate of ISiew Yoik, at tho tiuie of the border diffi culties, to the number of 65, 324. They will find, I am satis beo, abii.e from the additional expense attending the em ployment of theae forces, and for the purpose now in view (the superior efficiency of the regulars,) that the mortality am?ng volunteers and militia, compared with regulars, is as ten to one. Sir, to what is this owing > It ia owing princi pally to the fact that the officers are unable to subject them to the tame i-tate of discipline, and to prevent the exposure which leads to tii~ea?c. I rom the statements to Iks found among the papers from the War Department it appears that the number of men enlisted lor the line of the regular army (the old establishment) for tho first five months of 1847, and from January 1st to Janua ry 1st, was 4,605 ; the number offering to be enlisted during the same pciioJ and rejected by the recruiting officers be.ause of physical infirmity, was 4,847, more than twice the amount actually received. Now I do not mean to underrate the volunteers. God for bid that I should ! But I make bold t-j say that at least one half cf those who were rejected as unfit for the regular service may be found in the ranks of thovolunlcers. The chances of mortality in that corps are of course very much increased. I have said, Mr. President, all I intend to say upon this point, and I ark the attention of the Senate only a moment or two longer whib* I add a woid or two by way of conclusion. Sir, I have heard it said by some that this war should be prose cuted because it* trndency was to ameliorate the condition of Mexico ; I havo heard it said that we were constituted mission aries by Heaven, even by fire and by sword and by (daughter, to carry the light of civilization into that benighted land. I have heaid that it has been stated even in the pulpit that we have been selected by Divine Providence to purify a dark and false religion, to btcak down their old, ancient, and degraded superstition's, to bring them into the blaze of the true faith, ind to substitute for it the holier and purer light of the Protes tant religion. I have heard it stated, Mr. President, that the war is to be prosecuted in order to entargc the " area of free dom." I hold to no such doctrine ^ no, air. We need not, for the sake of enlarging the area of freedom, become propagandists. No physical force is on oor pait call ed for to break the bands which bind other people in aabjec ti?n. There ia a silent but potent moral power progressing throuch the world rapidly tending to that con-uiamalioo. It has in origin in the lesson which our example is teaching. Here is -cen perfect personal arid political freedom, combined with unexampled national happiness, prosperity, and power. Here is seen that individual equality which Nature stamps upon the hecrt as a right protected and enjoyed amongst oor solves to ai. extj.it never before known, and shie!dcd by a na tional ann>that the nations of ihs woild would in vain attempt to strike down. Yes, sir, our institutions are telling their own stoiy by the blessings they impart t? us, and indoetrira'ing the people every wherewith the princip'es of freedom ufioo which they are founded. Ancicnt prejudiccsareyielding to their mighty influence. Heretofore severe.! and apparently p? rinanent sys tems of Government aro falling brticalh it. Our glorioue no ther^ free as she has ever comparatively been, ia gefking to be freer. It lias blotted out the corrup'ions of her political fran chise. It his broken her Wigiou* in'olerance. It has great ly elevated the individual character of her aubj-cta. It has immeatprahly weakened the pow. r of lief nobles, and by weakening it, in one rense, has vastly strengthened the au thority of her Crown, by forcing it to "rest for ail its power and glory upon the hearts of ita people. To Ireland too?impul sive Ir< land?the land of genius, of eloquence, and of valor, it is rapidly carrying the leasing* of a restored freedom and happinesa. In France, all of political liberty which belongs to her is to He traced to it, and even now it ia to be acen cheer ing, animating, anl guiding the clastic 'and of Iialr, nuking the very streets of Rome itaelf to ring with ahouls of joy and gratitude for ita presence. Sir, such a spirit mods no inactiv ity, arid oei da no incentive. It admits of neither enlargement nor restraint. I pon its own elastic an l r>ever-tiring wirg it is now soaring over the civilized world, every where bearing it# magic and abiding charm. I say, then, try not, seek not to aid it. Bring no |>fay*i( j| force to succor it. Such an ad junct would seive on'y to corrupt and paralyze ha effort*, l^ave it to itself, and, sormer or lat- r, man will be free. Sir, aa to this war ard ita influence upon ourrelvia, theie is much to rejoice at and Ite proud of. The struggle of 1776 demon strated the dcplv-a ated love of freed, in in our airea and their stern and indomitable pur( o e to enjoy it or die. Tho war of 18)2 deinonstra'ed the capacity <t'our ir.Mttution.c to bear such a trial, and noSly was the t^jf berr.e and the capacity illustrat ed. The prc<ei.t war has agsin demonstrated not only that ?itch mere rapari'y eon'inoea, but t!t?t no nation exists endow e I with grater milila-y pawer. Mr President, the result c it.no' lut redound to our futu * |<eace and happinesa. It furnisbt s amjle indemnity for al! the wronga and obloquy wc have heretofore nurtured, and a;ii[>!e, e^nple aecuri'y ag iiust tb< ir recurrence. Such a result has w >u for na rational glo ry, and that is r.Mi' nal powe', str >r>fer than thousand, of foi tressey, and as per|*etual as, I h. ptin God, will be our nation'* love of virtue and of freedom. ??. H. MiK, Attorney ?ud (,'oiutaeiior at Uw, NCW tiKLKANS, L*. IN FORMS his friends thut lie continues to practice Ijiw in the vafi u* court* of l.o liiiaaa. All ImsiaaM catrnsted to bis care ?i}l rcccive the most prompt and punctual atteutioa. nKriatjicts. M'illiam He^-an, F.*q. j Scanifn, Sc Mnii*, > New Yoik. Si'a* M. Stillwell, Kaq. j ? ll?tul llofi'man, K'.q. ) Ilavid Paul Urn an, Ea%. V Philadelphia. I.e. I.etm, ) aep* 81?3m IAMP!', t iH^iDI'.Mt'.it^, t amleliiOra, tilran j ,dnlfs, IJIch China and Hohernlan tilusi Vases, HaM J.ajitenia, Ac^?1)KITZ, HROFHFIW At CO, ?VI uriliingteu ' 'rei, No. U'J \V'illiairt ttrt<l, N ^ oek, one ? door aoti.b of Hilton street, arc n?unufact<ii :ig :md have al ways oi bit. I h full assortment of artlcki in their li'ifsof the following 't<irij)tioii?, ?liich tliev vill sell, at wliulenle or retail, at low jjrieca for cash : Solar I urips?<;f|t, ltronzed, nn<' Silvtred, in gieat variety Su?peudbig9ohir Lamps, j-ilt ?nd bronacd Bracket do do Side do do do Solav ( harMieiien d.< do -2, 3, \ and 6 lMtiia C niiphhie Suspending I min, cd: arid bronzed v l'? Hmcket ?'<? do D.. Chaadidivrs ?io do -2, 4, and 6 lights C?ir*n lolca? Gilt, Silvered, nod Hroosed, >ariotia pattei ns '^.dej-ibras do do do do China Vases and Unliemian f?l.?ss \ ases, do Haft lanterns, a large u??oi tnie..t, plain and stained Stained nnd Bohemian tilass l^>bls I.amp Wioks, Chimneys and Mplee of all kinds Paper Shades a large aasortiMfet of new patterns and stjles Otla?Sperm, M hale, and Lnnl^l the best quality Superior Camphint and Rum.n|fF?uid^ dee w5w \ *' **??f '1* Boaton Amerieao Almanac, the '.hnstih?! Mmanse. Churchman & and other Almanacs, tor sale !*t K KARNHAM S f'ct '' coraer of 11th ?t"eet and Penn. avenue.