Weekly national intelligencer., May 13, 1848, Image 7

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time therein stated as petty officers, ictmen, and marines in
the navy ot the United State* during the last war with Great
Britain." 6
The amendment was agreed to,
Mr. DUER moved to amend Mr. TdoarioB'i amendment
w follows ;
> " Strike out alt after the tame are hereby, 4th line, and in
sert : extended to every inhabitant of the United States above
?yVctwenty-oneyears, being in indigent circumstances, or
?Aving a family dependant upon his or her labor for their sup
port, who now is or who hereafter may become a ci'izen ol the
United States."
Mi. D. said that if Congress was about to make a division
of the public domain, be wu for having an equal division
He wanted to give all a share. H? could not see why those
only who had fought for the country were to be sharers in the
common spoil. There were other claims aa well aa those for
military service. Let the division be something like equal.
Mr. D. said he approved of the principle of making a dona
t lion of small portions of the public domain to actual settlers
under certain restrictions, and on certain prudent and necessary
conditions { but if Congress was going to enter on these large
grants he hoped his amendment would be adopted.
Mr. D.'s amendment was agreed to.
Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas, sent to the Chair as a sub
stitute, to be offered at the proper time, the draught of a bill,
which was read for information, and will be found below.
Mr. GREEN proposed to insert an amendment to grsnt the
bounty to all who bad desired to slay a Mexican. [A laugh.]
Mr. TOMPKIN8 feared that what the committee were
?ing would look rather bad upon paper. He would there
e move that the committee rise.
The motion was rejected by an overwhelming majority.
A member from New York moved to include all who bad
been engaged in the Dorr insurrection.
It wu ruled out of order.
Mr. EDWARDS propoeed to add, " particularly the man
who had admitted Santa Anna into Mexico." [A laugh.]
It waa ruled out of order.
Mr. JONE8, of Tennessee, offered an amendment extend
ing the provisions of the bill to all who had served in the re
volution from lat of January, 1775.
' Mr. J. supported his amendment by observing that it was
his desire to go back to those noble-hearted men who had com
menced the great fight for our national liberty?men who fought
upon their own hook. He would give 160 acres of the pub
lic lands to every one of them who bad served the cause of
America againat Great Britain, either in the military, naval, or
marine service. This amendment was rejected.
Another motion was here made to adjourn, but promptly
negatived.
Mr. DUNN offered an amendment not distinctly heard by
the Reporter, and of which be could obtain no copy.
The, question now recurring on the original amendment to
^he bill which had been moved by Mr. Thompson, of Missis
sippi, as amended by the adoption of the various amendments
to it which had since been offered, the amendment was reject
ed ,? so all the proposed amendments fell with it
Mr. WICK moved an additional section to the bill, the ob
ject of which was to prevent any reduction in the commuta
tion allowed to volunteers who did not need the full amount
allowed to regulars for clothing. Mr. W. explained the na
ture of bis amendment.
Mr. STEPHENS rose to order, and objected to this amend
ment as not germain to the bill, and therefore prohibited as an
amendment by the fifty fifth rule of the House. The sole
object of the bill was to rectify a false interpretation given at
the pension office to the law granting oounty to our soldiers
in the Mexican war, so as to secure the land bounty to sol
diers who had been promoted from the ranks and received of
ficers' commissions foe good conduct. The subject of this
amendment was wholly foreign to that, and therefore not in
order. The same objection indeed would apply to the whole
of the amendments which had been proposed to the bill. He
hoped the committee would rise and report the bill in its ori
ginal form.
Mr. THOMPSON, of Mississippi, thought his amendment
been germain to the bill, because the bill itself extended
land bounty to those who would not otherwise receive it,
and the amendment did no more.
The CHAIR sustained Mr. Stkphevs's objection, and
ruled Mr. Wick's amendment out of order.
Mr. J0HN80N, of Arkansas?moved a substitute for the
whole bill after the enacting clause, aa follows :
That the benefits conferred by the ninth section of the act
entitled ' An act to raise for a limited time an additional mili
? force and for other purposes," approved February II,
, be and the same are hereby extended and secured to all
C-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates, who dur
the war with Mexico may have been or may hereafter be
promoted 11 any company or staff office after their arrival at
the seat ot war, and after the original organization of the
tympany, corps, or regiment to which they respectively be
longed.
"Sec. 2. Beit further enacted, That all non-commissioned
officers, musicians, and privates, who may have been or may
hereafter be taken prisoners whilst in the line ot their duty in
the war with Mexico, shall be entitled to and receive, whether
as infantrpr or mounted men^and whether their term of service
shall expire or not, the same rate of pay, allowance, and com
mutation of subsistence during captivity that they were ac
tually entitled to receive at the time of capture."
Mr. J. explained and briefly advocated his amendment. He
?aid it had received the approval of experienced men; it was
Ripple, and covered the whole ground. He hoped the com
mittee would now go aeriously to work and pass the bill.
Mr. JONES, ol Tennessee, proposed Mr. Juassox to
modify his bill so as to restrict the first section to such privates
as bad been promoted from the ranks after the organization of
the regiments to which they belonged.
Mr. JOHNSON accepted this as a modification of his sub
stituted bill.
Mr. JONES explained and advocated his amendment.
The question now recurring on the adoption of Mr. Johk
soh's bill, as modified by him at the suggestion of Mr. Jon is?
Mr. STEPHENS opposed the substitute, and hoped the
original bill would be adopted and reported.
Mr. THOMPSON, of Kentucky, wished to amend the ori
Cd bill by the adoption of a substitute. He hoped Mr.
"son, of Arkansas, would accept it in lieu of his own as
an amendment. It was as follows :
Beit further enacted. That in all eases where, by the laws
now existing, the wife, children, or parent of any volunteer
officer or soldier who has died in the service during the pre
sent war with Mexico, are entitled to bounty laud, in the event
that such officer or soldier has died, or shall hereafter die in
fa service, having no wife, children, or pareut, then the next
Crf kin wlio, by the laws of the State where such volunteer
officer or sol iirr enlisted, are heirs at law of such decedent,
or such person as said officer or soldier shsll appoint by will,
?hall be entitled lo inherit and receive such interest in said
bounty lands as they or any of them would be entitled to under
the laws of the place of enlistment or by such devise.
Mr. T. remarked that the whole purpose of the original bill,
M reported from the committee, was to supply a casus omissus
n the former bounty land bill. Now, there were three cases
kUeh that bill failed to provide for, and which it was the pur
pss of his substitute to cover. He hoped it would be sc
wpted as a modification of the amendment propoeed by the
pa tinman from Arkansas.
Mr. JOHNSON, of Arkansas, declined to accept it.
Mr. TURNER moved that the committee rise { but his
notion was negatived without a count.
amendment of Mr. Thompson, of Kentucky, to the
Kiginal bill waa ruled for the present out of order.
Mr. 8MII H, of Illinois, offered the following amendment:
" See. ?? -And be it further enacted, That the land war
?ants for military services in the present wsr with Mexico,
?*ed in pursuance af the ninth section of the act of February
11, 1*47, to raise for a limited time an additional military
oree, and for other purposes, may be located by the warrantee
r his heirs at law in forty or eighty-acre tracts, at any land
Met In the United 8tatea, upon any of the public lands in
?eh dittrict subject to private entry, or upon any lsnds im
roved by the warrantee or his heirs at law, or to which he or
lis heirs may have secured a pre-emption right"
Mr. 8. said it could bo demonstrated that the adoption of
tis amendment would be beneficial to the Government.
Ihould it become a law there were very many who would be
lad to take lands which had remained for thirty years in mar
?*, but which were convenient to (heir own farms. It often
appened that such persons could not get one hundred snd
ixty seres of land lying in a body j they wanted eighty acrea
f prairie and eighty of woodland. He hoped the amend
isnl would be adopted.
Mr. STEPHEN8 renewed his question of order, insisting
1st this amendment was not germain to the bill.
The CHAIR overruled the objection.
Mr. STEPHENS look an appeal.
/The amendment was again read, and the Cbair, being now
Ws to hear it more distinctly, ruled it not to be in order.
? L'JSM'T?* tf,en offered a second amendment, to which
h. STEPHENS made the same objection i it changed the
hole land system of the country.
?bei?"\'Rrlrul*H ?t not to he in order.
as Uii i /u' Kentucky, now offered bis substitute.
Mr. H ALL, of Missouri, objected to it aa out of order.
And the CHAIR ao roled.
<?r. McCLERNAND now offered the following :
?ee. ; fur*firr enacted. That the provisions
^ limitations of the ninth section of the set of February II,
M7, be and the same are hereby so extended that the nonl
ho missioned omoera, musicians, and orivatea ol' ih<- -..,,1.1
i'itla^olunt. era, and rangers, who ?ved In thelnTnw^
1790, and who served In the war of 1?|? twelve months or
ore, shall receive a bounty of one hundred and sixty acres
wh ; and all of said soldiers who served six months or more
**l receive a bounty of eighty aerea of land each s provided
St bounties shsll not be granted to those who have almrfv
issived bounties." 7
The CHAIR ruled this amendment out of order.
The question now recurring on the amendment of Mr.
MNsosr, of Arkansas, it wss rejected.
The question being then on the original fain, as ineertsd
> the beginning of these proceedings, (with an amendment,
iwfating of the Isst proviso, formsrly offered by Mr. Rica
W') WM
And the Oomnrittss thereupon race and reported the bill to
? Hones.
The hUl wss tbes ordered to be engroesed for a third rsnd
C, and it was read a third time and passed.
CONGRESSIONAL.
PROPOSED OCCUPATION OF YUCATAN.
In Senate?Friday, May 5.
The Senate having under consideration the bill to enable
the President of the United Bute, to take temporary military j
occupation of Vucatan?
Mr. HANNEGAN said : When the message of the Pre
sident was received, and before it was referred to the commit
tal I entertained the hope that action, and prompt and deed
ed action, would be taken, in pursuance of tue recommenda
tion of the mcsage, without debate, or at least without oppo
sition. I am satisfied, however, from what has transpired
that we have opposition to anticipate, rod, in open.ng the mat
ted at thia Ume, I shall confine rnyaelf to a very few observa
tions and those mostly in reply to the suggesUons which foil
from* the Senator from South Carolina on Saturday. I how
suggestion.?for they were suggestion, ratherthan argumenU
eomprue, I believe, the only objections that have been or can
be ottered upon the merits of the question, and, without fur
ther premise or preface, I -ball at once proceed to consider
them in the order in which they pr^nt themselves to ine.
The Senator expresses his surprise that the resident ahould
have taken an occasion of this kind to recommend to Con
gress the armed occupation of Yucatan even for a temporary
' period He pronounces it to be, in his opinion, most inop
portune and points with alarm to the results which are to fol
low. But the distinguished Senator has failed to point out
the results which he seems to conaider so form.dable. I my
self. after the closest and most dehberate scrutiny which I
have been able to give to the subject, have been unable to dis
cover the alarming dangers which, like a hidden ledge of rocks
beneath the smooth surface of the sea, in the Senator s appre
hension, are covered by the plain and explicit language of the
message. The meaning of the message, it appears to me, is
obvious, the case is there plainly and clearly stated,. and it is
slso fully given in the documents which accompany it. \ uca
tan applies to the United States for assistance to protect her
people against the barbarous savages who are pursuing tbem,
5Sr wives, and families to ihe ocean. They appeal to us by
every obligation which men hold dear to come to their rescue,
or else in a few short months from this period they must cease
to exist. The President presents the case to Congress, and
the committee to whom the subject was referred report a bill
a, strictly in accoidance with the recommendation which tiie
message contains as a bill cro be drawn^ We propose by the
bill to leave it to the discretion of the President to fufnish to
Yucatan munitions of war and all necesmry means of defend
and protection. We propose, moreover, to allow lMm to ab
stract fium Mexico, or from any part of the United States,
sufficient force to meet and drive back the ?avag^ wfao per
haps before this day are in possession of the capita1 of Yuca
tan. We propose to go no further than this- The President
does not ask for ihe permanent occupaUon *f Yucstan. The
bill expressly prohibits the thought ; it declares by As title that
it shall be but a temporary military occupation. No man has
dreamed as yet, so far as I know, of the permanent occupa
Uon of the territory of Yucatan. There are motives, how
ever which may lead to such a result. As the Senator from
South Carolina has remarked, we may be led we know not
where. Considerations may arise which will lead us beyond
our first intentions, and render it imperative that we ahould
convert this temporary occupation into something more. I am
thus frank in the outset, for I desire no disguise. Let it he
remembered, however, that these are my own individual feel
ings and opinions, and that I speak only for myself.
Sir there ia a most formidable power in Europe menacing
American interests in that country, and let me add American
institutions too. That power is hastening with ?ce-ho??
soeed to upon the entire Isthmus. Heretofore, by slow
decrees according to her usual policy, England has got pos
session of various points along the Gulf coast of the Isthmus.
Now sir we have authentic information that at this hoar,
despite thr assertion of the 8enator from South Carolina?
whose information and whose opinions I always hold in the
most profound respect and veneration?despite the statement
of the Senator that England has enough to attend to do at home
and will not attempt to interfere with the affairs of Yucatan,
we have authentic information that she has interfered in the
affairs of Yucatan already. England has seized upon the ter
ritory of the Belize. She holds that absolutely. Farther
south the whole Mosquito coast is in her possession ; and if
not openly, by her agents .be has advanced her troops and ac
tually seized upon the southern portion ol Yucstan, under the
pretence of taking care of British interest, tbere^ England
" enough to do to take care of her own aflair. at home . Eng
land never .aw the day when ? .he had enough to do at home
Since the remarks of the Senator from South Carohna were
made on Saturday, the steamer has arrived with the intelli
gence, that while all the other power, ol Europe
and distracted with internal dissensions, England ha. had the
I ability, without .bedding a single drop of bl?od,to allay the
tempest that w?. threatening to disturb her domestic tranquilli
tv and to laugh at the threatenings of her disaffected subjects.
England never yet had *' enough to do at home to prevent her
from extending her power all over the habitable globe. Eng
land cherishes the design, at this moment, so secure the most
practicable route for an artificial means of communication be
tween the two ocean., rod to effect that object she ? gradu
ally and rapidly absorbing the entire Irthmus. t nless we act
she will accomplish her purpose. Doe. any man
a moment that the miserable traffic in dye-woods, which is the
DrinciDsl article of commerce there, is what is leading England
so steadily and regularly to seize, foot by foot, all the.territory
of which she can obtain possession in that quarter of the globe
No ! It is the great and mighty object which I have just in
dicated. In Yucstan abe has another and a higher object.
She has in fact a double purpose. The firat relate. to herself,
but the second strikes directly at us. Look st the powUon of
Yucstsn. Look upon the msp?see how she stands out in
almost juxtaposition with Cuba. 8he shakes hands with
Cubs. The possession of Yucatan by England would soon
be followed by the poasession of Cuba. I entertain no doubt
that if she secure Yucstan now, five years hence we shall see
her in possession of Cuba. I doubt it no more than I do my
own existence. I doubt it no more than I doubt th.t the trees
will put forth their leaves, sad that the grass will renew itself
next spring. It is inevitable. Every indication points to it.
The conduct of Englsnd tenda directly to it. We have, I
msv say. suthentic informstion that at thia very hour she is
I taking step, to accomplish that object. Give her VuMt.n snd
Cuba, and what will be the reeult > That very mstsnt the
Gulf of Mexico will be under her control. It becomes mart
clmmtiH ! The whole coast of the United Ststes, from Cspe
Sable to the mouth of the Rio Bravo?a coast, with all iits
sinuosities. nearly two thousand miles in extent?ia .a locked
j in as it possibly could be by fortified position. Cubs hasbeen
?H,.j o,. 0f the Gulf. Yucatan and Cuba combined are
the lock and key. Place tbem in the hand, of England, and
she controls the mouth of the Mississippi aa absolutely as she
controls the mouth of the Thames ! We shall not bs sWe to
so in or out without her permission. Is it not enough u?at
?he holds sll the maritime power of the North Atlantic coast
Is it not sufficient that she holds Halifax, standing out as it
does?thst mighty observatory, the most prominent feature ot
the coast > Shsll we stand still, quietly folding our arm.
while ahe is proceeding thus to hem us in snd encircle us with
her possessions ? Shsll we, by rejecting this bill, ahow that
we are willing to acquiesce in her aggressiona >
8ir, will the American Government stand quietly by and
me England take possession of Yucatan?and if
act she wilt do so, for she is acting in adT.nce-^ ha? uken
the first step , the Governor of Jamaica baa been
pealed to, and he will probably respond to *at appealbefore
we act? If we fold oor arms snd refuse to render ssststence
to drive back the savage, and protect Yucatan, the jwobabili
ia?nay it is a certainty?that England will seweupon
Yucatan snd afterward. upooOub.. Therei. one feature
in this correspondence to which I ?*pecielly ?lewre to call the
attention of the Senate to show the design of England. 1 he
allusion in one of the letters of Mr. Sierrs, th. commirooner
of Yucatan, is so brosd a. not to be misuwisrelood , thai
England i. abeolutely, through her agents, famishing these
Indiana with arm. and munitions of war to enable them to
pursue thia horrible maasarre. . ...
Mr. JOHNSON, of Maryland. Does the Senator say
that the British Government is doing this ?
Mr. HANNEGAN. Yes! I "7 that England, through
her agents, ia farni.hing the* Indian, with arms. The In
dian, who sre d.iving the inhabitant to the *eacoast are srm
erf with British musket., bearing the msrk of the Towerof
London. It is more than .uspected that they ate supplied
throogh the instrumentslity of Mr. ?r.'^
ish sgent at the B? liae, where Englsnd hssestablished ad -
pot of arms. Where el* do they procure them ? In one of
the communication, to the Secretary of Stete the al usionto
thia fact is so broad that it almort amounts to a diMinct charge.
I put it then to the Senate, if we stand quietly by, if we are
deTf to the appeal now made to us. If we "fare to respond to
,t, the inevitable result will be that Eajfcnd ?toop?
toth Yucatan and Cuba. The honorable Senator from South
I Carolina ha. declared that this was a mostfywfe and
improper moment for the President to express opinion, of this
! 3 Why > Whst is there in the affaire of the world to
mSe it eo > If Engl.nd, a. * JtSEfc*?
he made the remark, was upon the verge of interns! commo
^ would .he ihereforp be incapecitsted from carrying out
her design. > Englsnd, say. ths Senat <r, will no more think j
ner designs * Yucstan, or throwing her Uoope into
of taking po-ewdoni of Y?^ , woo|d ^
t OX! Sbe good enough to ac
Mmnt to the Senate rod the country for Ihe steps wbiph -he
ill . Lin. snd in which .he pernios > ?he hss Maed
haa been takmg, and m wnico ??" r~ . l-u
by violence or by frsud J**1"*! JX ^cfrnm
south of Yucatan ? Sir, I am -Uefied that^undw aa wa
"tsnces will Englsnd conrtrue ^u
dierespeetful to her. But even if .be do??, twin not maMar
a hair with me. If ws interprws the grest Wd down
by Mr. Monroe, reiterated by Mir. P?^k, Baglmd
her hand. off. Never, never will .be pl.nt herfaX wh^ ws
ve placed ours firmly. It to when
oar tameneu shall encourage her that she will present her ad
vancing front. I trust oo Senator think* that I am weak
enough to believe that ahe i? afraid of ua. No! The Eng
h*rt never knew fear. But it is not her internet to fight
ua. for no cauae abort of the sacrifice of her honor, of her
character, of her reputation, would England fight us, sim
ply because it is not her 1 ate real to fight us. If her interest
, . t?Leng*18e 'm w'lh us, if her honor was in
volved, il hei character or reputation were at stake, though
?he had read in the book of doom that the result would be her
national annihilation, 1 believe she would fight us or any other
nation on the fcce of the earth. Such is the indomitable
character which England has ever exhibited. But she has an
eye ever open to her interests. The destruction of British
interests would be the consequence of a war with the United
States. This she knows full well.
Mr. Piesident, the Senator from South Carolina, in the course
ol his remarks, brought before us once more the phantoms of
debt and taxation, in order to deter us from takiug a step jn
this matter?those frightful phantoms which are continually
held up to our view in terrorem. No proposition looking to
an extension of our dominion, looking to our aggrandiiement,
or to an increase of the national prosperity can be made, with
out being met by such opposition as this. Why, sir, to what
must we come t If we are not to defend our honor because
of the debt that must follow $ if we aie not to reach out our
hands and secure a position vitally important to the interests
ot the country because a little debt must follow, what are we
to do f Are wo to fold our arms and stand inert ?' No alter
native is left us. We will find ours. Ives in the position of
the Portuguese Government some centuries back. When the
question of constructing a canal was agitated, the resolution
was taken that it would be impiou/to construct it, because, if
the Almighty had designed there should be a communication,
he would have made it himself! Are we to be thrown back
upon such a position as this ? Our population has increased,
our prosperity has advanced, all the elements of national
greatness have been multiplied, and yet, because our annual
expenditure has proportionably increased, he regards it as a
proof of wasteful extravagance. The Senator points ua to
the present condition of Europe, and dire%^ us to the example
of England and France. He says that in the accumulation
ot a debt, necessarily leading to enormous taxation, one of
them, an old long-existing Government, has at last found its
1118 olhe'? 88 be anticipated, was about to follow
it. Sir, there must be a similarity in systems before there
can be any similarity traced in results. There can be no
possibility of a true parallel being drawn between the Gov
ernments of France and England and that of the United
state*. The nature of our institutions, the extent of our ter
ritoiy, every thing in and around us, forbids the idea that w?
shall ever see the hour when our people, like the people oi
England and of France, will Be compelled to pay a tax foi
Jh. very Hgb, ? I, ?Mor*, ?" The SLS
from South Carolina, too, by way of censure of the existing
elate of things, pointed back to the administration of Mr
Monroe, during the whole eight yoars of which, I believe, the
Senator was. a member of his Cabinet.
whrte CALH?UN' (iD hi* *?'?) Yea> ?" J nearly the
Mr. HANNEGAN. The Senator stated that the a vers ire
annual expenses during Mr. Monroe's administration was
about ten millions of dollars.
0,1 "" ~" )
Mr. HANNEGAN. Now, does the Senator require his
attention to be direcUd to the striking contrast between the
circumstances of the countiy at that period and the present
time We had not at any period of Mr. Monroe's adminis
tration ten millions of people. Where were then our boun
daries. Since that period our population has increased three
fold. I believe it is a moderate estimate to place it at twenty
four millions ; and how vast has been the extension of our
? A* Il '* ?.n,y neccl,Mry to Point to Pittsburg, Wheel
ing. Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, and New Orleans, as
illustrative of our extraordinary increase and progress in all
5* es?ential element* of national greatness. Look at
INew Orlean^ already rivalling the mighty commercial empo
rium of the North on onr Atlantic border { and look at St
W1,h ,u 01>e hundred thousand inhabitants; yet at the
commencement of Mr. Monroe's administration it was little
more than a collection of huts of Indian traders. Then there
is J ittsburg with a population of a hundred thousand in
habitant*, which was then a mere point of embarkation for
emigrants passing down the Ohio. My friend from Kentucky
(Mr. CniTTMDXH) knows how long it then look to perform
the journey to Washington on horseback. Since that time
we have .hot to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, have passed
beyond them, and are now resting on the shores of the Pa
cific. All the rnourees of vast territories, unrivalled for pro
ductiveness and fertility, have been brought to light. Our in
ternal commerce has literally grown op since that hour; for
before we had comparatively none. Yet the 8enator from
South Carolina complains that our expenses have increased
from ten to thir# millions. Well, there is something to show
for all this augmented expenditure. Is it to be supposed that
ten persons shsll be able to subsist on that which only sufficed
tor the sustenance of two ?
The Senstor admitted the other day that it would be justi
fiable to act on one ground presented in the message of the
President. He remarked that we would be justified in acting
on the ground ot humanity 5 but be said at the aame time that
he did not know how far or to what extent the President ought
Mr. CALHOUN (in his seat) How far tot ought to go.
Mr. HANNEGAN. I thought that he included the Pre
sident. He wss not prepared tossy, then, how far we ought
to go. I aak, if we move at all, can we atop short of what the
bill proposes Will you merely send them food snd raiment >
Uf * bat avail wouW ,uch ? measure of relief be unless accom
panied by arms and munitiona of war f Would you send
lood and raiment to feed and clothe dead bodies ? If you send
them not troops and munitions of war, of what avail is your
^mpathy unless you mean to " bold the word of promise to
the ear sod break it to the hope We confine ourselves
within bouts as clow and strict as could poaaihiy be imposed
in tbe circumstances. I repeat that it ia not the intention of
the committee 10 draughting this bill to retain permanent pos
aeasion of the territory of k'ueatan, unlesa there ahould he an ab
aolute necessity for it < and of courae the whole thing is with
in the contiol of Congreaa. It ia the first time in my life in
which I have found a gentleman approving of a measure on
account of one good reason assigned for it, and in the same
breath announcing hia opposition to it because another reason,
which in his judgment ia a bad one, is urged in favor of its
adoption. I have always understood that, according to all
?ound rules of argument, if nineteen bad reasons and one good
reeeon were given for any measure, tbe good one was sufficient
to outweigh all the bad ones. It seems that with the hon
orable Senator from South Carolina the rale has been reversed,
?nd that the bad reason overrules and vitiates the good. The
Senator also alleges that the mesaage of the President goes far
beyond the doctrine announced by Mr. Monroe. Now, air,
the President quotes the language of Mr. Monroe, and it seems
to me from an attentive examination of tbe subject that Mr.
Mooroe goes beyond the President. In the firk piece I beg
to remind the honorable Senator that Mr. Monroe embraced
in his declaration both tbe North and South American conti
nents, while Mr. Polk has uniformly restricted himself to tbe
former. In the annual meesage of Mr. Monroe to Congress
in December, 1883, he ststed that in tbe discussion of the re
spective rights of Greet Britain, Ruesie, and tbe United States
onthe north western oosst of A merica, the occasion had "been
J^d.fd,?TOpe.r?"er,,n* M ? Principle, in which tbe rights
of the United States are involved, that tbe American conti
nents, by the free and independent position they have aasum
ed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as sub
jects for future cofoniastion by sny European Powers."
In the same message it was declared that we should regard
any attempt on Uie part of European Powers to extend their
poltical "system to any portion of this hemisphere as danger
ous to onr peace and safety." The message ssya;
With existing colonic* or dependencies of any Kurtmean
rh,Wno< interfered, and shall not interfere^But
with the Governments who have declared their independence
and maintained it, and whose independence we hsve, on great
consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we eould
not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressinr them
or controlling in sny other msnnir Xir deX, by.YyEn!
r?pr*!L^ZerJ" other th? as the manifestation of
an unfriendly disposition towards the United 8tates."
To my poor judgment that is as strong language as Mr
Polk has ever need , and, if it is to be regarded as offensive to
ouote it or sllude to it now, I desire to know why it wss not
denounced when it was first uttered > I desire to know bow
it happen* that, on the fust attempt to cany out in practice
the spirit and meaning of the memorable declaration, the Sena
lor from South Carolina ahould think proper to denounce it
when he was certainly committed to it himaelf as a member
of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet* I await the explanation of tbe
ho nor side Senator. If it be offensive to him now that the dan
ger is impending, snd when ws are invoked to maintain it by
our regard for the common but hallowed ties of humanity which
bind the whole human family, why was it, I ask, that at the
hour of its adoption?tbe hour not merely of its adoption by
the Administrstion of James Monroe, but of its instalment into
the great American heart, for I regard it as one of the csrdiual
doctlines of tbe American political creed?no voice of denun
ciation was raised against It, and that opposition to it baa
been reserved until the moment that it ia about to be put into
practice f 1
Sir, I hold that it is a fundamental principle of our system
that there shsll be no intervention in the affaire of the North
A men can people by sny European Power. The Senator from
South Carolina must certainly have given hie asssnt to that
doctrine at the tines when H was embodied in the meessgw of
Mr. Monroe. I happen to know the history of thie memora
ble sentiment. I obtained it some fear or five weeks before
bis death from that illoetrieM man, who for mere than half a
century adorned Uie politic.! snnal. ?... a*^
name wffllree white the sun shines in brightness in the bea
I speak ofJohnQuincy Atoms. Thisdsclaration 1
eo endeared to me by its troe and lofty pstriotsm that I eousht
an interview with that venerable men, m order to make JoZ
inquiries in relation to this very subject. He Hve M an in
terview of two hours. He bee daeoended to the tomb, and
there can be no indelicacy in relating the tubelance of tbe con
veraation. He stated to me that Mr. Monroe was in the habit
when preparing bis mesasge of calling upon the different mem
bers of hia Cabinet for suggestions in relation to the affairs of
their respective departments. About thia period the Govern
menu of Mtiico, Central An^rica, Colombia, and so on had
aucceeded in eetabliahuig their independence, and these'inte
resting and important event* were the aubject of converaation
between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Adams. Mr. Monroe aaked
him what duty was indicated to the United States by the occur
rence of tbeae gratifying changea in the aspect of a flair a upon
tliia continent. Mr. Adama replied that it would be a proper
occasion on which to announce thia principle to the world.
He waa requested by Mr. Monroe to reduce it to writing.
Next day Mr. Adams returned to Preaident Monroe that de
claration, which, with poa*ibly ? few flight verbal alteration,
was incorporated in ihe mecaage. Waa it meaningleaa ? No,
he replied j it waa fraught with meaning, and intended to con
vey all that it ezprea^ea ; and Mr. Adama added that neither
the Senator from South Carolina nor any other member of the
Cabinet heard of it until he heard it read in Uie meaaage. I
aaked did it mean that we should appeal to arrna ( No, waa
the reply ; that, when an attempt of thia kind waa nude, we
should firet resort to negotiation, and exhauat it 5 and negotia
tion having failed, it wou^ then be time to conaider the ques
tion of peace and war, which would depend entirely upon the
importance of the object. *
i ho declaration waa officially communicated to the ambas
sadore of the various European Fowera represented here. The
English minister instantly protested againat it. The other
European miniater* silently acquiesced, with the exception of
the Russian ambassador, who took it with a quasi protest,
announcing bi* intention of communicating it to the Emperor
for instruction*, but the opinion of the emperor waa never re
turned. Now, I have the authority of that venerable man in
making this atatemcnt, which I committed to paper on the
evening of the day on which I had the interview. It ahowa
that Mr. Monroe and Mr. Adama meant something of that
character, whether otheia meant any thing or not. I think it
presents a principle upon which alone I would be willing to
place myaelf on the present occaaion. I withdraw the appeal
to humanity altogether, and I take higher giound. Let ua
say to the people of Yucatan that we will act?we will pre
serve you from deatruction?we will prevent the seizure of
your territory by any foreign Power.
1 have spoken at greater length, air, than I designed, but
aituated as I am in relation to the measure before the Senate,
I could not well have said leaa. Thanking the 8enate for the
kindness with which it has heard me, I conclude by imploring
you to act speedily if you act at all.
Mr. CLAYTON. I desire very briefly to state the reasons
why I cannot vote for the bill. It goes beyond the recom
mendation of the Presideut, aa I understand it. He doea not
propose to take military possession of the province of Yucatan.
He merely proposes to send our naval forces in the Gulf, not
required at other points, to relieve the white inhabitants from
the war which is waged against them on the coast.
Mr. HANNEGAN. The Senator will acknowledge that
it is not my habit to interrupt a gentleman when he is ad
dressing the Senate, but I teg that be will allow me to read
an extract from the Preaident's message.
Mr. CLAY TON. I have the message before me, but I
shall be very happy to allow the Senator to read any extrsa
from it. ?
Mr. HANNEGAN. I am under obligations to the cour
tesy of the honorable Sena'or. The Preaident says :
"Whilst still considering Yucatan aa a portion of Mexieo,
if we had troops to apare for this purpose, I would deem it
proper, during the continuance of the war with Mexico, to
occupy and hold military possession of her territory, and' to
defend the white inhabitants againat the incuraiona of the In
dians, in the same way that we have employed our troops in
other States ot the Mexican republic in our possession, in re
pclling the attacks of savages upon the inhabitants who have
maintained their neutrality in the war."
Mr. CLAYTON. The Preaideut add*:
?? But, unfortunately, we eannot at the present, without serious
danger, withdraw our forces from other portions ot the Mexi
can territory now in our occupation, and send them to Yuca
tan. All that can be done, under existing circumstances, is to
employ our naval forces in the Gulf, not required at other
points, to afford them relieC But it is not to be expected that
any adequate protection can thus be afforded, at the opera
tions of such naval forces must, of necessity, be confined to the
?oast."
I do not, then, understand the President as being at all re
sponsible for this bill. He has not recommenced it. He has
said that during the continuance of the war with Mexico we
cannot spare the troope, but if he could spare them, he would
take military possession of this as of other Mexican provinces j
and he would hold it how long > Why, during the continu
ance of the war with Mexico. The Preaident haa not pro
posed to retain possession of Yucatan an hour longer than the
continuance of the contest between us and Mexico. But
what does the bill prnpoee > To take military possession snd
retain it indefinitely. My honorable friend from Indiana says,
lor hia part, he would go still further; and he says he is pre
pared for the permanent annexation of Yucatan to the United
States. I propose to reetrict myself, however, to the bill iteelf 4
and I ask the Senate of the United States whether they are
prepared to take military possession of this province, a part of
Mexico, and hold it for an indefinite period, even after the war
ahall have ceased >
Mr. HANNEGAN. The measage says "temporary oc
cupation." . ;
Mr. CLAYTON. Thatiatrue. What does it mean > How
long is the occupation to last > Why, just as long as yon
phase. The gentleman doea not propose any limitation at
all, aa to the time daring which this occupation is to continue.
The first queation which meets me, and I think will meet
others, is this: How does this bill consist with the treaty sti
pulations wffich we have recently offered to Mexico f I de
aire to know from any of the gentlemen who support this bill,
or who have intimated a desire to aupport it, how they can do
eo consistently with these treaty stipulations ? I suppose I
am at liberty to My thst we have offered a boundary line to
Mexico, and pledged ourselves by treaty that it should be for
e?er the boundary between Mexico and the United Stales,
ft ?w> Yucatan ia, as the President says in hia message, at
thia moment a part of Mexico. We have never recognised
her independence. Like many of the other Mexican Statee
she haa been occasionally in a state of revolution. But there
can be no doabt that, if a treaty of peace should be finally made
between thia country and Mexico, Mexico would resums her
empire over that State. It ia now claimed by her that ahe haa
never relinquiehed her title to Yucatan ; an J I presume she
never will relinquish it Again, we have atipulated, also, af
ter <!eclering that this shall be the boundary line l<etween ua
and Mexico, that after a certain period we ahall withdraw our
troops from evory part of that republic. Yet thia bill propoeea,
without reference to the continuance of the war, to take and
bold military poanesiou of ooeof the most important provinces
of Mexico. It aeems to me, with all deference to the honor
able chairman of the Committee on Foreign Ralatiooa, that
this bill violatoe the treaty in both pertict^rs; first, in refer
ence to the Una < and, secondly, in respect to our removal of
the troope.
Again, it seems U> me, that thia is a most unfortunate time
to make a proposition for the military occupation of any por
tion of Mexico. I fear the effect of it. It ia said that the
Mexican Coograas ia about to assemble at Qoeretaro, and we
have strong hopaa that that Congress will ratify the treaty be
tween ua and Mexico. Now, if at the first moment after that
Congreea shall aaaamble they learn that there is a bill actually
pending before the Congrees of the United States, which baa
passed one branch of that Congrees, whose provisions are
directly in conflict with the solemn stipulations of the very
treaty which they are asked to make with us, 'hat it providee
that we are to take and hold one of their most important pro
*incea, I pat it to honorable gentlemen what will be the
opinion which that Congress will entertain of oar good faith >
Will they not beliete, notwithstanding all your professions
that you arc acting from principles of humanity alone, that
your real object in rmkmg this whole movement has been to
violate the treaty, t> disregard its provisions, and that you
now stand ready on tie slightest pretext to cast it to the winds
to acquire more Mexican territory ? ,
Mr. J0HN80N, ?f Maryland, (in his seat) Then there
ia the armistice.
Mr. CLAYTON. Sir, aa it is suggested, what are you to
do with the armistice > That ia now in force, and in direct
violation of it yon propose to send troope into Mexico! Why
this bill appears to ma to be so plsin a violation of the treaty,
and the negotiations which have been entered into between ua
and Mexico, that I trial it never can obtain the assent of the
Senate of the United
In regard to those pkiciplea of humanity on which we are
called upon to act, I am wry willing to adopt the suggeetion
made by Ihe President* the United 8tates. If he, who ought
to understand the sublet, and doubtless does much better than
I do, is of opinion thai by aending some portion of our naval
foroa now in the Gulf t* the relief of these suffering people,
their livea may be saved without our being involved in a war,
to that extent I sm witt*, to ^ with B|| mj heart. What
I object to is, entering (Mo a war with either the Indians or
Creoles of Yucatan, at'thie or any other time. If we are to
act on the great princyfos of humanity, I desire to know if
wa are not to have soma regard for the health and lives of oor
own gallant soldiers, who, after having fought through one of
the most brilliant rainp4gria on record in Mexico, are now, by
thia bill, to be sent awaj to Yocat ?n > I apprehend that there
is not a more destructive climate in the world than that of
Yucatan for our soldia*. Oor army ia for the present in
Mexico. Are we now, ?t the commencement of the summer
months, to order the embarkation of any portion of that army
at Vara Crux, or any other point, for Yucatan f Or are they
to be marched thither ' If you send them there, bow many
of them are destined to return to their native country I
Mr. HANNEGAN, (in hia aaat) The coontry around
Merida, the capital of Yaaatan, ia repreasatad aa being quite
salubrious.
Mr. CLAYTON. There are various representations on
that subject. It is eertainly aaid that the coontry through which
yam approach Merida ia extremely unhealthy. Why, baton
oor amy want to the Rio Grande it waa atated that the coun
try there waa vary bealthjr, but tew Many of our moat gal
laut countrymen perished on the tank* of that pestilential
river f I take it that the tropical climate of Y ocatan ia still
more destructive. While fully disposed to carry out the prin
ciple of humanitv in reference to theae V ucatecos, I deaire
the Senate of the United Statea to have aome regard for the
health and livea of our own countrymen. I understand that
there are about fitly thouaand of the white race in Yucatan,
and that nine-tenths of the population consist of Mexican In
dian*. How many lives have been ?aciificed in this conflict
I know not, and I have no meana of ascertaining. It baa
been said, and I believe on credible authority, that the Spanish
race is unable to raiae an army of more than two thousand
men. I suppose, then, that we are called upon to send an
equal number: and that, with that force, we are to encounter
aa many assailants aa theae four hundred and fifty thouaand
Mexican Indian* can muster. I do not know what may be
the result of that conflict, should we engage in it I desire a
little more light before 1 engage in auch a conflict. I know
very well that we fought with our whole army a few thousand
Indians in Florida for many years, at a cost of about forty
millions of dollars ; and I know, also, that we have another
fight with forty thousand Camanche warriors on our hands, if
the Mexican treaty be ratified. Now, I do not desire too
many fights on our hands at one time. Aware of tbe dispo
sition and determination of my countrymen, that if once they
enter into a fight with these people, or any other, they never
will cease until they have conquered, at whatever cost of
blood and treasure, aa one of the Senators of the United
States I desire to enter upon this business with great caution.
I deprecate precipitate action ; I desire information to guide
my action. The principle of intervention ip the afTairs of
other nations, carried out in this bill, is inconsistent with
the farewell admonitions of the Father of bis Countiy, and
with the whole policy of the Government under our ear
lier Presidents. If we adopt it now, it will react upon ua at
some future day.
I do not think that thia ia an appropriate time for discussing
the question of the war with Mexico. That subject has been
already exhausted. I trust that no such issue as that of farther
annexation of territory will be brought into the coming Presi
dential election. I trust that no such iaaue as that shall ever
again be presented to tbe American people. We have got
into a war which my friends on the other side as well as my
self regard as having terminated gloriously, so far as the suc
cess of our arms ia concerned. How much it has cost ua we
do not know, and probably we ahall not ascertain for a year
to come. We have acquired by that war that which many
regard aa an absolute curse, and others as a blessing. Which
of theae opiniona ia the true one remaina to be decided. But
I think it ia a most unfortunate thing to agitate the country
about annexation at this moment, and I hope that my friends
on the other aide do not intend any thing of the kind. I con
tent myself with adding to what I have already said, that I
think thia measure in diiect conflict with the treaty between
this country and Mexico, and that, from all that I can aee of
it, if adopted, it will be most disastrous in its consequences.
If we do any thing for the relief of Yucatan it should be done
with tbe consent of the Mexican Government. If we enter
upon a crusade against these Indians it ought to be with the
conaent and co-operation of Mexico. If, without obtaining
that conaent and co-operation, we embark in this movement,
in my,judgment the negotiation of the treaty will be broken
up, and Mexico will charge us with having acted in bad faith.
For theae reason*, fir, I must vote againat the bill.
Mr. DAVIS, of Mississippi. I have no dispoaition to fol
low the Senator from Delaware into any diacuaaion of the
treaty or the probabilities of future annexation. On the treaty
I consider my lips \ et sealed. Tbe subject of future annexa
tion I leave to the future. The President's message distinctly
announces that he seeks no annexation of Yucatan." It is not
the acquisition of territory to which he directa his attention
He merely points out the sole motive which baa prompted him
on this occasion to invoke the action of tbe legialative branch
of the Government. Nor do I conceive it necessary at pre
sent to aaaert that principle, which, when the time arrives, I,
like others, ahall be ready to maintain?the non-intervention
of European Powers in the affairs of the North American
continent. I do not think that that principle is involved in
thia question. We are at war with Mexico. Yucatan ia re
cogniaed aa a part of Mexico, standing neutral it ia true
through tbe greater part of the war, but on one occasion
throwing off her neutraliiy and identifying herself with Mexico
in her war against tbe United States. Being thua a part of
Mexico the Mexican war covera Yucatan. The President re
quirea no more than a sufficient foroe to enable him to prose
cute his military operations in Yucatan or elsewhere to save
him from the necessity of applying to Congreaa for any action
at all. It is well known that a response to bis application for
an increase of the army has ling been delayed. The measure
has been lung discussed in this body, and it remaina to be seen
how long action upon it may deferred in tbe other branch of
Congress. In theae circumstances an urgent demand for the
presence of American troops in Yucatan arises, and the Pre
sident calls upon Congress to give him the mesne to carry out
what was bia plain duty as the chief officer of the Executive
Government A portion of that country again* which we
made war, and rendered especially helpless by our act of in
vaaion, calls to us in a voice of deep Buffering for aid. That
is the ground upon which I put this question. This measure
ia an incident of the Mexiean war, which past legislatk n has
ratified.
The President only asks for troops to enable him to carry
out an object entirely const*tent with the prosecution of tbe
war against Mexico. It ia true that be alludes to the present
condition of Yucatan in connexion with Great Britain. Thia
is'no new announcement. We have seen Great Britain year
after year extending her naval stations, until by a line of ctr
cumvallation she almost surrounds tbe Gulf of Mexico. We
see her posts at telegraphic distances from the banks of tbe
Bahamas to the Belize. And certainly we may be jealoua of
any attempt on her part to seize a cape which actually com
mands the entrance into the gulf of the Caribbean sea. The
chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations has appro
priately connected with thia the question of the possession of
Cuba. Yucatan and Cuba are the salient points commanding
the Gulf of Mexico, which I hold to be a basin of wster be
longing to the United Statee. Whenever the question arises
whether the United States shall aeiae these gates of entrance
from tbe South and East, or allow them to paas into the pos
session of any maritime Power, I am ready for one to declare
that my step will be forward, and that the Cape of Yucatan
and the Island of Cuba must be ours.
Mr. CLAYTON. Will the honorable gentleman allow
me to a?k him a question '
Mr. DAVI8. Certainly.
Mr. CLAYTON. 8uppose there should be a negro in
surrection in Cuba, and that from motivea of humanity (treat
Britain ahould interfere and take military posseesion of that
island, for which course we an about to make a precedent,
would the honorable Senator hesitate to go to war '
Mr. DAVIS. Not a moment
Mr. CLAYTON. It ia the answer that I expected.
Mr. DAVI8. I have no confidence in the humanity of
Great Britain, the great slave-trader of the world. If she
should interfere, on any pretext, in the aflairs of Cuba, in
order to obtain a footing there, I would regard it as a proper
occasion to interfere. Great Britain haa already attempted,
under a pretext of eetablishing an hospital on the island of
Cuba, in connexion with her elave-ehipe, to build up ? Gibral
tar to overlook the Spanish Mora Castle ; and if the (?overn
ment of Cuba bad yielded to that demand, tbe week Court of
Spain not denying it, I would have considered it as demand
ing the immediate interference of the United States. Tbe
very neceawty of defending the United 8tates requites that we
ahould tske whatever atepe ahould be neceessry always to
secure the freedom of the great point of exit and entrance to
a large portion of the American coast But I understand the
question of the Senator as making the interference of Great
Britain in the aflairs of Cuba as a parallel case with the
present
Mr. CLAYTON. I put that case to show the Senstot the
effect of his own declaration.
Mr DAVIS. I saw the conclusion, and was prepared
for it.
Mr. CLAYTON. It is a foregone conclueion.
Mr. DAVI8. If we were not st war with Mexico, and a
war of caatea had aprung up in Yucatan, in which we bad no
right as a belligerent Power to interfere, however I might have
been pained ia beholding the spectacle, I should have viewed
it as I did tbe cae* of Guatemala, in which the Indian raoe
triumphed, and established, as ! would remind the 8enator, a
better government than Guatemala ever had before. If such
were the cam at present, I would stand quietly by and let the
people decide which race should rule them. But I place this
case of Yucatan sol#ly on the ground of the Mexican war.
I have not yet seen any convincing proof that Great Britain
has interfered. She has been asked to send some troops, and
I believe has sent three companies of srtillery.
Mr. CLAYTON. Is there not an armistice now exfetfag >
Mr. DAVI8. That originally constituted a difficulty with
me, which by one best calculated to construe it has been re
moved and does not now inlerpoee any obstacle to ay action.
I am not apprized at what date that armistice expire*, bat I
think it will oome to an end before we can poasibly gat troo, s
to Yucstan. Again, that armistice poin's directly to the fact
that no new posts are to be taken in Mexico, except on ac
count of movement a on the part of Mexico. Here is a move
ment the result of which we cannot determine. It ia like
the war of factions all over Mexico. It may be for the par
pose of interfering with tbe progress of the American army in
the ronclwiou of the treaty. Ia the Senator from Delaware
prepared to aay it ie not'
I do not rely upon tbe argument of tbe honorable 8eaator,
the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re latioua, baser]
upon the fact that these Indiana have been furnished with anas
bearing the Tower mark. It does not follow from that feet that
theae anna wsie furnished by Greet Britain. Cwser, Frede
rick, and Napoleon, the three greateat generals, have demon
strated that aelarity of movement ia the great groundwork of
military soeeeae. Great Britain, aware af the value of tbe
maxim, haa been constantly reducing the weight of her avaes
The Tower auakata have been condemned and aold aa Unfit
for eervtee. However, they are found all over tfca Sunth
American Statee. " T
Mr. HANNEGAN. Hu not Great Britain established a
great depot of arms at the Belize '
Mr. DA. VIS. Certainly ; I am aware of that fact. If she
waa sending niu.keu there, however, she would eend them
from her own armories, and of the present standard. Thoae
Tower musket* were alao found in the hands of the Mexicana,
having been purchased by thote who eouid obtain only cheap
arm*, or bad less skill in the use of them. Great Britain may
be interfering in the affairs of Y ucatan, but I am not prepared
to jump to that conclusion. Like ourselves, ahe might ooty
be answering the call of humanity ; or she may be inaidiooaly
arming the Indians. But, whether it be the one or the other,
it ie immaterial to my argument. I take the ground that, aa
we are at war with Mexico, we have a right to establiah poata
in any part of Mexico, il it be necessary to the prosecution of
that war ; and, if Great Britain steps in when we have pros
trated the Mexican Government to tuke advantage of the con
dition of aflaira and seize Yucatan, we have the right to inter
pore. We are the belligeient Power; wo may lake up poei
tione within that territory ; and, with the highest motives of
humanity and policy, assert our right to exclude any other
Power from Mexico, or any portion ot her territory, in the
present prostrate condition to whirh she has been reduced by
us. In my judgment, therefore, the President has placed the
question on the true ground.
I rise to offer an amendment to the bill, upon the. ground
aimply of the urgent demand which exists for the immediate
increaae of the army, and to five power to the President to
call out troops to supply the place of thoae withdrawn from
the army for the purpose of holding posts in Yucatan. With .
these introductory remarks, I beg to ofTer my amendment.
The amendment, which ia aa follows, and is a sutwtitule
for the whole bill, was then read :
Be il eiuicted, &c. Tliat the President of the United States
be and he ia hereby authorized and empowered to accept the
services ot an equal number ot volunteer troops to supply the
place of tueh as may be withdrawn from their present
duty to answer to the exigent demand for the immediate pre
sence of a portion of our army in Yucatan : J'rovtdetJ, Their
services shall be required; the Mine to be raised for service
during the -war with Mexico, agreeably to the provisions of
tike act of May thirteenth, eighteen hundred and forty-seven.
Mr. UPHAM. I would a*k if the President haa not the
right now to increase the army to the extent of twelve thou
sand volunteers ?
Mr. DAVIS. The Preaidentwas authorized to call out a
certain number of volunteers by regiments. These regiments
were called out. They have wasted away in the aervice, and
it would take perhaps the number named to fill up the ranks
of regiments aJready existing in the volunteer service, but the
only way in which that can be done is by recruiting, and re
cruiting for volunteer regiments has been found to be so diffi
cult that no one looks to it as a means of increasing/the army.
The Senator from Delaware, I may remark before I resume
my seat, represents Yucatan as a sickly country, and speaks
of the sufferings of our troops in Mexico. Now, I do not be
lieve that the interior either of Yucatan or of Mexico is sick
ly, but when new troops are sent to a tropical climate in the
summer season, exposed to the inclemencies of camp life, and
put upon soldier's fare, they are liable to contract diaease,
partly in consequence of their want of knowledge of the pro
per mode of encampment and of the best means of protecting
themselves. Hence the necessity for sending into a new coun
try troops that have had some experience; and intending out
fresh volunteers they should be mingled for a time with troops
that have been in service, from whom they can learn all the
necessary means of taking care of themselves in a new climate.
Mr. CRIPTENDEN. It appears to me that the amend
ment of the honorable Senator from Mississippi entirely changes
the character of this bill, and that it is simply a proposition to
increase the military force employed in the war with Mexico.
In that point of view there is no occasion for this measure
whatever. My honorable friend from Michigan (Mr. Cass)
has been laboriously marching forward?slowly, I acknowl
edge, but not the less diligently?for the last two months, as
the head of hia twenty thousand militiamen ! They are, int
deed, now pretty well advanced, and every day the word ha
been, "forward, march!" Where is the necessity, then,
for introducing this special bill for the purpose of making an
uncertain and indefinite augmentation of the army, instead of
taking the bill which has already been proposed, providing for
an army commensurate with all the exigencies of the war >
The amendment makes this bill nothing more than a provision
for the general purposes and exigencies of the war, according
to the discretion of the Executive, who has the management
and control of it?nothing more. The twenty thousand vol
unteer bill has the same purpose for its object Why, then,
introduce another measure to effect the same object t If there
be any new exigency demanding the augmentation of the
twenty thousand volunteers, we have only to amend that bill
and enlarge that measure. The bill now before the Senate
has a peculiar and especial object and purpose, which have
been explained to us by the honorable chairman of the com
mittee and by the message of the President of the United
Stales. My friend's amendment cuts loose the bill from the
object of the President altogether. The object of the Praei
dent ia to rescue an unhappy people overwhelmed by a savage
foe. That ia his object. But the amendment proposes to
increase the army so aa to give to the President a force ale
quale to effect the military occupation of the country, as a
measure in our war with Mexico. But, air, we may have,
and I trust that at this day we have, a treaty ratified which is
to give peace to this country and Mexico. What, then, be
comes of the message of the President and the object of this
bill, if you connect this warfare in Yucatan as merely inci
dental with your war in Mexico ? If the war with Mexico is
terminated by a treaty of peaoe, the incident goes along with
it; and you do hot interfere at all. The amendment of the
gentleman has for its object the following up of purposes of
war, and the abandonment of the purposes of peace and pre
servation proposed by the message under consideration.
If the exigencies of this war, or the interest* or honor of this
country require it, I am prepared to vote for any additional
number of men that may be necessary for the general purpose*
of the war. But as to this particular measure, and this par
ticdlar object proposed by the President, it seems to me that it is
subject to great objections?objections o <the gravest character.
This interposition in Yucatan is not proposed by the President
as a part and parcel of the Mexican war, for the Meiican war
haa for its otyect the prostration of our enemy ; and Yucatan,
he saya, is a portion of Mexico, and therefore our enemy. So
far from having any destructive purpose of war, the measure
proposed has for its object purposes of preservation and charity.
It ia in that point of view that it seem* to me to be subject to
very grave objections. It seems somewhat surprising to me
that it has not been thought necessary to accompany this cer
tainly extraordinary proposition with an official copy of the
armirtice lately made between the forces of the United State*
and thoae of Mexioo?an armistice extending to and 1 oyood
Yucatan. I hear difference* of opinion expressed among gen
tlemen how far the measure proposed might be consistent
with the armistice. I cannot conceive?though I have not
lately aeen a copy of that armiatice, never having seen an offi
cial copy of it?that it would be by any peasibility consistent
with it to give to either party the privilege of extending itself,
or making additional preparations for war. That is not the
object of an armistice. Cen it be poesibiy supposed that,
under the terms of this srmistice, we could extend oor milita
ry occupation over all Mexico? No. And I can scarcely
conceive of a construction of any armistice whieh could allow
ue to take military poseession of a province of the enemy, not
in our possession when the srmistice wss made.
Mr. DAVI8, of Miaaiasippi. I beg to call the attention of
the Senator to the fact that there was an express provision in
the armiatice that in the case of any military movements be
ing made, we had the right to send our troopo to counteract
then.
Mr. CRITTENDEN. I suppose it may bo fairly inferred
that that provision had reference only to such military opera
tions as were supposed to be hostile to us.
Mr. DAVIS, of Mississippi, (in his seat) Yes j I have
no doubt such was the understanding of the provision.
Mr. CRITTENDEN. Let it be recollected that thia civil
war raged in Yucatan at the very time that the armistice was
made, and if the understanding had been that Yucatan was
not inrloded in the terme of the armtrtice, it would have been
mentioned and so stipulated. But I may be mistaken about
this arnrstke. 1 think, however, we should know precisely
what it is before we enter upon * movement which may be in
violation of its terms. 8uppo?e, however, all this difficulty
removed. Our humanity is invoked in behalf of a suffering
people ; end the question is, whether it is sound policy on
our part, on such an occasion, to engage in a foreign war '
I hope I am not destitute of the proper' feeling* that belong ?
to us on such an occasion ; but it st ems to me that such a
step would be an exceedingly perilous one, leading us into
new and untried scene* of public policy. The proposition
wants a deflnitiveness that would enable us to determine with
any degree of certainty what would be the consequence of
this step. The bill provides for a military occupation of Yuca
tan, as a thing distinct from, and independent of, our war
with Mexico. I suppose il ia oo considered by the honorable
chairman of the commitleo.
Mr. HANNEGAN signified bis assent.
Mr. CRITTENDEN. Then bow long is the occupation
to continue?to what extent > Every thing, sir, is here hound
less, both as regards time and space. Is it not a perilous step,
then, which wc are railed dpon to take > We are called upon,
from motives of humanity, to involve our country, to an
extent of which we know nothing, in foreign difficulties, for
eign wars and vast expenditure* of the public money. How
far ought we to go > Are we not tran*gre**ing altogether that
principle of non-intervention which hee at the foundation of
the security of natiooo > It is not merely a sound rule of do
mestic policy, but it is a great principle which seems to mo to
be necesssry to the preesrvation of nations in their distinct and
independent character. If thia doctrine of the right of inter
vention be generally admitted, the ambitions nation which ssefcs
aggrandizement and extension of power will employ every pre
text and be satisfied with tbe slightest reasons to act upon the
principle. The consequence* must be appnrent. Tbe viola
tion of the principle of non-intervention ia calculated to fill the
world with distress, diecord, and war. It will piodoco atrocities y
every where at which humanity would ah odder The interven
tion of one nation on the pretence of human ty would farnash
the pretext for another tointerfNNfc awl in ordseto check the In