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principle that the number of employment# shall be reduced iu a large proportion, and that their salanea shall be placed on a new basis Such, citizcux, i# the enaenthk of the measure# which appear to me the moat suitable and efficaciou# to pre vent the cash from being withdrawn from the Treasury with dangeiou# rapidity. I must now submit to you unotherserie* of propositions calculated to draw into the cottiers of the State, and to give creator life to the circulation of money. Diamonds of the Crown.?These valuable#, ot which io\ altv had merely the use, belong to the State. The silver plate lound in the Tuilerie# and in the other royal residences als > belong* to iU It has a right to dispose of "it, and the charge* which the fallen dynasty imposed on the future jirosjiect* of the republic give this political measure the character of an expiation. I propose to you to decree that the Minister of Finance be authorized, 1. To dispose of the Crown diamonds at the i?rtc?' fixed on them by sworn valuers. 2. To convert immediately into coin, bearing the effigy of the republic, the silver plate and ingots found ut the Tuileriea, and in the other residences allocated the fallen dynasty by the law ot 1832 reg ulating the civil list. It is to be understood that ail objects of art ure excepted from this measure. Domain of the ancient <X!iviI List.?Bv the term? of the decree you t.ave issued the property of the ancient civil list has returned to the domain of the State. This pn perty, which has been strictly estimated, has successively pas*mj/rom the ancient Kings to the Emperor, from the Emperor to Louis X\ III. and l/'harlcs X, and from' those to the ex King Louis Philippe. By its origin, its tradition, and by the manner of its administration, it appears always to await a new matter. In a double point of view?of policy and of finance?to break completely this long and strong chain of public possession, and to secure to the State the resouice* which the fallen dy nasty has rendered necessary, I propose to you to decide thai the Minister of Finance shall be authorised to alienate, if he judges it necessary so to do, in the form stipulated ii; the de cree which follows, the woods, lands, &c. which compose the property of the ancient civil list. It is understood that the domain called " private" is not comprised in this measure, and that it remains, provisionally, under sequestration for the disposal of the National Assembly. State Forests.?Iu a financial point of view the .Adminis tration of the State forests has hitherto left much to be de eired. Those magnificent propertied produce to ihe Treasury ? altogether not more than two per cent. I am about to consi der the means of ameliorating that part of the service \ ' but in the mean lime it is certain that several portions of j those forests might be sold with equal advantage for the I reasury and for the general wealth, which would increase i by a more energetic and skilful management. 1 propose to ; you, in consequence, lo decide that the .Minister of Finance be authorized to examine what portions of the State forests I may be sold with advantage, and to declare such an aliena tion, if he think it indispensable, as far as 100,000,000f, ? conformably to the provisions ol the decree which accompa nies mv report. Loan.?In order to provide for the deficit, which was press ing it on all sides, the fallen Government obtained from Par liament authority to raise a loan of 3o0,000,000f., of which -50,000,000f. were subscribed on the 10th of November last, and of w hich the Treasury has received 82,000,600f. Shall the remainder of this loan be realized 1 Shall the difficulties which the ex-King l>equeathed u? afford the contractor a pre- 1 text for not fullillmg his engagement ? I know not; but, in presence of the depreciation in public securities, however trail- I sitory it may b?, prudence commands foresight. Whatever may be the resolution or the real power of the contractor, the Treasury must be placed in a condition to be independent of the ulterior in.-talmeiita, even those neatest maturity. The ! object of the measures which follow is to provide for this re suit. But ihe magnificent expansion of patriotism, of devo- , ledness, of sell-denial, and of intelligent ardor, which the ad vent ol the republic has every where roused, counsels a bolder I enterprise. A great number of citizens have offered the Go- j verriment considerable sums and valuables as a voluntary gift. I ull ol profound gratitude for so patrio'ic and honorable an : offer, the Government of the Republic will not, however, ac cept it. \\ e should leave the free disposal of their fortunes J to those who make so noble a use of ihem. But it will be permitted to us to connect those generous citizens with the for- j tune ot the State by a combination equally advantageous for 1 it and for them. According to the terms of the law of theSth of August, 1847, the Treasury may still .raise on the last loan a sum of 100,000,000f. I propose to you, citizens, to decree that this loan shall immediately be contracted under the title of a national loan. All citizens who wish to offer their volun tary tribute to tbe prosperity of the republic will be admitted. 1 he national loan will be open during a month. In exchange for their offerings the citizens shall receive a coupon of 5 per cent. Government stock at par, even though this aock should rife above par before the subfcription list is filled. There will in this mode be a triple advantage. On the one hand, the na tional loan being taken directly from the Tieasury by the sub scribers, it will be immediately classed. On the other hand, -hould the loan of tbe 10th of November, 1847, be abandon ed by the contractor, it will no longer press upon the money market; and if, at a later period, new circumstances should oblige the republic to use its credit, we should 1* on complete ly free gTound, and oor liberty of action would experience no serious obstacle. ? n a rojxjrt which I propose to supply, as soon as my cal culations shall have been completed with scrupulous accuracy, I shall make known to the Government in figures tbe result of all the measures which I have proposed. It now reflsaios for me to complete this exposition by some general observations. The present review of the condition of the Treasury is re assuring. Thanks to the measures which have been,"or are about t> be ; -escribed, the approaching situation of affairs is good. In this first moment of uneasiness, which ever succeed* great political commotions, demands for monev have abound ed. The savings banks particularly have received numerous demands for repayment. But already the panic is subsiding. Every body comprehends that the fortune of France is to dav what it was yesterday, and they perceive that amelioration are about to result from the new institutions which the nation has given itself. The leal, moreover, of the citizena proves itself to t? superior to all difficulties. The payments mad,; into all the offices for the receipt of taxes give us the assurance of providing without difficulty hereafter, not only for the ordi nary service, but even for unexpected neces<itie*. As to the general situation of tbe republic under a financial point of view, I imagine that it no longer shows any ?|iing alarming. The national debt, deduction being made of the rentes which belong to the sinking fund, amounts to .r>,200,000,000f. If any one inquires what that mass of capi tal has produced, the mind stops short, disconcerted l*fore the enormous disproportion of the means with the results. But if the country itself is regarded, the asjwrt of what it can do re-assures. The English debt amounts to.twenty milliard*. It rests on the manufcetunng and commercial subjection of the world?a variable and fragile basis. Ours is only five mil liards, and it has for its basis all the pob'ic and private pro perty of France?an immovable ba?is, and every day stronger. A few year# of a republican government, of a prudent, firm, and loyal administration, and the credit of France will not have any equal. Bat, in my profound conviction, these favor able provisions cannot be realized but by the firm growth and strengthening of the republic. Let all good citizen* contribute to that result, without wild enthusiasm as without useless re grets. The last pmrtige of the monarchy was utility. Many ?inrere men 1 relieved the maintenance of" that form indispen sable to the maintenance of order, and to the regulation of all leg'timate interest*, The monarchy once compromised, they believed all to I* lost. They were mistaken. The solemn experience which has just been made ought to have convinced erring though sincere mind*. What is certain, what I affirm with all the force of an enlightened and loyal conviction, is |hat if the Orfcan* dynasty had reigned some time 'longer bankruptcy was inei itable. Yes, citizens, let us proclaim it with joy and delight, to all the titles which recommend the republic to the love of France, and to the respect of the world, this must be added?the republic has saved France from bank* ruP?7- GARNIER PAGES. Amid t'.e immense mass of descriptions, narratives, and speculations which fills the columns of the journals, it is diffi cult, says the New York Commercial Advertiser, to form a clear and reliable judgment as to the actual phase of the great revolutionary movement; different writer# looking from differ ent point* of view, and writing more or less under the influ ence of preconceived ideas, favorable or adverse to tbe current ofevaniN. The following, from the Paris correspondent of tbe London rimes, is pcrhap? as worthy of credence a* any other : I akis, March 15.?It i* all verv wrll to talk of the exter nal calm, but there 1# a ground-well 0f agitation which con tinually goes on below, ,nd which, perhaps, threatens new convulsion much more speedily than we, any of us, auppoaed a day or two ago. I do not speak of the general depression of spoit, and the constant low grumbling about the financial ?this, great as i* tbe uneasiness that it brings, nor even of tbe excitement still kept up by many of the nuvritrt, who parade the city m thousand#, not content with th# decision of, ibe -?ov? rnrnent, and still demanding less work and more pay, and w Pre'ent workmen from going about their business , e en pulling down mason# from their scaffolding# at the risk of killing them, as I saw this afternoon myself. No ; all to day Ji'irr'.tv a<pt#l<on that occasioned by I-edra Hollin's /.! J rircuUr 10 lbe commissaries of the department* ?and, ifthe rfleet be lbu. greatm the capital, what mu#! it 1* in thi pro' zmiz+r *,e mt*<Wn *?>?? unlimit ed powers of the sovereiRnty of the people, owning no master ZJnrZnTi!!ZD*?'*', ,en<,"in? consideration auliw-r ent,tothya/u/ p Mxr ?avvfol and memorable words, charged to exclude every man from the election* whose re publican principles were not proved before the revolution, and tochoo^ those springing from the people and of the people and this by every mean* ,n their r >Wer-the means being ai cording to their fancy, their power, unlirri td. I cannot at tempt to describe to >. u the excitement that prevails about this circular. Nothing . Is# is talked of u, tbe exdwu* of the .financial cnsi#. Tbe exalitt alone applaud , the general bet !or claw is in consternation, and talk* of tyranny and an ap proaclung " tenor." There is much exaggeration in ail ibis doubtless, but it give# you au idea of the state of ih? public nund. In the Passage de l'Opeia this evening were two or Three welldies?ied n?en haranguing a great mob upon the sub. ject in the midst of much excitement. The Ecole Polylech nique, I ana told, has gone to the Hotel de ViUe to-dav en masse, to protest against the circular, and to demand ita recall and to-morrow a great body of the National Guards are to go' they say, (or the same purpose. On the other ha id I have just come hack from a Communist Club, held at the Conser vatoire de .Musujue, in which a resolution was hastily pasiul to support the Minister of the Interior, "by force if nece?sa ry ! Musters have been threatened to have their bouses burnt over their heads il they did not send away their English ser vants, and having yielded, I believe, all, without any excep tion, ail over Paris, are threatened by anonymous letters with a similar late it ihcy do not take French ones in their places which they do not choose to do. This putting down of car nages, and sending away servants, and not spending monev, i? denounced quite seriously by some of the papers as un'e conspiration de I'economie, and the riches who are thus trai tres a la repubtii/ue are warned, and all bu| thtea eneJ, with measures similar to those taken against the emigrants of 179J, Several absurd reports are about relative to a supposed counter revolutionary conspiracy among the Garde Nationule and the army ; of course, I should say, a nonsensical fancy. But the other day, a young officer, on the contrary, told me that all the olhcers had sworn, since they were to be considered as traitors and ilegtaded if they fought against the people, never to strike a blow, whatever be the anarchy, whatevor the con fusion, whatever the ruin. A pretty look out! Fiuuat Morjuxo, Mabch 17.?The aspect of Paris all yesterday was very curious. When I got out the boulevards were tilled with crowds, knots, and groups, and large circles were formed in all parts. The agitation was extreme. A great portion of the Gardes Sutionaux had gone up to the Hotel de \ ille, unarmed, to demand a revocation of the de cree issued by the Minister of the Interior relative to tho lu -ion ot the companies of Volligeurs and Grenadier* among the mass of the National Guards, and also to ask tor the retail of the noxious circular to the department commissaries. i hey found the Hotel de Villu guarded by armed homines du ptuplc, who prevent* I their advance, and the doors were closed against them. Their indignation was great. The most of the middling and better lower classes were generally very violent against Ledru Kolhn lor desiring to bring back the times of " the terrorand men in the midst of these lit tle meetings were declaiming against him as a "despot," a would-be dictator, who had already a body-guard of rurtians about him. All this was in tho extreme, but it shows you the state of the public jjiind. All the day this went on. When 1 came out in the evening, which was a bright moonlight one, I found that the agitation had gone on increasing; it continu al until a very late hour of the night, contrary to all usual rartsian habits. Every where thick groups, and people de :lairaing or disputing violently. The better-dressed groups, id he re nis of the National Guard, were fulminating against Ledru Koliin in no measured terms as a cojuin and a thief, who wanted to cover his bad deeds by getting up the crcesars )f the first revolution. Every where there was a considers- 1 >le degree of alarm. All along the trotloirs, at every pas sage opening, at every corner were thews groups. One young nan was calling for a demonstration to get up an emeute to Jemand the demission of the noxious Minister. In fact, there were two elements of bitter opposition at work?the National Guards (the bourgeoisie) and the people. Once in the even ing a quantity ol leliow-*, en blouse, were coming down the boulevards shouting " Vive Henri V !" It seemed very rle,?r to me that they had been put up to this in order to excite the minds of the people still more with the idea that the opposi tion to the Minister of the Interior and his despotic circular is only a party mariteuvre, a vile trick, if so it be. An ajiche was on the walla, signed by all the members of the Govern- 1 ment. declaring their intention to maintain the decree about I the fusion of the National Guards ; but about the circular, of , course, not a word was said. The proclamation?most of i which, when addressed to the people, have been so soft and j conciliatory?was angry and almost threatening in its nature. I he feeling against Ledru Rollin is very strong ; so much so that I have heard many well-dressed people s;?v, "Pity there is no one to blow his brains out !" But the people are arm ed, the people arc strong, and no one will dare to stir. Al ready, you see, parties are violently and angrily opposed to one another. I suppose the whole affair will go oil" without bloodshed : but the germs of persecution, oppression, and vio- ' lence, on the one haud, and of a desire of resistance and op pression, on the other, are all there. Altogether this new agitation has made the state ot things any thing but pleasant. I have just been out. Hundreds of thousands of the lower classes are thronging to the Hotel do Ville, unarmed it is true, but preceded by drum, and bearing banners j they have con tinued to do so ever since an early hour this morning. All the faubourgs are up, and thronging thither. The throngs of mob* that I have met are inflamed to the last degree, and shriek like mad people. Their cry is now " A basks Car lisle* ! Alms les arislocrales/" There can be no doubt what ever, it aeem~ to me, that this whole affair has been got up to excite the people; a roameuvre, 1 suppose, of Ledru Rollin and his faction, if he has any. Legitimists are too cautious to think of such a futde demonstration, and in (he present state of disunion of the members of the government, the secede r for violent measures seems very likely to have got up the scheme | to louse the people on his side. The cry is as much "Vive Ledru Itullw" as "Vive la Republique." Placards mean while are all over the streets, calling upon the (>eople to take up arm? to suppress the National Guards, who are only ma n<i uvrmg, they say, to get up a counter-revolution in favor of Larlistn tailing, likewise, for the sending of all troops out of Paris?and, if not disarming, having a strict watch kept over the Gardts Xationaujc suspects? in fact giving up Paris wholly and solely into the hands of the people. The demon stration of the National Guard, yesterday, for the purpose of op|* sing the fusion of their old companies, was certainly im prudent ; but as for an idea of counter-rcvoluiion in it, the whole fancy is alwurd, although the people, excited by un known agents, call it nothing else. In fact the old National Guards, it seems to me, are now utterly powerless. Last night the people took up the'affairs of the demonstra tion of the national guaids against all fusion. To-day the cry is changed against the Legitimists. The affair of the circular is merged in all this ; and the declaration of Lamartine lo a deputation ywterday, that the other members of the Govern ment did norapprove a public ordinance given by one only of their members, and going beyond the laws, with a promise that another manifesto should shortly appear in a mote moder ate sense, has passed off almost unnoticed in the new hubbub. The report goes that Ledru Rollin was fuiious at this public ! disavowal; and it seems very possible, and even probable, hat the ioi-di?ant Carlist demonstration manoeuvre to rouse the people was the consequence. Again I must repeat that these bands cry vive nobody but Ledru Rollin. I have heard again mare than one person ex claim aloud, " Is there no band to put a bullet into that fel low s brains >" " Charlotte Cordsy might have Imn of aer vice here," remarked another man of a group. Again, there i?an immense exaggeration on l?oth rides. But the fact ef the phrenzy and excitement is already there, ami things have a wry bad look. The people have lost faith in the principles of the .National Guard i the higher classes in their courage. The ramptrt that was to be a link of union, if not of defence, has '"?en thrown down by the affair of yesterday j and again, for the moment, we are as near utter anarchy as possible. I do not think, as some people do, that the Fautwurg St. Germain is in danger from the mob ; but I see in this last de monstration less of tolerance and m .deration, and I hear more "f ?*<wping "a has." In fact the word "aristocrats' may very yon mean all who wear good coats. People ne longer <alk of the obrioxiona circular , but I was able to get an opinion on the subject out of a more quiet hoinmr. du peuplt; and this , opinion, although not expressed in so many words, went to ?ay that Piris had a right to dictate to the provinces that the Were lukewarm and suipecJs, and that Ledru j w?" "ght to impose what republicsh laws he pleased on | them. V\ hat think you of this concentration of Fr.-nch van ity in the form of Pariaan autoerotism ' A pretty state of tnmgs m tins republic of peace ami order! Even mors graphic and distinct is the editorial comment of the Times tjpoq the scenes and events dafcribed in the pre I ceding letter . I or three weeks the quarrel had been coming to a head. It was the old quarrel between those who have money and th>se who l ave none ; between cspilal arid bare hands ; between t ov*',er? houses, shops, manufactories, machines, mate rial, erpdit, position, education, and mastery, on the one hai, I, and the poss? wrs of strength or manual akili on the other. In I instance both parties were armed in the streets, full of tf pectation, and fresh from a victory. Day after day came out edicts strengthening the hand* of tho many against the few, the million against the hundred thousand ; ao much wages, so much leisure, and the like. I he conatitu'ion of the Constituent Assembly to meet next month threatened lo throw the power still more into the hand* of the B>ass<>?, *nd favor the operation of popnlar clubs. M. Ledru Rollin * circular directed the agents and resources of " unlimited power to the universal exclusion of moderate men that is, of the b<>ur^emsit. The grenadier and light infantry company* of the legion, which are more select and J aristocratic than tbe rest, were deprived of their old power of ; electing their own officers, and fused with tbe main body f,r that purpose. I hey wcrf thus separated from their old offi cers and old associations, and rendered liable to receive stran ger*, dictated by the mast of the legion. Against this their pride and their interest revolted. On I hursday these slighted companies presented themse|vr ? at the Hotel de \ die, and for hours endeavored to induce the Government to withdraw the levelling decree. Being stead /sully refused, the deputation announced, either in sudden pet or by deliberate design, that, whereas they had come un I armed this day, they would come with their arms the next. / his rash menaee was addreared to persons some of whom ha-i ' means of reply. It had scarcely been uttered i when forty young men were on their way to the faubourgs to raise tbe people. All night long tbe cloba were listening to furious harangue*, or plans of tbe next day's campaign. 1 The. e *11 even * t*ik ofUmeaiW Early in the morning the same dense uuhn which had appeared oa ^ 24in came pouring from (he turbulent east. By noon at leant seventy thousand outriers occupied the HS?*!?? thC Hr,d" Vj,k- .'^NaJ,.! Guard, re ih ? i / fPr"vu,u* uy? ?*di their appearance. Thirteen thouiand of them came up in arms, and found themselves una ble o penetrate the compact maw of the peep!,-. For hours the two parties looked at each other. The National Guard, or, ruU ?rt the Compagnu, <T Elite, of whom .!,? demonstra tion chiefly tonsisted, at length perceived their position to he ESS " "?r ,e?P?C,Bb,?' an<1 "low'y withdrew amidst the insults and jeer, of the people. ^ckwaa.hU battl* of classes. l v 11 " e e FT1 ^er<M .* P?*?>tion, and overpowering Sn , Tyn k Na"0,ml ttuarJ. 'hey addressed the Provisional Government in a manner auited to that moment ,K ^lmU1t'0".e"ler^ 'he Hotel d, Ville, and ex pressly on the strength of the "peaceful manifestation" thry werr making in defence of themselves and the Government/' demanded the removal of the troops of the lino, some of whom had! quietly returned to the city the postponement to April 5 of the election of the .National Guard, and the postponement to May 31 of the elections of the Nationul Assembly. It was only by dint of all the rhetoric and reason the Gov ernment could muster to its aid that they were dismissed with a satisfactory answer to only one of their th.ee demands that of which 'he unfortunate National Guards were the sub ject. Mure tune is allowed for the popular canvass, and the displacement of the existing officers of the offending compa nies. Hut the deputation, reprinting seventy thousand men, within sight and hearing, were slow todepun with only his instalment ol their demands. " The people expect some hnig better than .words, one of them said .sen to Louis i ', i ru '"'I? " dl'd,,il,ve rcP!y- Take what time vou please to deliberate, but wo will not leave without a reply to communicate to the people." j The long interview at length over and the deputation dis mi>.-.ed by the potent eloquence of Lamartine, the mcmliers of I H.iT vT G<?Te",rne''1 wcre Obliged to appear before the | . 'I and address the assembled myriads. "Spare our time and strength," was the language of these men to he people throughout the long interview , " allow us to de- i liberate; respect your own uppointments; confide in those >uu have chosen ; remember that you have made us the Gov- I eminent of * ranee as well as of Paris." They must indeed have abdicated their post had they surrendered all these points j at once to the demands of the |>eople. Here, then, we see in a drama of one day and one fcene the people constituting itself the army and the Government of ! t ranee. How far will this go ? How long can this army be maintained It lives by levying black mail on the nation, and will Ian only as long as thero is any thing to be extorted or confiscated. The direct taxes arc to be raised 45 percent., hough to the further discouragement of trade and manufac ture, already struck with their deathblow. Who will carry an any business or profession, any husbandrv or craft, in this reign ot terror, if he can transfer his means to a safer shore CORRESPONDENCE Of THE COCKIER AM, ENQUIRER. Lokim?, March 24. At the present moiient Ledri: Rolli.n is Dictator ot Prance ; and a more desperate, reckless, and unprincipled one it would not be easy to Appoint. Up to noon of Thursday, k24th of February,) Mihuast, and many of the now repub ican party, are believed *o have been in favor of the Regency >f the Duchess of Orleans. That Ouilo* Bakbot was so ?ve know from his condict in the Chamber. Hut when Ledru Rollin found the Regency likely to be received, he threw the irmed mob into the chamber, and overpowered every thing ; f making poor, imbecile old Dcfost dk l'Euhk his mouthpiece,' j ?nd himself in fact appointing every member ot the Govern ment, not one of whom holds his place except by sufferance >t Ledru Rollin, and with the incumbrance of an under sec retary, who U the creature and spy of this demagogue. u jllin and his party are endeavoring to postpone the elec tion in order to have time to influence the Provinces to return u.tra-republican Representatives to the Assembly. Rollin's proclamation to the provincial officers had this avowed inten tion, but was so strong that it had to he retracted. He doe. not hesitate to say that, failing to make the Provinces return members ^nitra enough tor his views, he has the power to I terrorize any refractory majority in the Assembly, and means to nut it / He wishes a single chamber of representa tives and an executive of five memlier*. The moderate re publicans Wish the Chambers as in the United States, and a single President. With Rollin, are Flocon, Louis Blanc, and Albert. The whole deserve rather the name of anarchists than of republi cans. Lamartine is for himself, but much more moderate in bis views than the Rollin clique. His partners m moderation are Marrast, Carnot, an.] Arrago ; but Mann, Cremieux, and Itarn.er Pages are doubtful. Cremieux is a Jiw lawyer. Kolliw, as Minister of the Inte-ior, has put into the Pre fecture of I olice an irredeemable ruffian, who is hisowncrea ture, and whose police corps is composed of ruffians like him- j ? ? f" Provisional Government appointed the Mayor tL ihl\ Ak wr ,M;nt 10 thp P,efect 01 ?> intima tion that he (the Mayor) confirmed him in his office, to which the I refect responded that he was already Prefect, and intend ed to remain so until the National Assembly met, whether M n? VT.I.- **"ct,??ed h? appointment-' or not! Tfce appoint ment of this wretch was violently opposed by Lamartine and cis friends, but in vain. It is a curious fact that the ultras are the least disused for war, the moderates the most so. It is certainly tru. that La martine has it under consideration to " annex" Savov, and to allow t o King of Piedmont (who is a consenting tarty) to have Milan in return. Gust a also wishes to becotn, '< an integral part of France." 1 he National Guard already see the tendency of mor domi nion. ailtj wuh t0 chfck jt _ b(jt the attempt jn |() the ' )er ,lav f iH-concerted and so far from general as to lose ground. Ls.marti!*e sees the necessity of havinz some counterpoise to Rollin and his mob, and looks to the army but there is no general officer whom the armv re.pect. CAVAiiisvc has more weight with them than any one else arm htm Lamartine has managed to recall to Pari* a* Minis^ ler at v\ ar, THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION. An extraordinary supplement of ha Isga Italium of the I 18th contains a formal proclamation of the new Roman Fun damental Constitution by his Holiness Pope Pius IX. I he C ollege of Cardinals (chosen by the Pope) i? to be ' constituted a Senate, inseparable from the same, md two Deliberative Councils for the formation of the laws ?re to Ik -w The judicial tritiunaU vt la be ir..kj*nJent of th. Gtn.ro ment, and no extraordinary commission courts are to Le iD fu ure estsblished. The National Guard is to be conskered an mstiiution of the State. I he Pope convokes and prorogues the Legislative Cham bers, and dissolves the Council of Deputies, being required to convoke a new Chamber within three months, which will be the ordinary duration of the annual session. The aawons sre hv ,KPp> r ,n^,nb,,r, o( 'he Senate are to be appointed i e Pope for life, and their numlier is not unlimited The qualification ot a Senator is the age of thirty years, arid the plenaryexercise of civil and political rights. J he ? ' nate will he chosen par preference from the prMstes. lesisstir*, ministers, judges, councillors of state, coniisto '4Wver"> an<1 'he possessors of an income of four thousand scuiii per annum. The Pope will sppoint the President and Vice Presets 1 he *cond council will be elective, on the numerical -asis of one deputy to every thirty thousand soals. The (.!<rt?ril are to, resist of the gimjalonieri, (mayors,) priors, anil Iders of the cities and communes j the possessors tf n of lhr'p hundred scudi, the payers of direct taxes tc the amount of twelve acudi per annum; the members of the col lege., of their faculties, and the titular professor* of .he jni- I versitie*: the membe a of the councils of discipl-ne tha ad Tocatea and attorneys practising in the collegisu, tr'.f.unals, < UtxirtrftH ad honorem in th? 8ta(? nnivcrffitic^ th? mora ber, of the chambers of commerce, the head* of fortunes and ndtiatrial establishments, and the heads of acientitic ,n.l twb lic institution* assessed for certain amounts. | I he qualification of a deputy ia the poasession of s caoital of three thousand scudi, or the payment of ta?, to the amount of one hundred scudi per annum, and the member* tlmT* Th 0^n'v^t?. Ac. will be eligible ex officio. The profession of the Popish religion j, r,dispen sable as a qnalifiratiun for the exerciae of civil ,m| [K,,/t7Ca| rights. A distinct electoral law will rrgulate thr t ' rtions of deputies. vwwmw The disrnssion of financial matter* exclusive', annertains i to the Council of Deputies. The sum or civil list a, ,r.)prialed 'o the endowment of the Pope and the College . I < nrJ|inals and to ecclesiastic purposes generally, as well R< th, f?enses of ths enrpn dipLimatii/tie, the pontifical guards, the ? iiaiiitenance of the apostolical palaces and mu.rUm? and va rious other purposes, is fixed at sixty thousand ?rudi ner an num, including a reserve fund for contingencies. The canons tributes and dues, amounting to the annual sun. ,,f thirteen thousand scudi are to remain at the entire dispel o,e ope. The Ministers are responsible for their scions, and have a right to speak in both cooncila, whether m. mhers ?r i j k r ? 'eMlofl of ,h" Chambers will he Map-iided by the death of the reigning Pontiff, but the new Pope nu*t convene them a month after his election. The minister* lrc to I firmed and chosen by the Sacred College. The rights of the temporal sovereignty exercised br a de um*" "" V ,n tbe "?cred during th7 inter There will also be a Council of State composed ?f ,rn c<mn. This'council wiinle ^ r,P"Hin* '?'nty-four. to iiveT ai.Ti ^ d"W "P ?r and byT *pe " 'unctiona may also he conferred upon it DPBATE IN THE HOUSE OK REPRESENTATIVES. [ Continued from tkefint page. J Tuesday, April 11, 1848. Mr P \LFREY rose as soon as the Journal had been read and moved a reconsideration of the vote by which the joint re solution from the Senate tendering the congratulations of the American to the French people on the consolidation of a r rench Republic and the principles of liberty was passed yesterday. Mr. Palpret said he was desirous yesterday to offrr an amendment to the resolutions when they were pending, but he was prevented by the motion of the gentleman from (Geor gia (Mr. Stkfuews) for the previous question. If he had had an opportunity he should have offered the following resolution as an amendment to the series of resolutions that were introduced : MeuoheiL That no despotism i? more effective than that which exists under the semblance ol popular institutions, and that a creat nation emancipated from the control ol an oligarchy ol Two hundred thousand voting citizens is entitled to the con gratulations ol'every friend ol freedom. The French Government lately overthrown was said to have been a well-founded monarchy?a throne surrounded by po pular institutions, by institutions of a republican character; and yet it came to this, that about two hundred thousand vot ing citizens wielded the power of that republic, and governed some thirty-five millions of men. 1 bey did it in the way in which other oligarchies, other monarchies have done it in other days, without disturbing the forms of republicanism, acting through the channels of republican government, yet wielding the power they possessed by means of influence, of bribery, of intimidation, and in other ways. I he time, how ever, had gone by, an J he should not now offer his ani?nd nient. But he would take occasion, which he could have de sired to have had yesterday, to make a remark or two, callcd forth by some observations of the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Bialt,) whom he saw near him. He did not hear the gentleman from Virginia distinctly, though he sat near that gentleman. The observations of the gentleman trorn Vir ginia, as the gentleman had himself very properly raid, were very discursive, though certainly interesting as far as he (Mr. P.) could hear them. He did not hear them distinctly, be cause his hearing, never the quickest, was allected by indis position under which he labored. . He was not now proposing to follow the gentleman from Virginia in the general course of his remarks. He had no means of doing it. He sought the means in the newspapers ?or rather in the newspaper, the Naiionul-lntelhgtncer-this morning, that he might sec the remarks of the gentleman from Virginia, and revive his own impressions, and correct any errors into which he might have fallen. There was no re-1 port, however, there ; so that he was thrown entirely on his own verv imperfect recollection. He was, nevertheless, obliged to address the House to-day, if at all; for the privilege of moving a reconsideration, which gave him the light to address the House, would be exhausted to-morrow. As he had said he did not propuso to follow the gentleman from Virginia in the whole lange of his remarks; it was only on one or two of the most important topics which that gentle man had brought forward on which he should touch ; and particularly he wished to correct the gentleman's impression? for he supposed the gentleman from Virginia did not wish to rest under any misapprehension, or mislead any of those who reposed confidence in him?respecting a certain state of scntir ment and law in Massachusetts to which the gentleman had alluded. He might, to be sure, have interrupted the gentle man from Virginia when he was treatinc on this topic yester day, but he saw the gentleman from Virginia was in much better hauds than in his own?he alluileJ to his colleague, (Mr. Amimus.) He was far from saying that Massachusetts in this or any particular entirely conformed to the idea of a per fect commonwealth. He knew there was nothing perfect here below, in either the individual or the socul fetate. He was tar from maintaining that the practices of Massachusetts conform ed to htr theories But one thing he would tell the gentle man from Virginia, that Massachusetts wan not too old to grow wiser, and she would grow wiser day by day, thank ?,od. Massachusetts was a little younger than Virgiftia, and it he might draw an inference from what had fallen trorn the gentleman from Virginia, he feared that Virginia was too old to grow wiser. The gentleman from Virginia had adverted to the marriage laws of Massachusetts?and he begged, if his recollection of what the gentleman from Virginia had said was not correct, that the gentleman would correct him. Massachusetts saw that there were people within her borders of mingled blood. Mulattoes were bom in Massachusetts. He presumed mulat toes were born in Virginia. They were in 1843, 44, 45, '46. He stated that fact from his own observation. He kne w it was so. Well, Massachusetts thought?her legislative will was? that if there were to be i*r*ous born there of mingled blood, there should be no legal obstacle to their being honest ly Iwrn ; and so she declared by her laws some three or four years ago. , t . . . The gentleman from Virginia, in shaking ot the 9?c|a position of the colored race in Massachusetts, asked if it had I teen known that a colored man baJ c^er served on a jury. He (Mr. P.) could not answer that question ; but he could I tell Hie gentleman from Virginia how the laws of Massachu- j setts stood on lhat subject, to the best of his knowledge and | belief. He knew the laws of Massachusetts made no quah- I fication of color among the qualifications of jurymen, and a| colored man was as liable to be draughted to sit in the jury box as a white man. . Mr. BAYLY asked the gentleman from Massachusetts to yield the floor for explanation. Mr. PALFREY assented. Mr. BAYLY said he had referred to instances of a uni v-ersal social feeling repealing lhe laws of the State. j Mr. BKOWN, of Mi?>u*ippi, inquired what the question i seas that was before the House ' The SPEAKER replied that it was on a motion of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. P*i.rR?f) to reconsider the vote of the House yesterday adopting the resolutions con gratulating the French on the establishment of a lepublican ;overnment. Mr. BROWN inquired if those resolutions were now lie Tore the House, and it they had not been returned to the Sen ile * And if they had been returned to the Senate, if this mo tion was now in order The SPEAKER explained that the rules of the House gave | the privilege to move a jeconsideration on the day on which a vote was taken, or on the day succeeding t and such privilege was not superseded by the return of the resolutions to the Se nate. That point had been frequently settled in this House. He would, however, state, as a matter of fact, that he under stood that the papers were still in the hands of the ( Jerk. Mr. PALFREY then resumed. He said he was the most helpless man in this House?the rules might cjwke him off from all participation in debate, and he should not know how to help himself. On that subject he had but very little knowledge. He thought, however, that the rules had ? been applied by the Chair honestly and justly. His know ledge of the right to speak was that which he had acquired in New England, where he and the Shaker had been taught o hold up the right band and say, " May I speak He really had no knowledge of his rights here. The gentleman from Virginia had suggested a case in which ( the laws had been overridden by public sentiment- INow, he did not know but that the gentleman from Virginia was right, j He (Mr. P.) bad never sat on a jury; he had never argued | tiefore a jury; he had never been tried by a jnry. He knew , not then how that might be ; but this he knew, that the select- i men of the town placed in a box the names of those citt7.<*na who were eligible to serve on juries. The law gave them a j discretion as to the names they should place there, and they were authorized to deposite the names of those that they thought ""'But the gentleman from Virginia looked a little higher, ami he asked if a colored man hsd been ever heard of on the bench ' Now, was a justice's court a bench ' A justice s court had a bench ; and not many months had passed since, in his humble capacity of Secretary of State of the Common ? wealth of Massachusetts, he set the broad seal of that Com monwealth to the commisfion of a reapoctable, learned lawyer, who, he believed, was nearly as black as his (Mr. P. a) cost. And if the gentleman from Virginia should go to Massachusetts, as he (Mr. P.") hoped he would, and if he got into trouble there, which he (Mr. P.) hoped he would not, he was as likely to have justice, tempered with mercy, administered to him by lhat respectable magistrate as by any other person bearing a judicial commission in the ol] Bay State. The gentleman from Virginia said something too about the Legislature. Now, he (Mr. P.) was in the Legislature of Massachusetts in the yeais 1842 and 184.1, and in one of: those years?1842, he Wlieved?it was said in the House J that a colored man was chosen from one of tfcr towns of Mas ?arhusetts to represent it in the Legislature. Ho believed he simke truly on this question, though hs ha.l never seen the election certificate. He believed the town to which be refer red was the town of Pepperell. [Some gentleman remarked tliat it was the adjoining town of Townscnd.] He was inform ed by a friend near him that it was the town of Townsend, which was next to Pepperell. Mr. BAYLY. Did he take his seat > j Mr. PALFREY. The gentleman from Virginia asked if he look his seat. That was a very pertinent question. He did not. If be had, he (Mr.' P.) had no doubt he would have ! been treated with proper respect and courtesy there ; and, for any thing he knew, that colored representative might have been chairman of the committee on the I.ntimer petition, which requested a law forlridding lhe officers of the common wealth to employ themselves in arresting fugitive negroes, and forbidding the use of the jails for such a purpose. But he did not take hisseat. Perhaps he had no political ambition. He (Mr. P.) dared say he was a modest man, and did not de sire a seat in the Legislature. Woqld not the gentleman from Virginia be modest under such circumstances > Would lhat gentleman desire to Uke a seat in a Legislature where all its members were of a color different from his own ' The gentleman from Virginia bad alluded to some other particulars of the social position of thoea persons. He would 1 say to that gentleman that they associate with our children 111 the public schools?those institutions which makethe 8*?*| glory of our commonwealth, mid give her that standing which she hm in thia confederacy of republic*. After talking a few remarks aotne weeks ago in this House, which wore published in the National Intelligencer, he reoei*edla h'tu>r ,f01" 11 K?"' tleroau who reside# in the town of New Bedford, with whom he was not acquainted, but, on making inquiry Irom the gen tleman wbo represented the tenth Congressional district of Massachusetts, who waa now absent, he had learned that the writer was a gentleman of wealth, and standing, and respecta bility, and philanthropy, and education. 1 he gentleman gave him some facta which he believed would lie interesting to the gentleman from Virginia, and to other memlwrs of this House. Amongst other things in that letter, he said : " There ure in tl.ii city about twelve to thirteen hundred colored people, and of that number between three hundred and four hundred arc slaves, or rather were slaves, but have eman cipated themselves, as Frederick Douglas would sy, by ? paying with their heels.' This class of people are beginning to improve themselves. The ?g<* v'wWe? hs to deportment and mental improvement, l^ast )ear the first scholar in our high ? bool (which is among the first in the Slate) was a colored girl?one who was far al>ove al others, (1 think ?u all the branches,) and one whose composition wou d have doue nd discredit to a graduate of Harvard. In addition to this, there are two c olored boys of our pub lic schools, each of whom is as hlaek as possible, and who stand at the very head of their clasio in mathematics. More over, there is a colored girl v?ho, though not the lust, as among the first of her class when die graduated in our high school about two years since, who lias since established an in fant school among the colored children. * ? i u* '* also a colored man here who is worth twenty thousand dollars, who has within a few years twice viutcd J-ronoqaua travelled, wlio speaks French with accuracy, and is quite a good Latin scholar, and moreover somewhat of a poet, and of good moral character. There are some Others worth from two to ten thousand dollars." Mr. PjLtrnKT said he would add that there waajhere a charming boy, whom God in his providence had seen fit to take away. [Voices: "Charming !" "A charming negro! ] Yes, (said Mr. P.) 1 shrink from no expression of commen dation where intellectual and moral worth are found. I repeat it, a charming and irfost interesting colored boy, who, as his instructor informed me, was the best scholar he bad in all the departments of the institution ; a youth of amiable manners and gentlemanly and correct deportment in all respects?one ! who inspired respect and legard among all his white associate*; ! a boy fit for the oldest university in the country. But Gcd took him away. Had his life >*en spared, that youth would now have been m that oldest of American universities. He would there have been the companion, perHaps the rival, of Mr. P.'s own son, now iq that institution, afcd companion to the son of a gentleman from South < Carolina, not now in his place. Mr. P. could say, for his own son, th*t had he not treated this lad with every demonstration of respect and good will, his father would not have felt for him that *steem and confidence which he now felt. Mr. P. went on to say that he had no wish to depart from the regular and orderly course of business in the House. He had been led into the course of remark in which he had in dulged by some of the remarks of the gentleman Irom \ irgi nia, (Mr. Batly,) who did not, he was very s^re, desire to remain under a misapprehension of the true ^t<te of facts in reg#d to which he was speaking. Be'ore he resumed his seat he would add one word in re gard to the action of the Senate of Virginia respecting hia la mented friend, Mr. Aiiams. Mr. P- supped that his col league (Mr. Abmmvv) had not meant to express displeasure at what had been done by that body. Cartainly Mr. P. felt none. Honesty was first of all the virtuw, and one which Mr. P. ever desired to maintain both* in >imself and others. He would not praise the dead because th?y were dead. Let hm tongue ba palsied before it uttered pn*e on the character of men now gone who had once been mcubcrs of that House. (Of course he referred to distinguished political characters men who were now historical characters.) He held that the Senate of Virginia ought, in their coursi'of public action, to lie true to the opinions they held. The misfortune was not that they acted according to their opinion#, but that they held such opinions. They could not sympathize with thai great life; they were unable to appreciate its aim, and they were right in not saying that they did. But other times were com ing for Virginia. The time waa coming, perhaps was not very far off, that her eons, when showing hef public records to a stranger, would turn over that leaf hastily, as not liking to re member or to dwell upon it. The days were hastening on when Virginia would again come to the?an of public opinion. She had stood there once?she would stand there again. the great State of Virginia, for half a century past, had not exerted any appreciable influence over, this nation, it could never be forgotten that her influence wasonce paramount and irresistible, amj it would be again ; and when that bright day should come, tben, he repeated it, woulJ this be turned hastily over as a defaced leaf in her history. The gentleman remem bered the inscription written on the monument of Moliere, who had failed, by one or two votes, of admission into the French Academy. On hia death the Academy decreed him a monument in their own hall, on which, by their order, this was written, "Nothing wat wanting to hit glory: he ivat wanting to ours." So it might be said of this proceeding ol the Senate of Virginia : her condolence was not wanting to the glory of Mr. Adama ; but a due expression of regret at his loss was wanting to hers. [ Some interlocutory conversation here took place lrt>t,*eeri Mr. Paltrkt and Mr. Johhsos, of Tennessee ; after which Mr. Palfret continued :1 The definite object for which he had risen was to move a reconsideration of the resolution of the Senate, so that it might be amended by the substitution of the language very judicious ly selected by the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Stephkss. ) He considered those words as fully meeting the case, and as most happilv selected.? Mr. P. said he dreaded the reflation on the table. He had, indeed, voted for it, because he did not like on such an occasion to sit silent, and because he was unwilling to vote '?nay " on such an occasion. In yielding his vote, he did it rather in favor of what he supposed the re solution was intended to convey than that which it actually expresaed. Mr. P. would not speak in a disrespectful tone of any gen tleman in the House, nor did he know who it was that had draughted this resolution ; but, to sjieak the real truth, he did not know what it meant. If any body knew what "con solidsting the principles of liberty " meant, he knew more than Mr P. [A laugh.) No; the language was French, and sadly modern French, too. No such French could be got out of the pages of Moliere. It was the French of Cousin and that school. For aught he knew the phrase in question might have been drawn from some of the speeches or papers of La- , marline, in whose proclamations and harangues, while there were here and there some very good things, there were others like those of a much greater character, ?'some things hard to be understood." The French loved a brilliant saying as well as any body ; but they were a jieople of taste ; they bore a keen lasb, and had as keen a sense of the ridiculous , and Mr. P. confessed he should not like to be present when thia resolution should be read in the French legislative hall, for he verily believed it would excite such merriment as an American would little like to bear. He hoped, for the sake of our own good taste and exactness that the resolution, would be reconsidered. Mr. KAUFMAN moved to lay the motion to reconsider on the table; but consented to withdraw it at the earnest solicita tion and rrmonstrance of . Mr. BAYLY, wbo said he should not reply to the gentle man from Massachusetts with any asperity. There was so much of the man that was the gentleman, so much propriety of conduct and of manner ?bout him, that, much as Mr. B. ab horred the principles he held, he should not attempt in bis re ply to his remaiks on this occasion to give any "P1*"""0"1* his feelings. But it was due to himself that lie should add a few words to his reply to the other gentleman from Massachu setts, (Mr. A*n*ui*.) , But before he did so he must say a few words in reply' t the gentleman who last spoke, (Mr. Pai.fr?t.) An in e first plsce that gentleman had said that Mr. B. was in ??or in regard to the legislation of MassachusetU. Now, if the gentleman had heard hia remarks distinctly, as be says he ma not, he could not but have been st rack with the fact that in all he had said in relation to the legislation of th? OMta &l this Union on the subject of free negroes he had care u v exc? p MassachusetU. He had repeated that exception with particu larity more than once, and the reason must be obvious. knew the general fact that there had been of late much legis lation in Massschusefts on that subject, but he " , - aware of the precise extent to which it had . .. remarks ho had made in reference particularly to . a*. he had made on the statements and suggestions o o < , ' after oil, he did not think the gentleman had pointedout any very important error. Mr. B. had fallen into. Mr. B. had one other remark to make on this point. Mr. . ? -rate* Massachusetts bad msde it a penal offence for er to assist in the delivering up of fugitive slaves, and 1 p ed the use of her jails for any such purpose- ^ those laws perfectly well, and had intended to , in hi- reply to the gentleman (Mr. ./fatten but in the hurry of an unpremeditated . K , to refer to the assertion of that gentleman that b?a was willing to abide by the compromise of the he would therefore advert to that subject now, ... dwell upon it more at large in his printed "mark , ? (o hereafter write out his speech and amplify it ?? h P I do for publication. The gentleman said that be i _ ^ willing and his Bute was willing to abide by th h a? it stood, and that in reference to the subject of was willing to stand by the compromises on whi , . merit had been formed' Let him ask the pieman whether in passing such laws aa these hia State was doing Mr. ASHMUN. Yessaheia. t Mr. BAYLY. No, shw is not. The United States court ?Mr. Htiprxws's amendment, which he submitted wiihout comment, was as follows: ?'That the efforts of France to establish civil ? e J???? the basi of a republican form of Government Ameri sdmiratlon and receive the warmest sympathies o can people." have declined precisely &t> rtvcrw< Mr. B. here quoted lLo following clause of the constitution : ** No peraon held to ser ? vice or labor in one State, under the lawa thereof, escaping ? into another, shall, in cousequence ot any law or regulation * therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall ' lie delivered up on claim of ilia party to whom such service * or labor may be du$." Judge Story, a jurist who woe the boast and glory of the gentleman's own State, in commenting on this clause ol the constitution, observed that it contemplated a summary ministe rial proceeding not in conformity with the rules ofi the com mon bw. That commentator laid emphasis on the expres sion "delivered up un the cluim of the party to whom," &c. And so said the United States Supreme Court. In 1799 Con gress had paved a law to carry out this constitutional provi sion : ami that law made k the duty of tho Slate mugistratea to assist in the surrender of such fugitives. Mr. A8HMUN. Will you ?how me the law which makea any such retirement Mr. BAYLY. Yes, I will. Hand me the volume of the Laws of the United States and I will show it. Mr. B. said that the Constitution of the United States de clared that that constitution, and th<* laws passed in pursuance of it, should be the supreme law of the land. The constitu tionality of the law of 1798 came before tho Supreme Court in the cusc of Sprigg against the Commonwealth of Pennsyl vania ; and the memliers of the court, with a single dissent ing voice, pronounced it to be in accordance with thp consti tution, and therefore the law of the land. Yet tho State of Massachusetts, with this doctrine taught by her own great ju rist, tyid this decision of the court of last resort staring her in the face, sit at nought this supreme law ot the land by a law of her own, a law that was so designed. She had done more ; the had extended tho right of trial by jury to these fu gitives; she had also authorized negroes to sit upon juric?, ac cording to the gentlemun who had just spoken ; and thus the case of a runaway negro might come before a jury of negToes (who might themselves have beee runaways) for trial. It was idle to tell Mr. B. that this impoitant clause of the constitu tion?a clause which had been made an indispensable condi tion by the Southern States before they would sanction tho constitution, had not been nullified by the State of Massachu setts. Willi what propriety, then, could the gentleman come here and say that his State was willing to stand fey the consti tution as it. was ? Did not'public sentiment there make the enforcement of tho rights of a slaveholder impossible ? Mr. GIDDINGS here asked leave of Mr. B. to make an explanation. Mr. BAYLY having assented? Mr. (JIDDINGS -euid he would stole the point as it existed. He understood tho gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Baylt) to say that the United States law of 1793 made it the duty of Stole officers to arrest a. fugitive slave or to assist in his ar rest. He called on the gentleman to show in what part of that law any such provision was contained. ? If the gentle man could find any such clause in it, from beginning to end, Mr. G. was ready to acknowledge that he had made some progress in knowledge to-day. Mr. BAYLY said it was of course impossible for him to stop now to examine the details of a law. Could he possibly have anticipated that such a point would be made, he would have examined tips law belorehand. Mr. McLANE explained that, as he understood the deci sion of the Supreme Court in regard to the act of 1793, the Supreme Court bad decided that the clause in the constitution which provided for the arrest of fugitives from labor executed itself so far as the fugitive could be arrested without illegal violence; but, aw such remedy would be very insufficient, the Court further decided that Congress was bound to provide le gislative remedy, and that this legislative power of Congress was exclusive; and that no State could interfere to qualify or restrain the remedy provided by the act of 1793 ; the magis trates named in that act might if they pleased execute the law, and if State legislation interfered to forbid them, such le gislation was unconstitutional. The act of Massachusetts re fusing the use of her jails was an attempt indirectly to re strain the remedy provided by the act of 1793, and in that spirit it was unconstitutional. . Mr. GIDDINGS wished this matter clearly understood, be cause it was an important poiut. Knowing the legal science of the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Bayly,) and the ar dor of his desire to have it established accoiding to his own views, Mr. G. had looked into it with on anxious desire to know'whether the gentleman was right or himself, and he would now point out the result ol that examination. But he must liegin by going back of the law ol 1793. He would go all the way back to the adoption of the constitution and give an historical detail of the action both of the Conven tion and of Congress on this subject, as well as the decisions of the Supreme Court and the legislation of theStates. In the Con vention a member from South Carolina offered as an amendment to the reported draught of the constitution a clause declaring that the free States should arrest a fugitive slave coming with in their limits in the same manner as they would a fugitive from justice. Whereupon a member from Pennsylvania (Mr. Wilson) instantly rose and objected to the adoption of the amendment, because it would involve the people of the free States in the arrest of slaves, that is, in the expense of it 5 and he was followed on the same side by a gentleman from Connecticut; and the result was that the amendment was re jected without a division. The rejection had been put upon the ground that it would involve tbe people of the free Slates in the arresting of slaves. And Mr. G. would say that the intention of the people in thus refusing to be laid under any such obligation bad been carried out by the 8upreme Court. The true doctrine of tbe Court, w as that the people of the free States could not legislate either to aid the arrest of slaves or to hinder that arrest. They had no thing to do in the matter. The soil of the free States was a common race-ground for the slave and his master; and the Governments of those States was not to interfere between them. Thev were neither to surrender up the slave nor to prevent his master catching him if he could. The master must be sut fered to come and catch bis own slave as he could. The law of I793earried out that principle; it did not make it the duty oi the free States to aid the master in arresting his slave. There was no legal process by which to arrest a fugitive slave. When the master overtook and aeiied him without pro cess, then the law made it the duty ol the State magistrate to give'him a certificate of the fact; and so far the Court pro nounced the law to be unconstitutional. Mr. VINTON said, as he understood the decision, it nftde no distinction between slaveholding States and States not slaveholding ; no State could arrest a fugitive, whether it was a free State or a slave State, under the law of the L nited States. , ? ... Mr. GIDDING8. Certainly ; tbe Court made no distinc tion. The law left the master to arrest hia own slave, and then the magistrate commenced his action ; but tbe Court pro nounced this to be unconstitutional. Mi. BAYLY said that the interruption of the gentleman had given him time to examine the law, and he was not mis taken. He had said, and he repeated it with the law before him, which he thanked the gentleman from Ohio for handing to him, that the law of 1793 made it the duty of State offi cer* to as?ist?that was hia statement?in removal by the master or his agent or attorney of h.s fugitive slave. It did so in express terms. As he had been contradicted on that point he desired to read the section : "Sec. 3. Jnd be it further enacted. That when a person held to labor in any of the United States, or In either of the terri tories on the northwest or south of the rtver Ohio, under the law* thereof, should escape into any other of the said States or Territory, the person to whom such labor or servioe may be due, his agent or attorney, is hereby empowered to seize or arrest such fngitive from labor, and to take him or her l?etore any jud?: of tne circuit or district courts of the United States, residing or being within the State, or bej are any magiitrate oj a county, city, or town corporate wherein wtich oeizttre orarre?t than lit or matte, and upon pro*/, to tlwiatitfaction ojiuchjuitge or mariitrate, either by oral testimony or affidavit taken be fore and certified by a magistrate of any such State wrem tory, that the person so seiied or arreted doth, '"?"<? r tne lasra of the State or Territory from which he or she Bed, owe ser vice or Isbor to the person clsiming him or her, it should be the duty of such indfe or magistrate to give a certificate of to such claimant, his agent or attorney, which should be sufficient warrant for removing the said fugitive from labor .0 the State or Territory from which he er she fled. That law made it the duty of the Slate magistratea to aasiat in the surrender to the owner, agent, or attorney <>nhri>e fugi tive slaves. The Supreme Court of the United decided that that law was constitutional, in the case of rigc against the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Mr. COLLAMKR, (in hia seat.) That part of it. Yea, that part of it, (said Mr. B.) He knew perfectly wed what that decision was He had read if at the aeveral years since?but he undertook to state what that de cision Was. There were three leading po.nl. made in the case : one was that the constitution executed itself?that no legislation e.ther on the part of Congress or of the State Legis latures was contemplated, and therefore that this law was un constitutional , another point was that Crmgreas had the right of legislation, and of exclusive legislation ; the third point wa? that there was a concurrent power of legislation on thia subject in Congress and in the State Legislatures, with thia difference, that the States might pass laws in aid and further ance of the laws of Congress, but that they could not pass a law in contravention of the law of Congreaa. These were the point* made in the case. What waa the decision ? Mr. Justice Baklwin, of Pennsylvania, waa of the opinion, as I am told, that the conatitutional provision waa ample in itself* that the law of 1793 waa theiefore unnecessary, and that the con atitution gave the right to the master, or hia agent or attorney, without the interference of any officer or any body, to go and take his slave who had got into a free State precisely as he would hia horae if he went there, and bring him beck, without any other authority than that which the constitution provided; and he maintained that any legialation of the States going to impair thia provision was unconstitutional. A majority of the judgea of the court?Mr. Justice 8tory delivering the opinion? decided that the constitution did contemplate legislation, snd that that legialation was exclusively in Congreaa, and that the State Govemmenta had no right to legialate on the subject at all. That was the deciaion of the Coort. But three judges? the Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Daniel, of Virginia, and Smith Thompson of New York?gave their opinion that the right ol