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WASHINGTON: SATURDAY, JULY 29, 1848.
No. 368 THE WEEKLY NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER The aubscription price of this paper for a year ia Tain Dollies, payable in advance. For the long Sessionaof Congress (.waging eightmonths) .the price will be T*o Dollara, for the abort tteewona One ^AwducUon of 20 per cent, (or one-fifth of the full ch*r??) will be made to any one who ahall order und pay for, at one time, five copies of the Weekly paper , and a like reduction of 2.1 per cent, (or one-fourth of the full charge) to any on#, who will order and pay for at one time ten or more copu-a. No account* being kept for thia paper, it will not be for warded to any one u.ilew paid for in advance, nor aent any longer than the ti.ne for which it ia ao paid for. thirtieth congress. first session. [Extracts from our Daily Htports.~\ Saturday, July 22, 1848. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The quefction pending when the Houae 'djoutned J^er day wa. en reconaule.ing the vote by which the civ.1 and di plomatic appropriation bill for the year ending June 30, 1819, waa ordered to be engrosaed. | * Mr. CLINGMAN moved that the motio. to reoonaider the ^WJW-by wMch the bill waa ordered, to be engiueaed TKHwd theMabl^.* The queation ot *hich mouon waa decided thua . YEAS?Mea?r?. Abbott^dam,, Barringer Barrow Bel cher, Blanchard, Boydeu, Buckner, Butler, Cabell, C*by, rhanntan Clinenian, Cooke, Collamer, Conger, Cranaton, Criafield * Crowell, Croaiar, Diokey, Dixon, Donnelly Daniel Duncan,'Garnett Duoean, Dunn, Eckert, Edwards, El?^' Alexander Evans, Nathan Evan., Farrelly, F.aher, Hour nov Freedley Fulton, Gainea, Gayle, Gentry, Giddings, Gog ^inVott Grcaorv, Hale, Nathan K. Hall, Jaroea G. Hamp """* HUlUri,E. llo m.s Flius U Holmea, Hubbard, Hudson, Joseph R. I"ger*0,'\*r" vin Andrew Johnson, John W. Jones, KeW T B R.ng. D*n:el P. King, William T. Lawrence,Lin^ln,Mcllvame, H Mana. Marsh, Marvin, Morehe?d, Mullin, Nelaon. Oul law Palfrey, Pollock, Preaton, Putnam, Reynold* Juliua Rockwell, iohn A. Hock well, Rose, Root, Ruiuaey, St. John, Sdfnck. Shepperd, Sherrill, Silveater Shngrland, Caleb B. Smith, Truman Smith, Stephens, Andrew Stewart, Strohm, TallmaUg*, Taylor, Thibotlaux, John B. 1 hompaon, 1 uck, Van Dvke. Vinton, Warren?99. . NAYS?Messrs. Atkinson, Bayly, Bedi^r' Bird tall. Bocock, Bowdon, Bowlin, Boyd, Wm. G. Ilroan, Albert G Brown. Burt, Cathcart, Chase, Beverly L. Clark, Howell Cobb, Williamson R. W. Cobb, Collins, Curnm.n., Daniel, Darling, Dickinson, Faran, l-eatheraton, Fick , Fries Green, Willard P. Hall, Hammons, Haralson, Har -manson, Harris, Hill, GeorgeS. Houston Inge, ijirj? ?J lna rsoll, Jameaon, Jenkins, Robert W. Johnaon, Kaufman, Keinon Lahm, La Sere, Sidney Lawrenoe, Ligon, Lord, Lumi.Win Lynde, McClay, McClelland, MeClen.and, Mc Dowell, Mc&ay, Job Mann, Meade, MiUer. JNlorr's. Ni coll, PeaUee, Peck, Petr.e Pettit, Peyton, FU*?7. ***** Rich*rdson, Richey, Rockhill, Sawyer, Simpson, Smart, Stan ton, Starkweather, Charles E. Stuart. Stron? Thomas Ja cob Thompson, James Thompson, RobertA. liam Thompson, Thurston, Turner, Vet?ble, Wallace, W ent worth, Wiley, Williams, Woodward ?88. So the Houae refused to reconsider the vote ordering the bill to be engrossed. . Mr. KING, of Georgia, moved the previous question, which was seconded, and the main question was ordered, via. ? Shall the bill pasa ?" It waa decided by yfas and nays as follows : YEAS?Measrs. Abbott, Adams, Barringer, cher, Blanchard, Boyden, Buekt*r, Butler, UW1, Ca?by. Chapman, Clingman, Cocke, Collamer, Coll.na, Conger, Cranston,Criafield, Crowell, Croxier, Oickey, nell, Daniel Duncan, Garnett Dunran, Dunn. Edwards, Km bree. Alexander Evana, Nathan Evans, .t'-T li* f Flournoy, Freedley, Fulton, Gainea. Gayle, Giddings, Gogj,in, Gott, Gregory, Hale, Nathan K Hall, G. H??1?10"' Mows Hampton, Henry, H.llianl, Isaac L. Holmes, Eh" * Holmes, John W. Houston, Hubbard, Hudson, Ghaa. J. Inger soll, Jos. R. Ingersoll, Irvin, Je..kins, John W. Jones, htl loge. T. B. King, D. P. Ki..|, Wm. T. Lawrence, Lincoln, l^lav, McClelland, Mcllvame, H. Mann, Marah .Marvin, Morehead, Mullin, Nelson, Nicoll, Ou laa, Pslfrey, P?&k, Pollock, Preston, Putnam, Reynoldi, Julius R?fkwoT. John A Roptwill. Ho?c, Kuotry, St. John, dchiwlc, SKepperti, Sherrill, Silvester, Sliogei^and, Caleb B. Smith, T. Smith, Stanton, Stephens, Andrew Stewart, C. E. Stuart, Strohm, Strong, Tallmadge, Taylor, Thibodaux, James T hompson, John B. Thompaoa, Thurston, Tuck, Van Dyke. V intou, NAyJ?? Measrs. Atkinaon, Bayl^, Bedinger. Ringham, Birdsull, Bocock, Bow.lon, Bowlin, Boyd 'Willum G. Brown, Albert G. Brown, Burt, Cathcart, Ch?*?. lin Clark, Beverly L. Clark, H. Cobb, W. K Cummins, Darling. Dickinson, Eckart, Faran, teathereton. Fries, Green, W. P. Hall, Hammona, Haralson, Harmanaon, Harris, Hill, George 8. Houaton. Inge, Iverson. Andrew Johnaon, Robert W. Johnson, Kautman, Kennim, Lahm, La Sere, Sidney Lawrence, Ligon, Lord, Lumpkin, Lynde, McClernand, McDowell, McKay, Job Ma.m Meade, Miller, Morris, l'easlee, Petri., PetUt, Peyton, Pdshurj, Richard wm, Richey, Rockhill. Root, Sawyer, StarWweather, Thomas, Jacob Thompson, Robert V Thnrop ?on, Wm. Thompson, Turner, Venable, V> allace,Wentworth, Wiley, Williams, Woodward?78. Mr. SCHENCK roae and addressed the Houae hi a speech which occupied an hour in it* delivery. Mr. LAHM made aome retnaika in reply. Mr. GREEN followed in a speech of some length. [Criee of " Let's finish the queation to-day," and confusion. J Mr. KING remarked that be saw aome reetiveneaa on the part cff the Houae, and although he desired to aay aomething upon the item for the 8avannah river and other subject* in ?ol?ed, be would defer his remark* to aome other occaaion, and in accordance with the manifest wishes of the Houae pro pose to dispose of the quertion by moving to lay on the table the motion to reconsider. The motion waa agreed to, and thua the civil and diploma tic bill has finally pasaed the House,tinduJ?n? ,he iUm for the Savannah rivar ) It now awaits the action of the Senate. Monday, July 24, 1848. Mr. CLINGMAN asked the unanimous consent of the Hou.e, and, on objection being made by Mr. COBB, of Georgia, moved to auspend the rules, to enable him to intro duce a concurrent reaolution to terminate tbe preeent aes?i?n of Congress, by an adjournment of the two Houses by their respective presiding officers, on Monday, the 7th day of Au gust next, at 12 M. ..... Mr. BURT raised the point of order that the House hav ing previously adopted a resolution fixing the day for adjeurn ment and sent it to the Senate, it was not in older to move another until they were informed of the fate of the former. The 8PEAKER overruled the point of Arder. The queation on suspending the rules was decided by yeaa and niya : Yeaa 110, nays M. Two thirds voting in the atfirinaiiva, the lulea were suspended and the reaolution waa Mr CLINGMAN moved the previous queation, which was aeconded, and undor the operation thereof ?he resolution waa agree 1 to : Yeas 126, nays 49. NEW MEXICO AND CALIFORNIA. The SPEAKER laid before the House tha following mes sage Irom the President of the United States : WisaiaoTow, Jclt 24, 1843. To th* Hnunr of Rrprrufntath?e* of the United State* In arftwer to the resolutions of tha House of Representatives of the 10th inalant, requesting information in relation to New Mexico and California, I communicate herewith reports from the Sacretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Hecreta ry of War, and the Secretary of the Navy, with the docu ments which accompany the same. Thewe rep >rts and docu ments contain information upon the several pointa of inquiry embraced by tha resolutions. " The proper liniita aid lioun dariea oT New Mexico and California" are delinested in the map referred to in the late treaty with Me*ico, an au'hentic ay of which is herewith transmitted i and all the additional irmatioo upon that autywt, and tlao the most reliable in formation in respect to the population of these respective pro winces which is In the possession of the Executive, will be found in the accompanying report of the Secretary of State. The resolutions request information in regard to the exi.t ?nee of civil governments in New Mexico and California, their "form ami character," by "whom inatituted," by 44 what authority," and how they are " maintained and sup ported." In my message of December M, 1846, in answer to a re solution of the House of Representatives calling for Informa tion "in relation to tha establishment or organ nation of civil -governmenta in any portion of the territory of Mexico which haa or might be taken possession of by the srmv or navy of the United Statea," I communicated the orders which had been given to the officers of oor army and navy, and Mated the general authority opon which temporary military govern mente had been estaWished over the conquered portions of Mexico then in our military occupation. The temporary governmenta authorised were instituted by wirtue of tbe rights of war. The power to declare war against a foreign country, and to prosecute it according to tha general la we of war, as functioned by civilixed nations, it will not be ques tioned, exists under our constitution. When Congress has declared that war exuta with a foreign nation, " the general lawa of war apply to our aituation," and it becomes the duty of the President, aa tbe constitutional " commander-in-chief of tbe army and navy of tbe United States," to prosecute it. In prosecuting a foreign war, thua duly declared by Con gress. we have the right by "conquest and military occupa tion" to acquire posseaaion of the territoriea of the enemy, and during tbe war to "exercise the fullest rights of sove reignty over it." The aovereignty of the enemy la in such caae " suspended," and his lawa can " no longer be ughtfully enforced" over the conquered territory, or " be obligate upon the inhabitants who remain and aubnut to the conquerors. By the surrender the inhabitants "pass under a temporary allegiance" to the conqueror, and are "bound by such lawa, and auch only, as" he may choose to recognise and impose. ??From the nature of the caae no other lawa could be obliga tory upon them; for where there is no protection, or alle giance, or sovereignty, there can be no claim to obedience. These are well established principles of the lawa of war, aa recognised and practiaed by civiliied nationa ; and they have been sanctioned by the highest judicial tribunal of our country. The orders and instructions issued to the officers of our ar my and navy, applicable to auch portions of the Mexican ter ritory as had been or might be conquered by our arms, were in strict conformity to these* principles. They were, indeed, ameliorations of the rigora of the war upon which we might have insisted. They substituted for the harshness of military rule something of the mildness oi civil government, and ware not only the exertiae of ne exc?^ ctf power, but were a re laxation in favor of the peaceable inhabitants of the conquered territory who had submitted to our authority, and were alike politic aud humane. It is from the same source of authority that we derive the unquestioned right, after war haa been de clared by Congress, to blockade the pens and coasts 01 the enemy, to capture his towns, cities, and provinces, and to levy contributiona upon him for the aupport of our army. Ul e aame character with these is the right to subject to our tempo ral military government the conquered territories of our enemy. Tbey are all belligerent rights ; and their exercise is as esscn ial to the successful proeecutiop of a foreign war aa the right to fight battles. New Mexico and Upper Californ:a were among the terri tories conquered and occupied by our forces, and such tempo rary governments Were established over them. 1 hey were established by officers of our army and navy in command, in pursuance of the orders and instructions accompanying my message to the House of Representatives of December 22d, 1848 In their form and detail, aa at first established, they exceeded in some respects (as was stated in that message) the authority which had been given ; and instructions lor 'he cor rection of the error were issued in despatches Irom the War and Navy Departments of the 11th of January, 1847?copies of which are herewith transmitted. They have been maintain ed anJ supported out of the military exactiona and contribu tiona levied upon the enemy, and no pait ol the expense has been p?id out of the Trtasury of the United States. In the routine of duty, some of the officers of the army and navy, who firat established temporary governments in Califor nia and New Mexico, have been succeeded in command by other officers, upon whom like duties have devolved , and the asenta employed or designated by them to control the tempora ry governments' have also, in some instances, been superseded by others. Such appointments, for tempora.y civil duty dur ing our military occupation, were made by the officers in com mand in the conquered territoriea respectively. On the conclusion and exchange ol ratifications of a treaty of peace with Mexico, which was proclaimed on the 4th in stant, these temporary governments neceasarily ceasrd to exist. In the instructions to establish a temporary government over Now Mexico no distinction was made between that and the other provinces of Mexico which might be token and held in our military occupation. Tbe Province of New Mexico, according to ita ancient boundaries, as claimed by Mexico, liea on both aides of the Rio Grande. That part of it on the eaat of that river was in dispute when the war between the United States and Mexico commenced. Texas, by a successful revolution in AprU, 1836, achieved and subsequently maintained her mdepend enc? By an act of the Congress of Texas, passed in De cember, 1836, her western boundary was declared to be the Rio Grtnde, from its mouth to its source, and thence due north to the forty-aecond degree or north latitude 1 hough tbe Republic of Texas by many acU of aovereignty which she exerted and exercised, aoine of which were atated in my annual message of December, 1846, bad published her clear title to the country west of the Neuces, and bordering on that pait of the Rio Grande which lies below the Province of New Mexico, ahe had never conquered or reduced to actual posses aion, and brought under her government and laws, that part of New Mexico lying east of the Rio (irande which she tlsim ed to be within her limits. Ou the breaking out of the war, we found Mexico in possession of this disputed territory. As our army approached Santa Fe, (the eapital of New, Mexico, it was found to be held by a governor under Mexican authority, and an armed force collected to resist our advance. The in habitants were Mexicans, acknowledging allegiance to Mexico The boundary in dispute was the line between the two counti ies engaged in actual war, and the settlement of it of necessity depended on a treaty of peace. Finding the Mexican authori ties and people in possession, our fo-ce* conquered them, and extended military rule over thein and the territory which they pet a ally occupied, in lieu of the sovereignty which waa dis placed. It was not possible to disturb or change the practi cal boundary line in the midst of the war, when no negotia tion for its adjustment could be opened, and when Teias wa< not preeent by her constituted authorities to establish and maintain government over a hostile Mexican population, who acknowledged no allegiance to her. There waa, therefore, no alternative left but to establish and maintain military rule during the war over the conquered people in the disputed ter ritory who had submitted to our arms, or to forbear the exer ciae of our belligerent rights, and leave them in a atate of an archy and without control. Whether the country in dispute rightfully belonged to Mexi co or to Texas, it was our right in the first case, and our duty aa well aa our right in the latter, to conquer and bold it. Whilst thia territory was in our poss?ssioo as conquerors, with a population hostile to th^ United Ststea, which more than once broke out in open insurrection, it was our unquestiona ble duty to continue our military occupation of it until the conclusion of the war, and to establish over it military gov ernment, necessary for our own security, as well as for the pro tection of the conquered people. By tbe joint resolution of Congress of March I, 1845, "for annexing Texas to the United States," the " adjustment of all questions of boundary' which may arise with other Govern mcnta" was reserved to thia Government. When the con quest of New Mexico was consummated by our arms the ques tion of boundary remsined still unadjusted. Until the exchange of the ratifications of ths late treaty, New Mexico never be came an undisputed portion of the United States ; and it would therefore bsve been premature to deliver over to Texas that portion of it, on the eaat aide of the Rio Grande, to which she asserted a claim. However juat the right of Texas may have been to it, that right had never been reduced into her poases sion, and it was contested by Mexico. By the cession of the whole of New Mexico on both sides of the Rio Grande to the United Statea, the question of dis puted boundary, so fsr aa Mexieo is concerned,- has been set tled ; leaving the question as to the true limits of Texas, in New Mexico, to be adjusted between that8tate and the I nit ed States. Under the circumstances existing during the pen dency of tbe war, and while the whole of New Mexieo, as claimed by our enemyr was in our military occupation, I was not unmindful of the rights of Texas to that portion of it which she clsimed to be within her limits. In sn?wer to a letter from the Governor of Texaa, dated on the 4th of Janua- ; ry, 1847, the Secretary of State, by my direction, informed him, in a letter of the 12th of February, 1847, tlmt in the Presidents annual message of December, 1846, " You have already perceived that New Mexico is at present in the tem porary occupation of the troops of the United Slates, and the government over it is military in its character. It is merely such a government as must exist under the lawa of nations and of war, to preaerve order and protect the righta of tbe inhabi ants, and will cease on the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Mexico. Nothing, therefore, can be more certain than that thia temporary Governmen', resulting from necessity, can never injuriously affect the right which the President ln lieves to be justly asserted by Texas to the whole territory on thia side of the Rio Grande, whenever the Mexican claim to it shall have been extinguished by treaty. But this is a sub ject which more property belongs to the legislative than the executive branch of the Government." The resnlt of the whole is, that Texaa had asserted a right to that part.of New Mex*co east of tbe RioOrande, which is believed, under the acts of Congress for the annexation and admission of Texas into the Union as a Htate, ami under the constitution and laws of Texas, to be well founded ; but this right had never been reduced to her actual possession and oc cupancy- The General Government, possessing exclusively the war-making power, had the right to take military posses sion of this disputed territory | and until the title to it was perf?<ctrd by a treaty of peace it waa their duty to hold it, and to establtah a temporary military government over it for the preaervstion of the conquest itself, the safety of our army, and the security of the conquered inhabitants. The resolutions further request information whether any persons have been tried and condemned for "treason against the Uuited Slates in that part of New Mexico lying east of the Rio Grande since the eeme has been in tbe occupancy of our ariuy," and, if eo, before "what tribunal," and "by what authority of law such tribunal was established *" It ap pears that, after the territory in question was " in the occu pancy of our army," some of the conquered Mexican inhabi tants, who bad at first submitted to our authority, broke out in open insurrection, murdering our soldiers and citizens, and committing other atrocious crimes. Borne of the principal of fenders, who were apprehended, were tried and condemued by a tribunal invested with civil and criminal jurisdiction, which had been established in the conquered country by the military officer in command. That the offenders deserved the punish ment inflicted upon them there is no reason to doubt; and the error in the proceedings against them consisted in designating and describing their crimes as " (reason against the United States." This error was pointed out, and its recurrence there by prevented, by the Secretary of War, in a deapstch to the oflScer in command in New Mexico, dated on the 26th of June, 1847, a copy of which, together with copies of all com munications relating Jo the subject which have been received at the War Department, are herewith transmitted. The resolutions call for information in relation to th*quan tity of public lands acquired within the ceded territory, and " how much of the same is within the boundaries of Texas, as defined by the act of the Congress of the republic of Texas of the 19th day of December, 1838." No means of making an accurate estimate on the subject is in the posses sion of the Executive Department. The information which is possessed will be found in M? aceofBpwfjng report of Tb? Secretary of the Treasury. . The country ceded to the United States lying wast of the Rio Grande, and to which Texas has no title, is estimated by the Commissioner ?f the General Land Office to contain 526,078 square miles, or 366,689,920 acres. . ? The period since the exchange of ratifications of the treaty has been too short to enable the Government t*> have access to, or to procure abstracts or copies of, the land titles issued by 8pain or by the republic of Mexico. Steps will be taken to procui e this information at the earliest practicable period. It is ostimated, as appears from the accompanying report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that much the larger portion of the land within the territories ceded remains vacant and unappro priated, and will be subject to be disposed of by the United States. Indeed, a very considerable portion of the land em braced in tbe cession, it is believed, has been disposed of or granted either by 8pain or Mexico. What amount of money the United States may be able to realize from the sales of these vacant lands must be uncertain \ but it is confidently believed that, with prudent management, after making liberal grants to emigrants and aettlers, it will exceed the cost oi the war and all the expenses to which we have been subjected in acquiring it. Tbe resolutions also call for the "evidence, or any part thereof," that the "extensive and valuable territories ceded by Mexico to the United States constitute indemnity for the past." The immense value of the ceded country does not consist alone in the amount of money for which the public lands may be sold. If not a dollar could be realized from the sale of theee lands, the cession of the jurisdiction over the country, and the fact that it has become a part of our Union, and can not be made subject to European power, constitutes ample "indemnity for the part," in the immense value and advan tages which its acquisition must give to the commercial, na vigating, manufacturing, and agricultural interests of our country. The value of the public lands embraced within the limits of the ceded territory, great as that value may be, is far leas important to the people of the United Slates than the sover eignty over the country. Most of our States contain no pub lic lands owned by tbe United States ; and yet the sovereign ty and jurisdiction over them is of incalculable importance to | tbe nation. In the State of New York the United States is | the owner of no public lands, and yet two-thirds of our whole revenue is collected at the great port of that State, and with | in her limits is found about ene-reventh of our entire popula 1 tion. Although none of the future cities on our coast of Ca lifornia may ever rival th* city of New York in wealth, popu lation, and business, y?t that important cities will grow up on . the magnificent harbors of that coast, with a rapidly-increas ing population, and yielding a large revenue, would seem to tie certain. By the poeseaaion of the safe and capacious har ' bors on the California coast we shall have great advantages in securing tbe rich commercc of the East, and shall thus obtain for our products new arid increased markets, and greatly en large our coasting and foreign trade, as well as augment our tonnage and revenue. Tbese threat advantages, far more than the simple value of tbe public lands in the ceded territory, " constitute our in demnity for the past." JAMES K. POLK. Thr message having been read? Mr. HILLIARD obtained the floor, but yielded it tempora I lily to? Mr. COBB, who moved that the message he referred to Committee on the Territories, and that it be printed. Mr. SCHENCK suggested as an amendment (as far as he could be understood) to have the Executive message of 1846 : printed with this. Mr. COBB said he had no objection to having that docu ment printed, but would prefer the motion to be embodied in a separate resolution. Mr. HILLIARD then resumed the floor, and proceeded to comment on both the late measages of the President?the one sent in some days since, communicating tbe treaty with Mexi j co | and the othe^jenl in this morning, in reply to tbe reso lution of the House asking information in regard to tbe new Territories. Mr. H. reviewed tbe policy of tbe Administration in regard to our foreign affairs ; discussed the Territorial question ; and exhibited the overshadowing influence of the Executive in usurping powers not conferred on him by the constitution, and in the exerciee of the veto power. He contended thst the policy of the Whig party was peace, and the development of . the internal resources of thecountry, keeping the Executive pow er in due bounds ; while the policy of the other party was the extension of Executive authority, and an aggressive system which must lead to war and the overthrow of our Gov ern ment In the course of bis speech, Mr. H. toek decided ground against tbe new compromise bill in the Senate, stating that it was not a settlement of the alarming question touching elsve ' ry, but a postponement of it, leaving room iu tbe mean while for the wildest agitation. Mr. BIRDSALL, of New York, followed Mr. Hilliabd | in a prepared speech of the usual length. Mr. LINCOLN next obtained the floor amongst many com petitors, but he said he apprehended that there was a disposi tion on tbe part of tbe House that the discussion at this tims, on this question, should not he longer protracted ; he would * announce to the House that he desired to make a general xpeecb, and he further announced that if there was now a dis ; position to tike the question now pending, he would give way ! for that purpose. ["No, no i" "Go on."] ? Jflf. VINTON said be would suggest to the gentleman j from Illinois whether it would not be ss well to postpone this discussion to some other time. For himself be desired to s?y a few words ab?ut this message, and not on things in general t and he trusted before it waa disposed of that the attention of the Houae and of the country would be called to the positions of this ines'sge. Mr. LINCOLN would say that he hoped be should have the indulgence of tbe House while be expressed his views at some future time ; and now, for the accommodation of gentle men, be would yield the Boor. Mr. VINTON desired to say a very few words respecting this message. There were in it, as he beard it read, some things which it struck him should not escape the notice of this House. It had struck him as a remarkable fact that, in every message communicated to Ibis House from the Executive of the United Slates, there were some viaws of Executive power in derogation of tbe rights of this body ; but never, in tbe course of his long service in this body, had he seen any mes sage presented to it that, as he thought, contained so pelpable an assumption of tbe powers of the Congress of the United States by tbe Executive, aa the message which was now be fore them. What were the farts of tbe case } The President states thst the 8tate of Texas, when it was an independent country, passed an act by which it asserted a title to the ter ritory to the Rio Grande. Nat that they had a title, but that they made a paper title for themselves. And what next > The President in that mesaage told them that Texas was a revolutionary Government, and that its rights extended as far as that revolution extended. Well, that waa a correct princi ple of the law of nations. Tbe boundaries of Texas are those which by force sbe had acquired and in point of fact maintain ed for hcraelf. Tbe President in that message informs Con gress that in point of fact the State of Texas never bed pos session of the territory of New Mexico on the east aide of the Rio (?ramie. If he had said so bs might as well have asserted that the city of Washington was in Europe. Why, the capi tal of New Mexico had been so for two hundred years, as much so aa New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore were Americsn citiee. It bad forever been the oapital of New Mexico, and it had never been in the possession of Tcxae. But tbe President of tbe United States infotms Congress of this act of Texas, setting up this paper title, which, the Pre sident to contrary notwithstanding, he would undertake to My, and every lawyer would also undertake to My, U not even a respectable pretence of a title, unaccompanied by pos ?nwinn it was not in her poaaeaaion. The jurisdiction was in New Mexico dt facto; and therefore tbe paper title of Texaa had no more validity, according to the lawa of nationa, than if we should this day puaa an act setting forth that the Saint Croix, from iu mouth to ita source, wa< (he boundary of the United Mutes. The character of this title wu ihe same as that set up by TexM. But the President says it is a claim. He (Mr. V.) Mid it was not a respectable pretence. The President uid it waa a claim to part of New Mexico while it wu a part of the Mexican republic. And he Anther informed them that when the title to this territory of New Mexico shall have paused to the United States, or since it has passed to the United States, that it becomes a question to be settled between the United States and Texas where tbe boundary between them exists. Thai, he admitted, was correct. It is true that, since the settle ment of this title, it hu now become a question aa to the claim of 'IVxm to part of New Mexico between the State of Texas and the United States. It is a question which is transferred from Mexico, tbe United States standing in l be abow of Mexico, and the controversy is now between the Uaited States on the one side, and the Stale of Texaa on the other. And yet, instead of aending a message to this House and informing the Congress of the United States that such was the state of things, and submitting it to Congress to de cide the question of boundary between this Government and theOprte of Texaa according to its good pleasure, and on the principle" of right and justice, he andertakes to settle this qgrngion fur himself.* Now, U is a question between the Uni tedSlates and the State of Texas that does not belong to the President of the United States. It is a question that musrbe settled either by the Congress of the United Slates, by an agreement with the State of Texas, or by the Judiciary of the country. But, instead of that, what has the President done, and what does he My.> He writes a letter, aa he now informs Congress for the first time, to the authorities of the State of Texas, and he tells then that whenever Mexico shall have ceded that country to the United States, by virtue of the paper title which she has manu'xetured for herself, Texas will be the owner of that country from the mouth to the souree of the Ri'j Grande. And if there b? any truth in the estimate which the President haa put on th? territory acquired, they might safely estimate that east of tbe Rio Giande as worth sixty or seventy millions of dollars. The President undertakes to tell the country .that the terri tory acquired beyond the Rio xrande is worth more than the expenses of the war. Those expenses will exceed one hundred millions, and may be one hundred and fifty millions of dollars; and the President, who is the representative of the people of the United States whose land this is, undertakes, on his own authority, without consulting Congress, to surrender property which belongs to the United Slates to the value of sixty or seventy millions of dollars. Mr. JOHNSON, of Tenneasse, desired distinctly to under stand the position of the gentlenan Irom Ohio. He desired to know if the gentleman assuring that Congress could settle the boundaries of Texas, iu the fice of the annexing resolu tions which provide that? <? First. Said State to be formed, subject to the adjustment by this Government of all questions oi boundary that may arise with oilier Governments." Mr. VINTON knew that New Mexico was no longer a part of the Mexican republic. It was either territory of the United States or part of the State of Te>as; but what he was saying waa, that this question of boundary is one about which the President of the United States had no right to communi cate a message of that sort; much less had he any right, lie fore asking the opinion of Congress, tr undertake to tell the public authorities of Texas that that country it their.', in dero gation of tbe rights of the United Slatci. Mr. JOHNSON desired still to h?ve this thing perfectly understood. Did he understand the gentleman to say that this Government could interfere to setrle the question of boun dary unless a question of boundary arose between her and some other Government. Mr. VINTON undertook to say that if the gentleman from Tennessee had looked at the tacts of the caae he would not have found it necessary to ask that question. He undertook to say that if theic was any claim on the part of Texas to that country, it wa< a question to be settled betwesn the United States and the State of Texas, and that the President of the United States has nothing to do with it It was a question to be settled, and by one of two modes?by the common con sent of the Congress of the United States with tfce State of I Texa^ and, if they cannot agree, then by the judiciaiy of the country; but the Executive power has nothing to do vith it The" President of the United States, then, net only undei Les to settle the question of boundsry, but he does more, for he surrenders, without deigning to consult Congress, that to which the I'nited Stales have an incontrovertible claim to the amount of sixty or seventy millions of dollar*. The Presi dent, who haa no right U interfere in such a matter, is rbout to surrender up this territory to Texas, and liefore thia n)fi Mge shall lie disposed of, he (Mr. V.) wished to see another resolution paMsd to inquire from the President if that was a correct deduction, and if be was really undertaking to surren der that territory to Texas. The President has set up a Gov ernment there. He is in possession of the country, and if that possession i? to be maintained, he (Mr. V.) desired to know tf the Pierident was going ti maintain it until the ques tion is settled between the I nited Stales and the State of Texan, or was the President going against the United States, to make himself a party and surrender it up himwlf into the hands of the State of Texas > He desired that this House should call on the President to know what he is going to do. If that country be in fact a part of Texas from tbe moment that he expelled the Mexicans from New Mexico or conquer ed that country, to use his own lsnguage, instead of setting up a government himself there, and usurping the powers of Government, it was his plain and obvious duty then, and not now, to give it up to Texaa. Mr. CLARKE, of Kentucky, made some remark which did not reach the Reporter's desk. Mr. VINTON would state what he had said. He had said that if there was any reliance to be placed on the estimates of tbe President of the United States respecting the country west of the Rio Grande, that we might put down that east of the Rio Grsnde as worth sixty or seventy millions of dollars. Mr. McCLERNAND desired to put a question to the gen man from Ohio. Did the gentleman from Ohio understand that the President undertook to determine the boundary > That was the hypothesis on which ihe gentleman's argument was based. Mr VINTON understood the President to My this : thst the boundary of Texas extends from the mouth to the source of the Rio Grande. Mr McCLERNAND understood the President to m> the reverse?that it belonged to Congress and the State of Texas to settle. Mr. VINTON* asked that that part of the ir.earage might be again resd. Mr. JAMESON would suggest that it would bo much bet ter to have the message printed. The Cttix then read the passage referred to, as follows ; " R% the cession of the whole of New Mexico on both sides of tli. Kio Grande to the United Slates, the question of dispu ted boundsr>, to far as Mexico ia concerned, has been settled j! leaving the question as to the true limits of I exas, iu New Meaieo, to be adjusted between that State and the United States. Under the circumstances existing during the (wnden- ; cy of the war, ami while the whole ot New Mexico, as claim ed by our enemy, was in our military oeenpaiion, I waa not unmindful of the rights of Texaa to that portion of it which she claimed to be within her limits. In answer to a letter from the Governor of Texas, dated on the 4th of January ,1*47, the Secretary of Stxte, by my direction, informed him, in a letter Of the l*th of February, 1847, thst in the President s annual mesMge of December, 184fi, ' You have already perceived that New Mexico is at present in the temjiorary occupation^ of the troops or tbe United States, and the government over it ia mili tary in its character. It is merely such a government as must exist under the laws of nations and of war. to preserve order and protect the rights of the inhabitants, and will cease on the conclusion of a treaty of peace with Mexico. Nothing, there lore, can be more certain than that this temporary govern ment, resulting from necessity, can never injuriously affect the right whieh the President believes to be justly asserts* by Texas to the whole territory on this side of the Rio Grande, whenever the Mexican claim to it shall have been extincuielt ed by treaty. But this is a subject which more properly be longs to the Legislative than the Executive branch ol the Gov ernment.' " Mr. VINTON. Yes, that waa m he underatood it. The President, who represents the right*, the property, and the in terest* of the United States, undertakes to tell therii volunta rily, without the authority of thia House, his opinion that whenever the United Ststes shall acquire this territory in New Mexico their right would operate from the mouth to the source of the Rio Grande. Mr. McCLERNAND. But he says it is a question to be settled by Cnogreao rather than the Executive. Mr. VINTON. True, he ssyi so } but why did he under take to establish tbe title of TexM ' Why did not the Pre4 dent, in bis message received here some time since, inform C.ongreM of this state of things, when he spoke ot our con quests secured hy the treaty of peace on the Rio Grande. He (Mr. V.) hoped the President would be called upon to com municate the facts in this iase. The President hsd no right to surrender thst territory without telling Congress that a title was set up to it, and that TexM had a claim to New Mexico, or to that part of it on the east side of the Bio lirande. But i so far from that, here ?u a paper which will go to the world as a public document, by which the President of the l niteil States, who represents the tights and interrsts and property ot the United States, ahowa that, while we have aeqoired that which liea west of the Rio Grande, we have no part east ot the Rio Grande. The President, in sending that letter to Texas without authority of Cougrass to interpoas respecting the question of boundary between Ihe State of Teus and the territory of the United States, had assumed to do that which did not beton^to him. The President had no rjght '* gt** i such an opinion to Texas. He h?d no right thns to injure Ihe title of the United States. But it was ail of ? jhcm with his other act*; and he repeated that, if we had a tide only to ? the territory lyiog west of the Rio Grande, the Preeident bad no right to set up a military government at the- capital I of New Mexico, if that did, indeed, as the President now as sumes, belong to Texas. If that were so, he had' no more right to set up a military government there than he would have to do ?o in Massachusetts or Ohio. Suppose the Bri tish were again in the country watered by the Miami, and that they were expelled, as they were by Gen- Harrison, would the President hare the right to set up \ military go vernment there ' When an enemy waa expelled from th(jr own country it was absurd to suppose it was necessary to set up a military government there. If that portion oi the terri tory ?r?m the mouth to the aouree of the Rio Grands- did be long to Texas, then it was a perversion of terms tosay that it was a military government which they established there. If it was not Mexican territory, it was an expulsion of an enemy of the country from our territory, and the President had not got himself out of the difficulty. He has not relieved himself from the charge of usurpation. He boped the whole truth would come out. Let all the facts be stated. The title of Texas waa a paper title. 8h? never had a foothold there or a title dt facto. VVben we enter ed into the war Mexico was in possession. Mr e expelled h?r and took the country by coo quest, and as a part of the Re public of Mexico the President was authorixed by the laws of war to preacrve the public pe*ace there and to keep order. Bui at the very time the President waa setting up this military government there, he waa telling Texas that when he sh??uld conquer the country her title would extend from the mouth to the source of the Rio Grande. He was, therefore, by bis own admission, setting up a military government within the juris diction of the Stale of Texas. He had now said all he desired. He wanted to bring the attention of the House and of the country to this statement of the President, satisfied as he was that the title of I exas was nothing more thsn a paper declaration. Mr. DUNCAN, of Kentucky, next addressed the House (His remarks will be found on another page of this paper. When Mr. D. concluded? Mr. KAUFMAN obtained the floor, but asked for an ad journment. Mr. A. JOHNSON said if the gentleman waa sot prepared tb go on now, thfere were others who were. Mr. 81EPHENS inquired whether, if the House should now adjourn, this would be the first business to-morrow ' The SPEAKER said it would come up with the business on the Speaker's table, but there-was another aubject which preceded it in order. Mr. COBB, of Georgia, proposed that the further conside ration of this message be postponed to a day certain, and that in the mean while the message and documents be printed. Mr. STEPHENS suggested Thursday next. Mr. KAUFMAN suggested Wednesday. Mr. COBB proposed that the ordar to print include the previous messsge, (with the treaty.) Mr. STEPHENS moved that both be made the special order for Thursday next, and that both messages and docu ments be printed. Mr. CALEB B. 8MITH objected ; but after some conver sation, was understood to assent, and the motion was agreed to. So the Executive messages in relation to the new Territo ries are made the special order for Thursday next. Thursday, July 27, 1848. On motion of Mr. KAUFMAN, the House proceeded to the consideration of the special order, vix : the messages of the President of the United States?the treaty message and the message in relation to the boundary of the territories ceded by Mexico to the United Swtes. Mr. KAUFMAN was entitled to the floor, snd occupied his hour in delivering a speech relstiag to the annexation ot Texas, her boundaries, and other subjects connetsed therewith. Mr. COLLAMER then took the floor, and made a speech on the subject of freedom and slavery in the Territories, dcc. Messrs. STANTON and LINCOLN next successively ad dres-td the House in speeches, each of an hour's length, on politics in general, in which the merits of the two prominent candidates for the Presidency were freely discussed. Mr. BOW DON then obtained the floor; and, on motion, the House adjourned. Friday, July 28, 1848. IN SENATE. The Senate, on motion of Mr. HANNEGAN, proceeded to the consideration of the joint resolution from the House fixing the day of adjourning the two Houses of Congt? the 7th August. A long and somewhat desultory debate ensued, in which Senators expressed their various opinions. An effort was made to lay the resolution on the table, but failed : Yeas 17, nays 31. , , . An effort was then made to postpone the further considera tion of the subject until Mondsy, but that likewise failed : Yeas 20, nsys 28. . .. Mr. BREEZE then moved to amend the resolution by in setting the 14th August instead of the 7th ; which motion was d< cided in the affirmative by the following vote : YEAS?Measra. Allen, Atchison, Atherton, Badger^ Bell, Benton, Borland, Bradbury. Breese, Bright, Butler, Dickin son, Dodge. Douglas, Downs, Foote, Hamlin,Hoeaton, John son of b^a.ana, Johnson, of Georgia, king, Lswia, Maaon, Metcalfe, Niles, Sebastian, Spruance, Sturgeon, Uuderwood, and Westeott? NAYS?Meaara. Baldwin, Ca'houn, ? larke, Clayton, Da vis, of Miaaiaaippi, Dayton, Dix, Felcli, f itsgerala, t.reene, Hale, Hannrgan, Hunter, Miller, Tuniey, Upham, Walker, and Yulee?I#. And the resolution waa then adopted m amended. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. On motion of Mr. McKAY, the House proceeded to the consideration of business on the Speaker's table. And the SPEAKER laid before the Houae communica tions, as follows : A communication from theSecre ary of War, transmitting, in compliance with a resolution of the "20th ultimo, a report of the atrength of the different corps of the army of the Uni ted Staiea, after the discharge of those who, by the terms of their enlistment and the operation of < xiating laws, are requir ed to be diechsrged st the dose of the war with Mexico. The report shows the number of five years' man in the dif ferent corps, as far as can be ascertained from the records of Ihe Adjutant General'a Office, to be, vli ; The two regimenta of dragoons I,?J8 The regiment of mounted riflemen ?7 The four regiments of artillery The eight regimenta of infantry 3? 8,147 719 Recrviita in depot Total strength of army alter the discharge of soldiers enlisted for the war 8?'w The letter and* report were referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and ordered to be printed. A letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting a report on the claim of Wm Vawtera, deceased, in pursuance of a resolution of the House of the 3d instant. Laid on the table. A letter from the Postmaster General, transmitting, in obe dience to a resolution of the House, a table showing the an nual cost of mail transportation and the annual receipts of postage in each State and Territory of the United 8tate% for the ten veers preceding July 1, 1847. Referred to the om miltee on the Poet Office and Post Roads. A tabular statement from the Commieaioner of the General Land Office, showing the estimated surface of ths Territories of the United States north and west of die regularly organixed States of the Union, and the portions of territory north and wuth of the perallet of 36? 3# north latitude. Referred to the Committee on Territories and ordered to be printed. The House proceeded to consider the amendments of the House, disagreed to by the Senate, to the bill of Ihe Senate renewing certain naval pensions for the term of five yeara, and extending the benefita of exiating laws respecting naval pensions to engineers, firemen, and mlheaveia in the navy and to their widows. On motion of Mr. WHITE, the Houre insisted upon its amendments to said bill, and a Committee of Conference waa appointed on the part of the House, to eon fir with a similar committee on the part of the Senate on the disagreeing votee of the two Hoosrs on said bill. LETTER FROM HON. DANIEL P. KINO. r*OM TNI (ALEX (util.) Bkc. ISTER. W t take great pleasure in laying before our leaders the following dispassionate,. sensible, and judicious letter from the Hon. Daniel P. Kiwo, the faithful Representative in Congress from the second district. We have no doubt that his con stituents, who know him so well and have trusted him so long, w*l pot quite as much confidence in his word and m? his judgment as in the word and judgment of awy of Unw who have renounced and are enttearoring to destroy the Whig party. There is one sentence in Mr. Kicu/s tetter which we regiet, and thai is the intimation that he does not intend to be a candidate for re-election. How ever strong may be hie desire to return to private life, (and we knew suck has been his wish,) yet we cannot but express the hope that he will cheer fully yield his personal inclinations to the voice of his constituents, should they desire to put him again in nomination. Wajuuxgtos,, Jul* 18y 1848. Dkab 8ia: Your Istter of the 8th ie this day received. With yon I am deeply impressed with the importance of the coming political crisis* I have not obtruded iny opinio* of the dutiaa of the Whipsj but'when so earnestly asked by you, coosteay and a ssnse of duty oblige me to answer. It ieJtnown to my friend* that, ap to the ^ of the Phi ladelphia Convention I was opposed to the nomination of a Southern man. The Whip of the North demanded, and had a right to expect^ a Northern candidate ; but the deto nates from the free State* did not units on a Northern ind the South preferred a candidate of their own. I he frienda of Gsa. Tmoa aaid he waa already (airly brfors the country, and they opposed m National Convention. The Whigs in Coafrsss compellec^them to submit the nomi nation to a National Convention. By sending a delegate the Whigs of our district became a party in the Convention ? and, if U was fairly conducted, by ail rale and usage ware bound by its results. It baa not been shown that Gen. Taylor was not regularly nominated. I should have greatly preferred an other candidate; but now to me it appears that the only choice is between Gen. Tat lor and Gen. Cass ; the one or the other must be President. If the people fail to elect, the choice devolves upon the present House. The party charac ter of its membeM is known ; ss represented in the Hotws, he States stead Democratic, thirteen Whig, and two li> ided. Send the election to the House, and there is not a Joubt of the election of Cass. But Vast Busks is in oooii- * istion. Does say one believe he can receive the votes of a najority of the people ? or can any one, with his past ad ministration fresh in bis anemory, with a knowledge of hia present opinions and pledges, and the obsequiousness of hia vhole life, trust him ' Van Buren cannot be chosen ; Tay lor or Cass must be President. Whom shoukl the Whins prefer > ^ e know w^o Gen. Cass is ; his life, conduct, opinions, ?nd pledges are before the world ; he has been the champion for annexation, for war with Mexico, for war with England, lor all Executive usurpation ; Be wanted the whole of Oregon; be wanted to prepare the heart of the nation for war, and the stomach of the nation to swallow the whole of Mexico; the rash, ruthless, bloody hand of the present Administration has been nerved and directed by the cunning of Caa*. At Buffa lo, on the 15th of June, he aays : " Our triumph will be an approval by the country of the present Administration, and will give direction to the one which shall succeed it." Are the people ready to iccord their approval > Not satisfied with the waste oi blood and treasure, do they want a war with En gland ' for with Caaa " war is inevitable." Do the frienda of free soil want more territory, if, as Cass says, there is no constitutional right to exclude slavery therefrom ' Wearied and disgusted with misrule and corruption, the people demand change and reform. In the alcctioudf Gen. T*vu>a there would be certainty of change, and confident hope of reform. He hii declared htohwlf oppoueii to war and cxtcmioo, to Executive usurpation and dictation. A low of the country and the constitution, he is pledged not to interfere with the will of the people, expressed by their representative*. I have met many gentlemen who personally know Gen. Taylor, and all men ol all parties concur in calling him an honest, true man ; he does not wear two frees, nor as yet hsve his friends found it noceesary to circulate for the North one biography and for the South a different one. In this great emergency I have frit strongly opposed to the election of a-President with Southern principles. As much os ever, more than ever, am I opposed to war and extension >f *Ja?ery. I abhor the doctrine of availability, bat in this tearful crisis I must vote for Tsylor ; and I vote for him, nut l>ecause he is a warrior, but because with hia there is the better, if not the only, prospect for continued peace. ? ? I will judge no man and condemn no man. Others, just as honest, snd perhaps more intelligent, msy come to s dif ferent conclusion. I have deliberated long and anxioualy. I have inquired, not which is the least evil, but which is the greatest good. When I cannot accomplish all the good I would, I must and will secure all the good I can. You know that it is not my intention again to be a candidate for Con- * greee, snd I can speak without being liable to the charge of personal interest. ? ? ? ? ? s ? You ask me what was the opinion of the venerable John Viuincy Adams about Gen. tfaylor's election. I hsd . ften heard that Mr. Adama had expressed a preference for Gen. I ay lor, and, being desirous of knowing the Uuth of the ru mor, a few weeks before his death I asked Jlim who would be o*ir next President1 W ith much animation be replied, Geo. Taylor, snd appeared satisfied with such s result.. I suppose he considered Gen. Tsylor the instrument by which Provi dence would work out the good of hamsnity snd of hie coun try?objects nearest the heart of the good old msn. It b cer tain that I never heard of his questioning the honesty or the patriotism of Gen. Tsylor. I wish ws could hs sure the sdmmistrstion of the Govern ment would fsll into hsnds no less worthy thao Gen Taylor's. In 1814 s division smong th- professing friends of liberty en tailed upon the country folk, Texas, snd war. In their train ? have followed the heavy burden of debt, and barbarous terri tories, snd general dissensions. New divisions msy bring up on us the war and slsvery candidate, heavier burden*, bloodies wars, snd sccumulated disgrace snd wretchsdmss. Tks sin snd folly of encouraging dimensions so ill-timed snd ruin ous *hall not rest on my conscience. Believing the patient, wise, and patriotic labors and sacrifices of good men era yet to be rewsrded by the country's prosperity, 1 -rosin your friend and servant, DANIEL P. KING. Hon. Rohsbt 8. Darislh, Dan vera. pkTAPNO WUMAMM IMTfTUTB, WLHiaott s JL Mills, ten miles from Baltimore, Md., wNf sommenoe the scholastic year September 87th. The charge for board ami all expenx ? connected with it, and tuition in an extensive English eoursr, $*A0 iter annum. At? pljpr to the principal, Mrs. LINCOLN PHELPS. julv 26?jawtl Nov | rilHE HltfTOar Of CONUKMm, Biographies! and JL Political, comprising Memoirs of the Members of the Congreaa of the United States, drawn from authentic sou roes ; embracing th.- prominent events r>( their lives,, arid their eo?l t.cxion with the political history of the timet, by Hemy G. Wheeler, illustrated with portrait* from (templates and fool simile autographs. Alao, THE DIPLOMATIC AND OFFICIAL PAPERS OF DANIEL WEBSTF.lt. while Seeretarf of State ^ bracing the Treaty of Washington of tftttt, ^Correspond with Lord A ah burton, The Case of AlexsndeaMcLeod, Rela tions with Mexico, Relations with Spain, ke/ For ssle by R FAffctftfAftV, Corner of Penn. avenue and llitsstiau Where is established the (ieneral Agency for the sale of *slI the Standard and Miscellaneous Publications of Harper It Bro thers. Han? M TMK PUBLIC AtCUVNTMOF U?tM Uliklag. 1 ton, kept diiring tha Revolutionary War, enerave.l ir l*c simile , snd also some >of the inte.est.ng document* eoo neeted with his military oammand snd civil administration, complete in one volume, thin folio, with many engravings and emMhahments, portraits, vtewi, landscapes, foe Por sal^ in plsm sod ornamental binding*. Pr.oe &se sad six dollars rych. For sale (a few conies oolv^ bv j?'y TAYLOR. WHITING* OK C AMlUi M. CfoA tTlvl.ted by Horace Greeley. 1 vol. 8vo Brothers and Sisters , a tale, bv Miss Brehmer. First Book in Spanish ; by SalkeM. North American Review for Jaly. New supply of Lansar tine's History of the Girondists. 3 vols. )?ly ?? _ F. TAVy)R. Thi.pianet**y ani> ?thi ?" wuiiJDit A popular exposition of the grest dilsoverfos snd theo ries of modem Astronomy, in a wries of ten Lectures, by O. M. Mitchell, A.M., Director of the Cincinnati flhservstory. julyfl ' R. FARNIIAML