Newspaper Page Text
time therein stated as petty officers, ictmen, and marines in the navy ot the United State* during the last war with Great Britain." 6 The amendment was agreed to, Mr. DUER moved to amend Mr. TdoarioB'i amendment w follows ; > " Strike out alt after the tame are hereby, 4th line, and in sert : extended to every inhabitant of the United States above ?yVctwenty-oneyears, being in indigent circumstances, or ?Aving a family dependant upon his or her labor for their sup port, who now is or who hereafter may become a ci'izen ol the United States." Mi. D. said that if Congress was about to make a division of the public domain, be wu for having an equal division He wanted to give all a share. H? could not see why those only who had fought for the country were to be sharers in the common spoil. There were other claims aa well aa those for military service. Let the division be something like equal. Mr. D. said he approved of the principle of making a dona t lion of small portions of the public domain to actual settlers under certain restrictions, and on certain prudent and necessary conditions { but if Congress was going to enter on these large grants he hoped his amendment would be adopted. Mr. D.'s amendment was agreed to. Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas, sent to the Chair as a sub stitute, to be offered at the proper time, the draught of a bill, which was read for information, and will be found below. Mr. GREEN proposed to insert an amendment to grsnt the bounty to all who bad desired to slay a Mexican. [A laugh.] Mr. TOMPKIN8 feared that what the committee were ?ing would look rather bad upon paper. He would there e move that the committee rise. The motion was rejected by an overwhelming majority. A member from New York moved to include all who bad been engaged in the Dorr insurrection. It wu ruled out of order. Mr. EDWARDS propoeed to add, " particularly the man who had admitted Santa Anna into Mexico." [A laugh.] It waa ruled out of order. Mr. JONE8, of Tennessee, offered an amendment extend ing the provisions of the bill to all who had served in the re volution from lat of January, 1775. ' Mr. J. supported his amendment by observing that it was his desire to go back to those noble-hearted men who had com menced the great fight for our national liberty?men who fought upon their own hook. He would give 160 acres of the pub lic lands to every one of them who bad served the cause of America againat Great Britain, either in the military, naval, or marine service. This amendment was rejected. Another motion was here made to adjourn, but promptly negatived. Mr. DUNN offered an amendment not distinctly heard by the Reporter, and of which be could obtain no copy. The, question now recurring on the original amendment to ^he bill which had been moved by Mr. Thompson, of Missis sippi, as amended by the adoption of the various amendments to it which had since been offered, the amendment was reject ed ,? so all the proposed amendments fell with it Mr. WICK moved an additional section to the bill, the ob ject of which was to prevent any reduction in the commuta tion allowed to volunteers who did not need the full amount allowed to regulars for clothing. Mr. W. explained the na ture of bis amendment. Mr. STEPHENS rose to order, and objected to this amend ment as not germain to the bill, and therefore prohibited as an amendment by the fifty fifth rule of the House. The sole object of the bill was to rectify a false interpretation given at the pension office to the law granting oounty to our soldiers in the Mexican war, so as to secure the land bounty to sol diers who had been promoted from the ranks and received of ficers' commissions foe good conduct. The subject of this amendment was wholly foreign to that, and therefore not in order. The same objection indeed would apply to the whole of the amendments which had been proposed to the bill. He hoped the committee would rise and report the bill in its ori ginal form. Mr. THOMPSON, of Mississippi, thought his amendment been germain to the bill, because the bill itself extended land bounty to those who would not otherwise receive it, and the amendment did no more. The CHAIR sustained Mr. Stkphevs's objection, and ruled Mr. Wick's amendment out of order. Mr. J0HN80N, of Arkansas?moved a substitute for the whole bill after the enacting clause, aa follows : That the benefits conferred by the ninth section of the act entitled ' An act to raise for a limited time an additional mili ? force and for other purposes," approved February II, , be and the same are hereby extended and secured to all C-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates, who dur the war with Mexico may have been or may hereafter be promoted 11 any company or staff office after their arrival at the seat ot war, and after the original organization of the tympany, corps, or regiment to which they respectively be longed. "Sec. 2. Beit further enacted, That all non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates, who may have been or may hereafter be taken prisoners whilst in the line ot their duty in the war with Mexico, shall be entitled to and receive, whether as infantrpr or mounted men^and whether their term of service shall expire or not, the same rate of pay, allowance, and com mutation of subsistence during captivity that they were ac tually entitled to receive at the time of capture." Mr. J. explained and briefly advocated his amendment. He ?aid it had received the approval of experienced men; it was Ripple, and covered the whole ground. He hoped the com mittee would now go aeriously to work and pass the bill. Mr. JONES, ol Tennessee, proposed Mr. Juassox to modify his bill so as to restrict the first section to such privates as bad been promoted from the ranks after the organization of the regiments to which they belonged. Mr. JOHNSON accepted this as a modification of his sub stituted bill. Mr. JONES explained and advocated his amendment. The question now recurring on the adoption of Mr. Johk soh's bill, as modified by him at the suggestion of Mr. Jon is? Mr. STEPHENS opposed the substitute, and hoped the original bill would be adopted and reported. Mr. THOMPSON, of Kentucky, wished to amend the ori Cd bill by the adoption of a substitute. He hoped Mr. "son, of Arkansas, would accept it in lieu of his own as an amendment. It was as follows : Beit further enacted. That in all eases where, by the laws now existing, the wife, children, or parent of any volunteer officer or soldier who has died in the service during the pre sent war with Mexico, are entitled to bounty laud, in the event that such officer or soldier has died, or shall hereafter die in fa service, having no wife, children, or pareut, then the next Crf kin wlio, by the laws of the State where such volunteer officer or sol iirr enlisted, are heirs at law of such decedent, or such person as said officer or soldier shsll appoint by will, ?hall be entitled lo inherit and receive such interest in said bounty lands as they or any of them would be entitled to under the laws of the place of enlistment or by such devise. Mr. T. remarked that the whole purpose of the original bill, M reported from the committee, was to supply a casus omissus n the former bounty land bill. Now, there were three cases kUeh that bill failed to provide for, and which it was the pur pss of his substitute to cover. He hoped it would be sc wpted as a modification of the amendment propoeed by the pa tinman from Arkansas. Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas, declined to accept it. Mr. TURNER moved that the committee rise { but his notion was negatived without a count. amendment of Mr. Thompson, of Kentucky, to the Kiginal bill waa ruled for the present out of order. Mr. 8MII H, of Illinois, offered the following amendment: " See. ?? -And be it further enacted, That the land war ?ants for military services in the present wsr with Mexico, ?*ed in pursuance af the ninth section of the act of February 11, 1*47, to raise for a limited time an additional military oree, and for other purposes, may be located by the warrantee r his heirs at law in forty or eighty-acre tracts, at any land Met In the United 8tatea, upon any of the public lands in ?eh dittrict subject to private entry, or upon any lsnds im roved by the warrantee or his heirs at law, or to which he or lis heirs may have secured a pre-emption right" Mr. 8. said it could bo demonstrated that the adoption of tis amendment would be beneficial to the Government. Ihould it become a law there were very many who would be lad to take lands which had remained for thirty years in mar ?*, but which were convenient to (heir own farms. It often appened that such persons could not get one hundred snd ixty seres of land lying in a body j they wanted eighty acrea f prairie and eighty of woodland. He hoped the amend isnl would be adopted. Mr. STEPHEN8 renewed his question of order, insisting 1st this amendment was not germain to the bill. The CHAIR overruled the objection. Mr. STEPHENS look an appeal. /The amendment was again read, and the Cbair, being now Ws to hear it more distinctly, ruled it not to be in order. ? L'JSM'T?* tf,en offered a second amendment, to which h. STEPHENS made the same objection i it changed the hole land system of the country. ?bei?"\'Rrlrul*H ?t not to he in order. as Uii i /u' Kentucky, now offered bis substitute. Mr. H ALL, of Missouri, objected to it aa out of order. And the CHAIR ao roled. <?r. McCLERNAND now offered the following : ?ee. ; fur*firr enacted. That the provisions ^ limitations of the ninth section of the set of February II, M7, be and the same are hereby so extended that the nonl ho missioned omoera, musicians, and orivatea ol' ih<- -..,,1.1 i'itla^olunt. era, and rangers, who ?ved In thelnTnw^ 1790, and who served In the war of 1?|? twelve months or ore, shall receive a bounty of one hundred and sixty acres wh ; and all of said soldiers who served six months or more **l receive a bounty of eighty aerea of land each s provided St bounties shsll not be granted to those who have almrfv issived bounties." 7 The CHAIR ruled this amendment out of order. The question now recurring on the amendment of Mr. MNsosr, of Arkansas, it wss rejected. The question being then on the original fain, as ineertsd > the beginning of these proceedings, (with an amendment, iwfating of the Isst proviso, formsrly offered by Mr. Rica W') WM And the Oomnrittss thereupon race and reported the bill to ? Hones. The hUl wss tbes ordered to be engroesed for a third rsnd C, and it was read a third time and passed. CONGRESSIONAL. PROPOSED OCCUPATION OF YUCATAN. In Senate?Friday, May 5. The Senate having under consideration the bill to enable the President of the United Bute, to take temporary military j occupation of Vucatan? Mr. HANNEGAN said : When the message of the Pre sident was received, and before it was referred to the commit tal I entertained the hope that action, and prompt and deed ed action, would be taken, in pursuance of tue recommenda tion of the mcsage, without debate, or at least without oppo sition. I am satisfied, however, from what has transpired that we have opposition to anticipate, rod, in open.ng the mat ted at thia Ume, I shall confine rnyaelf to a very few observa tions and those mostly in reply to the suggesUons which foil from* the Senator from South Carolina on Saturday. I how suggestion.?for they were suggestion, ratherthan argumenU eomprue, I believe, the only objections that have been or can be ottered upon the merits of the question, and, without fur ther premise or preface, I -ball at once proceed to consider them in the order in which they pr^nt themselves to ine. The Senator expresses his surprise that the resident ahould have taken an occasion of this kind to recommend to Con gress the armed occupation of Yucatan even for a temporary ' period He pronounces it to be, in his opinion, most inop portune and points with alarm to the results which are to fol low. But the distinguished Senator has failed to point out the results which he seems to conaider so form.dable. I my self. after the closest and most dehberate scrutiny which I have been able to give to the subject, have been unable to dis cover the alarming dangers which, like a hidden ledge of rocks beneath the smooth surface of the sea, in the Senator s appre hension, are covered by the plain and explicit language of the message. The meaning of the message, it appears to me, is obvious, the case is there plainly and clearly stated,. and it is slso fully given in the documents which accompany it. \ uca tan applies to the United States for assistance to protect her people against the barbarous savages who are pursuing tbem, 5Sr wives, and families to ihe ocean. They appeal to us by every obligation which men hold dear to come to their rescue, or else in a few short months from this period they must cease to exist. The President presents the case to Congress, and the committee to whom the subject was referred report a bill a, strictly in accoidance with the recommendation which tiie message contains as a bill cro be drawn^ We propose by the bill to leave it to the discretion of the President to fufnish to Yucatan munitions of war and all necesmry means of defend and protection. We propose, moreover, to allow lMm to ab stract fium Mexico, or from any part of the United States, sufficient force to meet and drive back the ?avag^ wfao per haps before this day are in possession of the capita1 of Yuca tan. We propose to go no further than this- The President does not ask for ihe permanent occupaUon *f Yucstan. The bill expressly prohibits the thought ; it declares by As title that it shall be but a temporary military occupation. No man has dreamed as yet, so far as I know, of the permanent occupa Uon of the territory of Yucatan. There are motives, how ever which may lead to such a result. As the Senator from South Carolina has remarked, we may be led we know not where. Considerations may arise which will lead us beyond our first intentions, and render it imperative that we ahould convert this temporary occupation into something more. I am thus frank in the outset, for I desire no disguise. Let it he remembered, however, that these are my own individual feel ings and opinions, and that I speak only for myself. Sir there ia a most formidable power in Europe menacing American interests in that country, and let me add American institutions too. That power is hastening with ?ce-ho?? soeed to upon the entire Isthmus. Heretofore, by slow decrees according to her usual policy, England has got pos session of various points along the Gulf coast of the Isthmus. Now sir we have authentic information that at this hoar, despite thr assertion of the 8enator from South Carolina? whose information and whose opinions I always hold in the most profound respect and veneration?despite the statement of the Senator that England has enough to attend to do at home and will not attempt to interfere with the affairs of Yucatan, we have authentic information that she has interfered in the affairs of Yucatan already. England has seized upon the ter ritory of the Belize. She holds that absolutely. Farther south the whole Mosquito coast is in her possession ; and if not openly, by her agents .be has advanced her troops and ac tually seized upon the southern portion ol Yucstan, under the pretence of taking care of British interest, tbere^ England " enough to do to take care of her own aflair. at home . Eng land never .aw the day when ? .he had enough to do at home Since the remarks of the Senator from South Carohna were made on Saturday, the steamer has arrived with the intelli gence, that while all the other power, ol Europe and distracted with internal dissensions, England ha. had the I ability, without .bedding a single drop of bl?od,to allay the tempest that w?. threatening to disturb her domestic tranquilli tv and to laugh at the threatenings of her disaffected subjects. England never yet had *' enough to do at home to prevent her from extending her power all over the habitable globe. Eng land cherishes the design, at this moment, so secure the most practicable route for an artificial means of communication be tween the two ocean., rod to effect that object she ? gradu ally and rapidly absorbing the entire Irthmus. t nless we act she will accomplish her purpose. Doe. any man a moment that the miserable traffic in dye-woods, which is the DrinciDsl article of commerce there, is what is leading England so steadily and regularly to seize, foot by foot, all the.territory of which she can obtain possession in that quarter of the globe No ! It is the great and mighty object which I have just in dicated. In Yucstan abe has another and a higher object. She has in fact a double purpose. The firat relate. to herself, but the second strikes directly at us. Look st the powUon of Yucstsn. Look upon the msp?see how she stands out in almost juxtaposition with Cuba. 8he shakes hands with Cubs. The possession of Yucatan by England would soon be followed by the poasession of Cuba. I entertain no doubt that if she secure Yucstan now, five years hence we shall see her in possession of Cuba. I doubt it no more than I do my own existence. I doubt it no more than I doubt th.t the trees will put forth their leaves, sad that the grass will renew itself next spring. It is inevitable. Every indication points to it. The conduct of Englsnd tenda directly to it. We have, I msv say. suthentic informstion that at thia very hour she is I taking step, to accomplish that object. Give her VuMt.n snd Cuba, and what will be the reeult > That very mstsnt the Gulf of Mexico will be under her control. It becomes mart clmmtiH ! The whole coast of the United Ststes, from Cspe Sable to the mouth of the Rio Bravo?a coast, with all iits sinuosities. nearly two thousand miles in extent?ia .a locked j in as it possibly could be by fortified position. Cubs hasbeen ?H,.j o,. 0f the Gulf. Yucatan and Cuba combined are the lock and key. Place tbem in the hand, of England, and she controls the mouth of the Mississippi aa absolutely as she controls the mouth of the Thames ! We shall not bs sWe to so in or out without her permission. Is it not enough u?at ?he holds sll the maritime power of the North Atlantic coast Is it not sufficient that she holds Halifax, standing out as it does?thst mighty observatory, the most prominent feature ot the coast > Shsll we stand still, quietly folding our arm. while ahe is proceeding thus to hem us in snd encircle us with her possessions ? Shsll we, by rejecting this bill, ahow that we are willing to acquiesce in her aggressiona > 8ir, will the American Government stand quietly by and me England take possession of Yucatan?and if act she wilt do so, for she is acting in adT.nce-^ ha? uken the first step , the Governor of Jamaica baa been pealed to, and he will probably respond to *at appealbefore we act? If we fold oor arms snd refuse to render ssststence to drive back the savage, and protect Yucatan, the jwobabili ia?nay it is a certainty?that England will seweupon Yucatan snd afterward. upooOub.. Therei. one feature in this correspondence to which I ?*pecielly ?lewre to call the attention of the Senate to show the design of England. 1 he allusion in one of the letters of Mr. Sierrs, th. commirooner of Yucatan, is so brosd a. not to be misuwisrelood , thai England i. abeolutely, through her agents, famishing these Indiana with arm. and munitions of war to enable them to pursue thia horrible maasarre. . ... Mr. JOHNSON, of Maryland. Does the Senator say that the British Government is doing this ? Mr. HANNEGAN. Yes! I "7 that England, through her agents, ia farni.hing the* Indian, with arms. The In dian, who sre d.iving the inhabitant to the *eacoast are srm erf with British musket., bearing the msrk of the Towerof London. It is more than .uspected that they ate supplied throogh the instrumentslity of Mr. ?r.'^ ish sgent at the B? liae, where Englsnd hssestablished ad - pot of arms. Where el* do they procure them ? In one of the communication, to the Secretary of Stete the al usionto thia fact is so broad that it almort amounts to a diMinct charge. I put it then to the Senate, if we stand quietly by, if we are deTf to the appeal now made to us. If we "fare to respond to ,t, the inevitable result will be that Eajfcnd ?toop? toth Yucatan and Cuba. The honorable Senator from South I Carolina ha. declared that this was a mostfywfe and improper moment for the President to express opinion, of this ! 3 Why > Whst is there in the affaire of the world to mSe it eo > If Engl.nd, a. * JtSEfc*? he made the remark, was upon the verge of interns! commo ^ would .he ihereforp be incapecitsted from carrying out her design. > Englsnd, say. ths Senat <r, will no more think j ner designs * Yucstan, or throwing her Uoope into of taking po-ewdoni of Y?^ , woo|d ^ t OX! Sbe good enough to ac Mmnt to the Senate rod the country for Ihe steps wbiph -he ill . Lin. snd in which .he pernios > ?he hss Maed haa been takmg, and m wnico ??" r~ . l-u by violence or by frsud J**1"*! JX ^cfrnm south of Yucatan ? Sir, I am -Uefied that^undw aa wa "tsnces will Englsnd conrtrue ^u dierespeetful to her. But even if .be do??, twin not maMar a hair with me. If ws interprws the grest Wd down by Mr. Monroe, reiterated by Mir. P?^k, Baglmd her hand. off. Never, never will .be pl.nt herfaX wh^ ws ve placed ours firmly. It to when oar tameneu shall encourage her that she will present her ad vancing front. I trust oo Senator think* that I am weak enough to believe that ahe i? afraid of ua. No! The Eng h*rt never knew fear. But it is not her internet to fight ua. for no cauae abort of the sacrifice of her honor, of her character, of her reputation, would England fight us, sim ply because it is not her 1 ate real to fight us. If her interest , . t?Leng*18e 'm w'lh us, if her honor was in volved, il hei character or reputation were at stake, though ?he had read in the book of doom that the result would be her national annihilation, 1 believe she would fight us or any other nation on the fcce of the earth. Such is the indomitable character which England has ever exhibited. But she has an eye ever open to her interests. The destruction of British interests would be the consequence of a war with the United States. This she knows full well. Mr. Piesident, the Senator from South Carolina, in the course ol his remarks, brought before us once more the phantoms of debt and taxation, in order to deter us from takiug a step jn this matter?those frightful phantoms which are continually held up to our view in terrorem. No proposition looking to an extension of our dominion, looking to our aggrandiiement, or to an increase of the national prosperity can be made, with out being met by such opposition as this. Why, sir, to what must we come t If we are not to defend our honor because of the debt that must follow $ if we aie not to reach out our hands and secure a position vitally important to the interests ot the country because a little debt must follow, what are we to do f Are wo to fold our arms and stand inert ?' No alter native is left us. We will find ours. Ives in the position of the Portuguese Government some centuries back. When the question of constructing a canal was agitated, the resolution was taken that it would be impiou/to construct it, because, if the Almighty had designed there should be a communication, he would have made it himself! Are we to be thrown back upon such a position as this ? Our population has increased, our prosperity has advanced, all the elements of national greatness have been multiplied, and yet, because our annual expenditure has proportionably increased, he regards it as a proof of wasteful extravagance. The Senator points ua to the present condition of Europe, and dire%^ us to the example of England and France. He says that in the accumulation ot a debt, necessarily leading to enormous taxation, one of them, an old long-existing Government, has at last found its 1118 olhe'? 88 be anticipated, was about to follow it. Sir, there must be a similarity in systems before there can be any similarity traced in results. There can be no possibility of a true parallel being drawn between the Gov ernments of France and England and that of the United state*. The nature of our institutions, the extent of our ter ritoiy, every thing in and around us, forbids the idea that w? shall ever see the hour when our people, like the people oi England and of France, will Be compelled to pay a tax foi Jh. very Hgb, ? I, ?Mor*, ?" The SLS from South Carolina, too, by way of censure of the existing elate of things, pointed back to the administration of Mr Monroe, during the whole eight yoars of which, I believe, the Senator was. a member of his Cabinet. whrte CALH?UN' (iD hi* *?'?) Yea> ?" J nearly the Mr. HANNEGAN. The Senator stated that the a vers ire annual expenses during Mr. Monroe's administration was about ten millions of dollars. 0,1 "" ~" ) Mr. HANNEGAN. Now, does the Senator require his attention to be direcUd to the striking contrast between the circumstances of the countiy at that period and the present time We had not at any period of Mr. Monroe's adminis tration ten millions of people. Where were then our boun daries. Since that period our population has increased three fold. I believe it is a moderate estimate to place it at twenty four millions ; and how vast has been the extension of our ? A* Il '* ?.n,y neccl,Mry to Point to Pittsburg, Wheel ing. Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, and New Orleans, as illustrative of our extraordinary increase and progress in all 5* es?ential element* of national greatness. Look at INew Orlean^ already rivalling the mighty commercial empo rium of the North on onr Atlantic border { and look at St W1,h ,u 01>e hundred thousand inhabitants; yet at the commencement of Mr. Monroe's administration it was little more than a collection of huts of Indian traders. Then there is J ittsburg with a population of a hundred thousand in habitant*, which was then a mere point of embarkation for emigrants passing down the Ohio. My friend from Kentucky (Mr. CniTTMDXH) knows how long it then look to perform the journey to Washington on horseback. Since that time we have .hot to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, have passed beyond them, and are now resting on the shores of the Pa cific. All the rnourees of vast territories, unrivalled for pro ductiveness and fertility, have been brought to light. Our in ternal commerce has literally grown op since that hour; for before we had comparatively none. Yet the 8enator from South Carolina complains that our expenses have increased from ten to thir# millions. Well, there is something to show for all this augmented expenditure. Is it to be supposed that ten persons shsll be able to subsist on that which only sufficed tor the sustenance of two ? The Senstor admitted the other day that it would be justi fiable to act on one ground presented in the message of the President. He remarked that we would be justified in acting on the ground ot humanity 5 but be said at the aame time that he did not know how far or to what extent the President ought Mr. CALHOUN (in his seat) How far tot ought to go. Mr. HANNEGAN. I thought that he included the Pre sident. He wss not prepared tossy, then, how far we ought to go. I aak, if we move at all, can we atop short of what the bill proposes Will you merely send them food snd raiment > Uf * bat avail wouW ,uch ? measure of relief be unless accom panied by arms and munitiona of war f Would you send lood and raiment to feed and clothe dead bodies ? If you send them not troops and munitions of war, of what avail is your ^mpathy unless you mean to " bold the word of promise to the ear sod break it to the hope We confine ourselves within bouts as clow and strict as could poaaihiy be imposed in tbe circumstances. I repeat that it ia not the intention of the committee 10 draughting this bill to retain permanent pos aeasion of the territory of k'ueatan, unlesa there ahould he an ab aolute necessity for it < and of courae the whole thing is with in the contiol of Congreaa. It ia the first time in my life in which I have found a gentleman approving of a measure on account of one good reason assigned for it, and in the same breath announcing hia opposition to it because another reason, which in his judgment ia a bad one, is urged in favor of its adoption. I have always understood that, according to all ?ound rules of argument, if nineteen bad reasons and one good reeeon were given for any measure, tbe good one was sufficient to outweigh all the bad ones. It seems that with the hon orable Senator from South Carolina the rale has been reversed, ?nd that the bad reason overrules and vitiates the good. The Senator also alleges that the mesaage of the President goes far beyond the doctrine announced by Mr. Monroe. Now, air, the President quotes the language of Mr. Monroe, and it seems to me from an attentive examination of tbe subject that Mr. Mooroe goes beyond the President. In the firk piece I beg to remind the honorable Senator that Mr. Monroe embraced in his declaration both tbe North and South American conti nents, while Mr. Polk has uniformly restricted himself to tbe former. In the annual meesage of Mr. Monroe to Congress in December, 1883, he ststed that in tbe discussion of the re spective rights of Greet Britain, Ruesie, and tbe United States onthe north western oosst of A merica, the occasion had "been J^d.fd,?TOpe.r?"er,,n* M ? Principle, in which tbe rights of the United States are involved, that tbe American conti nents, by the free and independent position they have aasum ed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as sub jects for future cofoniastion by sny European Powers." In the same message it was declared that we should regard any attempt on Uie part of European Powers to extend their poltical "system to any portion of this hemisphere as danger ous to onr peace and safety." The message ssya; With existing colonic* or dependencies of any Kurtmean rh,Wno< interfered, and shall not interfere^But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we hsve, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we eould not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressinr them or controlling in sny other msnnir Xir deX, by.YyEn! r?pr*!L^ZerJ" other th? as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United 8tates." To my poor judgment that is as strong language as Mr Polk has ever need , and, if it is to be regarded as offensive to ouote it or sllude to it now, I desire to know why it wss not denounced when it was first uttered > I desire to know bow it happen* that, on the fust attempt to cany out in practice the spirit and meaning of the memorable declaration, the Sena lor from South Carolina ahould think proper to denounce it when he was certainly committed to it himaelf as a member of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet* I await the explanation of tbe ho nor side Senator. If it be offensive to him now that the dan ger is impending, snd when ws are invoked to maintain it by our regard for the common but hallowed ties of humanity which bind the whole human family, why was it, I ask, that at the hour of its adoption?tbe hour not merely of its adoption by the Administrstion of James Monroe, but of its instalment into the great American heart, for I regard it as one of the csrdiual doctlines of tbe American political creed?no voice of denun ciation was raised against It, and that opposition to it baa been reserved until the moment that it ia about to be put into practice f 1 Sir, I hold that it is a fundamental principle of our system that there shsll be no intervention in the affaire of the North A men can people by sny European Power. The Senator from South Carolina must certainly have given hie asssnt to that doctrine at the tines when H was embodied in the meessgw of Mr. Monroe. I happen to know the history of thie memora ble sentiment. I obtained it some fear or five weeks before bis death from that illoetrieM man, who for mere than half a century adorned Uie politic.! snnal. ?... a*^ name wffllree white the sun shines in brightness in the bea I speak ofJohnQuincy Atoms. Thisdsclaration 1 eo endeared to me by its troe and lofty pstriotsm that I eousht an interview with that venerable men, m order to make JoZ inquiries in relation to this very subject. He Hve M an in terview of two hours. He bee daeoended to the tomb, and there can be no indelicacy in relating the tubelance of tbe con veraation. He stated to me that Mr. Monroe was in the habit when preparing bis mesasge of calling upon the different mem bers of hia Cabinet for suggestions in relation to the affairs of their respective departments. About thia period the Govern menu of Mtiico, Central An^rica, Colombia, and so on had aucceeded in eetabliahuig their independence, and these'inte resting and important event* were the aubject of converaation between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Adams. Mr. Monroe aaked him what duty was indicated to the United States by the occur rence of tbeae gratifying changea in the aspect of a flair a upon tliia continent. Mr. Adama replied that it would be a proper occasion on which to announce thia principle to the world. He waa requested by Mr. Monroe to reduce it to writing. Next day Mr. Adams returned to Preaident Monroe that de claration, which, with poa*ibly ? few flight verbal alteration, was incorporated in ihe mecaage. Waa it meaningleaa ? No, he replied j it waa fraught with meaning, and intended to con vey all that it ezprea^ea ; and Mr. Adama added that neither the Senator from South Carolina nor any other member of the Cabinet heard of it until he heard it read in Uie meaaage. I aaked did it mean that we should appeal to arrna ( No, waa the reply ; that, when an attempt of thia kind waa nude, we should firet resort to negotiation, and exhauat it 5 and negotia tion having failed, it wou^ then be time to conaider the ques tion of peace and war, which would depend entirely upon the importance of the object. * i ho declaration waa officially communicated to the ambas sadore of the various European Fowera represented here. The English minister instantly protested againat it. The other European miniater* silently acquiesced, with the exception of the Russian ambassador, who took it with a quasi protest, announcing bi* intention of communicating it to the Emperor for instruction*, but the opinion of the emperor waa never re turned. Now, I have the authority of that venerable man in making this atatemcnt, which I committed to paper on the evening of the day on which I had the interview. It ahowa that Mr. Monroe and Mr. Adama meant something of that character, whether otheia meant any thing or not. I think it presents a principle upon which alone I would be willing to place myaelf on the present occaaion. I withdraw the appeal to humanity altogether, and I take higher giound. Let ua say to the people of Yucatan that we will act?we will pre serve you from deatruction?we will prevent the seizure of your territory by any foreign Power. 1 have spoken at greater length, air, than I designed, but aituated as I am in relation to the measure before the Senate, I could not well have said leaa. Thanking the 8enate for the kindness with which it has heard me, I conclude by imploring you to act speedily if you act at all. Mr. CLAYTON. I desire very briefly to state the reasons why I cannot vote for the bill. It goes beyond the recom mendation of the Presideut, aa I understand it. He doea not propose to take military possession of the province of Yucatan. He merely proposes to send our naval forces in the Gulf, not required at other points, to relieve the white inhabitants from the war which is waged against them on the coast. Mr. HANNEGAN. The Senator will acknowledge that it is not my habit to interrupt a gentleman when he is ad dressing the Senate, but I teg that be will allow me to read an extract from the Preaident's message. Mr. CLAY TON. I have the message before me, but I shall be very happy to allow the Senator to read any extrsa from it. ? Mr. HANNEGAN. I am under obligations to the cour tesy of the honorable Sena'or. The Preaident says : "Whilst still considering Yucatan aa a portion of Mexieo, if we had troops to apare for this purpose, I would deem it proper, during the continuance of the war with Mexico, to occupy and hold military possession of her territory, and' to defend the white inhabitants againat the incuraiona of the In dians, in the same way that we have employed our troops in other States ot the Mexican republic in our possession, in re pclling the attacks of savages upon the inhabitants who have maintained their neutrality in the war." Mr. CLAYTON. The Preaideut add*: ?? But, unfortunately, we eannot at the present, without serious danger, withdraw our forces from other portions ot the Mexi can territory now in our occupation, and send them to Yuca tan. All that can be done, under existing circumstances, is to employ our naval forces in the Gulf, not required at other points, to afford them relieC But it is not to be expected that any adequate protection can thus be afforded, at the opera tions of such naval forces must, of necessity, be confined to the ?oast." I do not, then, understand the President as being at all re sponsible for this bill. He has not recommenced it. He has said that during the continuance of the war with Mexico we cannot spare the troope, but if he could spare them, he would take military possession of this as of other Mexican provinces j and he would hold it how long > Why, during the continu ance of the war with Mexico. The Preaident haa not pro posed to retain possession of Yucatan an hour longer than the continuance of the contest between us and Mexico. But what does the bill prnpoee > To take military possession snd retain it indefinitely. My honorable friend from Indiana says, lor hia part, he would go still further; and he says he is pre pared for the permanent annexation of Yucatan to the United States. I propose to reetrict myself, however, to the bill iteelf 4 and I ask the Senate of the United States whether they are prepared to take military possession of this province, a part of Mexico, and hold it for an indefinite period, even after the war ahall have ceased > Mr. HANNEGAN. The measage says "temporary oc cupation." . ; Mr. CLAYTON. Thatiatrue. What does it mean > How long is the occupation to last > Why, just as long as yon phase. The gentleman doea not propose any limitation at all, aa to the time daring which this occupation is to continue. The first queation which meets me, and I think will meet others, is this: How does this bill consist with the treaty sti pulations wffich we have recently offered to Mexico f I de aire to know from any of the gentlemen who support this bill, or who have intimated a desire to aupport it, how they can do eo consistently with these treaty stipulations ? I suppose I am at liberty to My thst we have offered a boundary line to Mexico, and pledged ourselves by treaty that it should be for e?er the boundary between Mexico and the United Stales, ft ?w> Yucatan ia, as the President says in hia message, at thia moment a part of Mexico. We have never recognised her independence. Like many of the other Mexican Statee she haa been occasionally in a state of revolution. But there can be no doabt that, if a treaty of peace should be finally made between thia country and Mexico, Mexico would resums her empire over that State. It ia now claimed by her that ahe haa never relinquiehed her title to Yucatan ; an J I presume she never will relinquish it Again, we have atipulated, also, af ter <!eclering that this shall be the boundary line l<etween ua and Mexico, that after a certain period we ahall withdraw our troops from evory part of that republic. Yet thia bill propoeea, without reference to the continuance of the war, to take and bold military poanesiou of ooeof the most important provinces of Mexico. It aeems to me, with all deference to the honor able chairman of the Committee on Foreign Ralatiooa, that this bill violatoe the treaty in both pertict^rs; first, in refer ence to the Una < and, secondly, in respect to our removal of the troope. Again, it seems U> me, that thia is a most unfortunate time to make a proposition for the military occupation of any por tion of Mexico. I fear the effect of it. It ia said that the Mexican Coograas ia about to assemble at Qoeretaro, and we have strong hopaa that that Congress will ratify the treaty be tween ua and Mexico. Now, if at the first moment after that Congreea shall aaaamble they learn that there is a bill actually pending before the Congrees of the United States, which baa passed one branch of that Congrees, whose provisions are directly in conflict with the solemn stipulations of the very treaty which they are asked to make with us, 'hat it providee that we are to take and hold one of their most important pro *incea, I pat it to honorable gentlemen what will be the opinion which that Congress will entertain of oar good faith > Will they not beliete, notwithstanding all your professions that you arc acting from principles of humanity alone, that your real object in rmkmg this whole movement has been to violate the treaty, t> disregard its provisions, and that you now stand ready on tie slightest pretext to cast it to the winds to acquire more Mexican territory ? , Mr. J0HN80N, ?f Maryland, (in his seat) Then there ia the armistice. Mr. CLAYTON. Sir, aa it is suggested, what are you to do with the armistice > That ia now in force, and in direct violation of it yon propose to send troope into Mexico! Why this bill appears to ma to be so plsin a violation of the treaty, and the negotiations which have been entered into between ua and Mexico, that I trial it never can obtain the assent of the Senate of the United In regard to those pkiciplea of humanity on which we are called upon to act, I am wry willing to adopt the suggeetion made by Ihe President* the United 8tates. If he, who ought to understand the sublet, and doubtless does much better than I do, is of opinion thai by aending some portion of our naval foroa now in the Gulf t* the relief of these suffering people, their livea may be saved without our being involved in a war, to that extent I sm witt*, to ^ with B|| mj heart. What I object to is, entering (Mo a war with either the Indians or Creoles of Yucatan, at'thie or any other time. If we are to act on the great princyfos of humanity, I desire to know if wa are not to have soma regard for the health and lives of oor own gallant soldiers, who, after having fought through one of the most brilliant rainp4gria on record in Mexico, are now, by thia bill, to be sent awaj to Yocat ?n > I apprehend that there is not a more destructive climate in the world than that of Yucatan for our soldia*. Oor army ia for the present in Mexico. Are we now, ?t the commencement of the summer months, to order the embarkation of any portion of that army at Vara Crux, or any other point, for Yucatan f Or are they to be marched thither ' If you send them there, bow many of them are destined to return to their native country I Mr. HANNEGAN, (in hia aaat) The coontry around Merida, the capital of Yaaatan, ia repreasatad aa being quite salubrious. Mr. CLAYTON. There are various representations on that subject. It is eertainly aaid that the coontry through which yam approach Merida ia extremely unhealthy. Why, baton oor amy want to the Rio Grande it waa atated that the coun try there waa vary bealthjr, but tew Many of our moat gal laut countrymen perished on the tank* of that pestilential river f I take it that the tropical climate of Y ocatan ia still more destructive. While fully disposed to carry out the prin ciple of humanitv in reference to theae V ucatecos, I deaire the Senate of the United Statea to have aome regard for the health and livea of our own countrymen. I understand that there are about fitly thouaand of the white race in Yucatan, and that nine-tenths of the population consist of Mexican In dian*. How many lives have been ?aciificed in this conflict I know not, and I have no meana of ascertaining. It baa been said, and I believe on credible authority, that the Spanish race is unable to raiae an army of more than two thousand men. I suppose, then, that we are called upon to send an equal number: and that, with that force, we are to encounter aa many assailants aa theae four hundred and fifty thouaand Mexican Indian* can muster. I do not know what may be the result of that conflict, should we engage in it I desire a little more light before 1 engage in auch a conflict. I know very well that we fought with our whole army a few thousand Indians in Florida for many years, at a cost of about forty millions of dollars ; and I know, also, that we have another fight with forty thousand Camanche warriors on our hands, if the Mexican treaty be ratified. Now, I do not desire too many fights on our hands at one time. Aware of tbe dispo sition and determination of my countrymen, that if once they enter into a fight with these people, or any other, they never will cease until they have conquered, at whatever cost of blood and treasure, aa one of the Senators of the United States I desire to enter upon this business with great caution. I deprecate precipitate action ; I desire information to guide my action. The principle of intervention ip the afTairs of other nations, carried out in this bill, is inconsistent with the farewell admonitions of the Father of bis Countiy, and with the whole policy of the Government under our ear lier Presidents. If we adopt it now, it will react upon ua at some future day. I do not think that thia ia an appropriate time for discussing the question of the war with Mexico. That subject has been already exhausted. I trust that no such issue as that of farther annexation of territory will be brought into the coming Presi dential election. I trust that no such iaaue as that shall ever again be presented to tbe American people. We have got into a war which my friends on the other side as well as my self regard as having terminated gloriously, so far as the suc cess of our arms ia concerned. How much it has cost ua we do not know, and probably we ahall not ascertain for a year to come. We have acquired by that war that which many regard aa an absolute curse, and others as a blessing. Which of theae opiniona ia the true one remaina to be decided. But I think it ia a most unfortunate thing to agitate the country about annexation at this moment, and I hope that my friends on the other aide do not intend any thing of the kind. I con tent myself with adding to what I have already said, that I think thia measure in diiect conflict with the treaty between this country and Mexico, and that, from all that I can aee of it, if adopted, it will be most disastrous in its consequences. If we do any thing for the relief of Yucatan it should be done with tbe consent of the Mexican Government. If we enter upon a crusade against these Indians it ought to be with the conaent and co-operation of Mexico. If, without obtaining that conaent and co-operation, we embark in this movement, in my,judgment the negotiation of the treaty will be broken up, and Mexico will charge us with having acted in bad faith. For theae reason*, fir, I must vote againat the bill. Mr. DAVIS, of Mississippi. I have no dispoaition to fol low the Senator from Delaware into any diacuaaion of the treaty or the probabilities of future annexation. On the treaty I consider my lips \ et sealed. Tbe subject of future annexa tion I leave to the future. The President's message distinctly announces that he seeks no annexation of Yucatan." It is not the acquisition of territory to which he directa his attention He merely points out the sole motive which baa prompted him on this occasion to invoke the action of tbe legialative branch of the Government. Nor do I conceive it necessary at pre sent to aaaert that principle, which, when the time arrives, I, like others, ahall be ready to maintain?the non-intervention of European Powers in the affairs of the North American continent. I do not think that that principle is involved in thia question. We are at war with Mexico. Yucatan ia re cogniaed aa a part of Mexico, standing neutral it ia true through tbe greater part of the war, but on one occasion throwing off her neutraliiy and identifying herself with Mexico in her war against tbe United States. Being thua a part of Mexico the Mexican war covera Yucatan. The President re quirea no more than a sufficient foroe to enable him to prose cute his military operations in Yucatan or elsewhere to save him from the necessity of applying to Congreaa for any action at all. It is well known that a response to bis application for an increase of the army has ling been delayed. The measure has been lung discussed in this body, and it remaina to be seen how long action upon it may deferred in tbe other branch of Congress. In theae circumstances an urgent demand for the presence of American troops in Yucatan arises, and the Pre sident calls upon Congress to give him the mesne to carry out what was bia plain duty as the chief officer of the Executive Government A portion of that country again* which we made war, and rendered especially helpless by our act of in vaaion, calls to us in a voice of deep Buffering for aid. That is the ground upon which I put this question. This measure ia an incident of the Mexiean war, which past legislatk n has ratified. The President only asks for troops to enable him to carry out an object entirely const*tent with the prosecution of tbe war against Mexico. It ia true that be alludes to the present condition of Yucatan in connexion with Great Britain. Thia is'no new announcement. We have seen Great Britain year after year extending her naval stations, until by a line of ctr cumvallation she almost surrounds tbe Gulf of Mexico. We see her posts at telegraphic distances from the banks of tbe Bahamas to the Belize. And certainly we may be jealoua of any attempt on her part to seize a cape which actually com mands the entrance into the gulf of the Caribbean sea. The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations has appro priately connected with thia the question of the possession of Cuba. Yucatan and Cuba are the salient points commanding the Gulf of Mexico, which I hold to be a basin of wster be longing to the United Statee. Whenever the question arises whether the United States shall aeiae these gates of entrance from tbe South and East, or allow them to paas into the pos session of any maritime Power, I am ready for one to declare that my step will be forward, and that the Cape of Yucatan and the Island of Cuba must be ours. Mr. CLAYTON. Will the honorable gentleman allow me to a?k him a question ' Mr. DAVI8. Certainly. Mr. CLAYTON. 8uppose there should be a negro in surrection in Cuba, and that from motivea of humanity (treat Britain ahould interfere and take military posseesion of that island, for which course we an about to make a precedent, would the honorable Senator hesitate to go to war ' Mr. DAVIS. Not a moment Mr. CLAYTON. It ia the answer that I expected. Mr. DAVI8. I have no confidence in the humanity of Great Britain, the great slave-trader of the world. If she should interfere, on any pretext, in the aflairs of Cuba, in order to obtain a footing there, I would regard it as a proper occasion to interfere. Great Britain haa already attempted, under a pretext of eetablishing an hospital on the island of Cuba, in connexion with her elave-ehipe, to build up ? Gibral tar to overlook the Spanish Mora Castle ; and if the (?overn ment of Cuba bad yielded to that demand, tbe week Court of Spain not denying it, I would have considered it as demand ing the immediate interference of the United States. Tbe very neceawty of defending the United 8tates requites that we ahould tske whatever atepe ahould be neceessry always to secure the freedom of the great point of exit and entrance to a large portion of the American coast But I understand the question of the Senator as making the interference of Great Britain in the aflairs of Cuba as a parallel case with the present Mr. CLAYTON. I put that case to show the Senstot the effect of his own declaration. Mr DAVIS. I saw the conclusion, and was prepared for it. Mr. CLAYTON. It is a foregone conclueion. Mr. DAVI8. If we were not st war with Mexico, and a war of caatea had aprung up in Yucatan, in which we bad no right as a belligerent Power to interfere, however I might have been pained ia beholding the spectacle, I should have viewed it as I did tbe cae* of Guatemala, in which the Indian raoe triumphed, and established, as ! would remind the 8enator, a better government than Guatemala ever had before. If such were the cam at present, I would stand quietly by and let the people decide which race should rule them. But I place this case of Yucatan sol#ly on the ground of the Mexican war. I have not yet seen any convincing proof that Great Britain has interfered. She has been asked to send some troops, and I believe has sent three companies of srtillery. Mr. CLAYTON. Is there not an armistice now exfetfag > Mr. DAVI8. That originally constituted a difficulty with me, which by one best calculated to construe it has been re moved and does not now inlerpoee any obstacle to ay action. I am not apprized at what date that armistice expire*, bat I think it will oome to an end before we can poasibly gat troo, s to Yucstan. Again, that armistice poin's directly to the fact that no new posts are to be taken in Mexico, except on ac count of movement a on the part of Mexico. Here is a move ment the result of which we cannot determine. It ia like the war of factions all over Mexico. It may be for the par pose of interfering with tbe progress of the American army in the ronclwiou of the treaty. Ia the Senator from Delaware prepared to aay it ie not' I do not rely upon tbe argument of tbe honorable 8eaator, the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re latioua, baser] upon the fact that these Indiana have been furnished with anas bearing the Tower mark. It does not follow from that feet that theae anna wsie furnished by Greet Britain. Cwser, Frede rick, and Napoleon, the three greateat generals, have demon strated that aelarity of movement ia the great groundwork of military soeeeae. Great Britain, aware af the value of tbe maxim, haa been constantly reducing the weight of her avaes The Tower auakata have been condemned and aold aa Unfit for eervtee. However, they are found all over tfca Sunth American Statee. " T Mr. HANNEGAN. Hu not Great Britain established a great depot of arms at the Belize ' Mr. DA. VIS. Certainly ; I am aware of that fact. If she waa sending niu.keu there, however, she would eend them from her own armories, and of the present standard. Thoae Tower musket* were alao found in the hands of the Mexicana, having been purchased by thote who eouid obtain only cheap arm*, or bad less skill in the use of them. Great Britain may be interfering in the affairs of Y ucatan, but I am not prepared to jump to that conclusion. Like ourselves, ahe might ooty be answering the call of humanity ; or she may be inaidiooaly arming the Indians. But, whether it be the one or the other, it ie immaterial to my argument. I take the ground that, aa we are at war with Mexico, we have a right to establiah poata in any part of Mexico, il it be necessary to the prosecution of that war ; and, if Great Britain steps in when we have pros trated the Mexican Government to tuke advantage of the con dition of aflaira and seize Yucatan, we have the right to inter pore. We are the belligeient Power; wo may lake up poei tione within that territory ; and, with the highest motives of humanity and policy, assert our right to exclude any other Power from Mexico, or any portion ot her territory, in the present prostrate condition to whirh she has been reduced by us. In my judgment, therefore, the President has placed the question on the true ground. I rise to offer an amendment to the bill, upon the. ground aimply of the urgent demand which exists for the immediate increaae of the army, and to five power to the President to call out troops to supply the place of thoae withdrawn from the army for the purpose of holding posts in Yucatan. With . these introductory remarks, I beg to ofTer my amendment. The amendment, which ia aa follows, and is a sutwtitule for the whole bill, was then read : Be il eiuicted, &c. Tliat the President of the United States be and he ia hereby authorized and empowered to accept the services ot an equal number ot volunteer troops to supply the place of tueh as may be withdrawn from their present duty to answer to the exigent demand for the immediate pre sence of a portion of our army in Yucatan : J'rovtdetJ, Their services shall be required; the Mine to be raised for service during the -war with Mexico, agreeably to the provisions of tike act of May thirteenth, eighteen hundred and forty-seven. Mr. UPHAM. I would a*k if the President haa not the right now to increase the army to the extent of twelve thou sand volunteers ? Mr. DAVIS. The Preaidentwas authorized to call out a certain number of volunteers by regiments. These regiments were called out. They have wasted away in the aervice, and it would take perhaps the number named to fill up the ranks of regiments aJready existing in the volunteer service, but the only way in which that can be done is by recruiting, and re cruiting for volunteer regiments has been found to be so diffi cult that no one looks to it as a means of increasing/the army. The Senator from Delaware, I may remark before I resume my seat, represents Yucatan as a sickly country, and speaks of the sufferings of our troops in Mexico. Now, I do not be lieve that the interior either of Yucatan or of Mexico is sick ly, but when new troops are sent to a tropical climate in the summer season, exposed to the inclemencies of camp life, and put upon soldier's fare, they are liable to contract diaease, partly in consequence of their want of knowledge of the pro per mode of encampment and of the best means of protecting themselves. Hence the necessity for sending into a new coun try troops that have had some experience; and intending out fresh volunteers they should be mingled for a time with troops that have been in service, from whom they can learn all the necessary means of taking care of themselves in a new climate. Mr. CRIPTENDEN. It appears to me that the amend ment of the honorable Senator from Mississippi entirely changes the character of this bill, and that it is simply a proposition to increase the military force employed in the war with Mexico. In that point of view there is no occasion for this measure whatever. My honorable friend from Michigan (Mr. Cass) has been laboriously marching forward?slowly, I acknowl edge, but not the less diligently?for the last two months, as the head of hia twenty thousand militiamen ! They are, int deed, now pretty well advanced, and every day the word ha been, "forward, march!" Where is the necessity, then, for introducing this special bill for the purpose of making an uncertain and indefinite augmentation of the army, instead of taking the bill which has already been proposed, providing for an army commensurate with all the exigencies of the war > The amendment makes this bill nothing more than a provision for the general purposes and exigencies of the war, according to the discretion of the Executive, who has the management and control of it?nothing more. The twenty thousand vol unteer bill has the same purpose for its object Why, then, introduce another measure to effect the same object t If there be any new exigency demanding the augmentation of the twenty thousand volunteers, we have only to amend that bill and enlarge that measure. The bill now before the Senate has a peculiar and especial object and purpose, which have been explained to us by the honorable chairman of the com mittee and by the message of the President of the United Stales. My friend's amendment cuts loose the bill from the object of the President altogether. The object of the Praei dent ia to rescue an unhappy people overwhelmed by a savage foe. That ia his object. But the amendment proposes to increase the army so aa to give to the President a force ale quale to effect the military occupation of the country, as a measure in our war with Mexico. But, air, we may have, and I trust that at this day we have, a treaty ratified which is to give peace to this country and Mexico. What, then, be comes of the message of the President and the object of this bill, if you connect this warfare in Yucatan as merely inci dental with your war in Mexico ? If the war with Mexico is terminated by a treaty of peaoe, the incident goes along with it; and you do hot interfere at all. The amendment of the gentleman has for its object the following up of purposes of war, and the abandonment of the purposes of peace and pre servation proposed by the message under consideration. If the exigencies of this war, or the interest* or honor of this country require it, I am prepared to vote for any additional number of men that may be necessary for the general purpose* of the war. But as to this particular measure, and this par ticdlar object proposed by the President, it seems to me that it is subject to great objections?objections o <the gravest character. This interposition in Yucatan is not proposed by the President as a part and parcel of the Mexican war, for the Meiican war haa for its otyect the prostration of our enemy ; and Yucatan, he saya, is a portion of Mexico, and therefore our enemy. So far from having any destructive purpose of war, the measure proposed has for its object purposes of preservation and charity. It ia in that point of view that it seem* to me to be subject to very grave objections. It seems somewhat surprising to me that it has not been thought necessary to accompany this cer tainly extraordinary proposition with an official copy of the armirtice lately made between the forces of the United State* and thoae of Mexioo?an armistice extending to and 1 oyood Yucatan. I hear difference* of opinion expressed among gen tlemen how far the measure proposed might be consistent with the armistice. I cannot conceive?though I have not lately aeen a copy of that armiatice, never having seen an offi cial copy of it?that it would be by any peasibility consistent with it to give to either party the privilege of extending itself, or making additional preparations for war. That is not the object of an armistice. Cen it be poesibiy supposed that, under the terms of this srmistice, we could extend oor milita ry occupation over all Mexico? No. And I can scarcely conceive of a construction of any armistice whieh could allow ue to take military poseession of a province of the enemy, not in our possession when the srmistice wss made. Mr. DAVI8, of Miaaiasippi. I beg to call the attention of the Senator to the fact that there was an express provision in the armiatice that in the case of any military movements be ing made, we had the right to send our troopo to counteract then. Mr. CRITTENDEN. I suppose it may bo fairly inferred that that provision had reference only to such military opera tions as were supposed to be hostile to us. Mr. DAVIS, of Mississippi, (in his seat) Yes j I have no doubt such was the understanding of the provision. Mr. CRITTENDEN. Let it be recollected that thia civil war raged in Yucatan at the very time that the armistice was made, and if the understanding had been that Yucatan was not inrloded in the terme of the armtrtice, it would have been mentioned and so stipulated. But I may be mistaken about this arnrstke. 1 think, however, we should know precisely what it is before we enter upon * movement which may be in violation of its terms. 8uppo?e, however, all this difficulty removed. Our humanity is invoked in behalf of a suffering people ; end the question is, whether it is sound policy on our part, on such an occasion, to engage in a foreign war ' I hope I am not destitute of the proper' feeling* that belong ? to us on such an occasion ; but it st ems to me that such a step would be an exceedingly perilous one, leading us into new and untried scene* of public policy. The proposition wants a deflnitiveness that would enable us to determine with any degree of certainty what would be the consequence of this step. The bill provides for a military occupation of Yuca tan, as a thing distinct from, and independent of, our war with Mexico. I suppose il ia oo considered by the honorable chairman of the commitleo. Mr. HANNEGAN signified bis assent. Mr. CRITTENDEN. Then bow long is the occupation to continue?to what extent > Every thing, sir, is here hound less, both as regards time and space. Is it not a perilous step, then, which wc are railed dpon to take > We are called upon, from motives of humanity, to involve our country, to an extent of which we know nothing, in foreign difficulties, for eign wars and vast expenditure* of the public money. How far ought we to go > Are we not tran*gre**ing altogether that principle of non-intervention which hee at the foundation of the security of natiooo > It is not merely a sound rule of do mestic policy, but it is a great principle which seems to mo to be necesssry to the preesrvation of nations in their distinct and independent character. If thia doctrine of the right of inter vention be generally admitted, the ambitions nation which ssefcs aggrandizement and extension of power will employ every pre text and be satisfied with tbe slightest reasons to act upon the principle. The consequence* must be appnrent. Tbe viola tion of the principle of non-intervention ia calculated to fill the world with distress, diecord, and war. It will piodoco atrocities y every where at which humanity would ah odder The interven tion of one nation on the pretence of human ty would farnash the pretext for another tointerfNNfc awl in ordseto check the In