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"Liberty aud Uuiou, uow tud forever, one and __ Inseparable." SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1848~ THE CAMPAIGN, No. X. In the preceding Numbers ol this series we have presented the mam questions of larger extent, whe ther properly constitutional or merely ol geueral policy and practice, which are in issue between the two great antagonist parties ol this country. In a preliminary commentary on the 14 Demo cratic Platform" of the Baltimore Convention, we exposed so much of the party doctrines as they there thought it convenient to bring into use for the present contest. We examined next, in connexion with that Confession of Faith, the Jacobinical ex position of their creed as to conquering and enslav ing all our neighbors, for the ends of Philajithropy and Freedom, which instantly after appeared in one ol their main Northern organs ; which was the complement to that other exposition, and the un official avowal of principles meant to act upon the more bandit portion of their force?their Red Re public : but which they feared openly to proclaim at Baltimore, lest they should, by that ferocious part of their creed, frighten from them every thing but their candidate's body guard, his crimson com-, monwealth aforesaid, his " Manifest Destinarians," his All-or-None Fifty-four-forty men, those who with him thought that swallowing all Mexico wouldn't hurt us." These subjects we follow ed up by an exposure of the systematic de sign, throughout the Mexican war, to tiilcnce all public discussion and to gag the Press, by treating as Treason all honest censure of either the origin ol their war, its purposes, itt, management, or the manifold Executive usurpations which attended it. We next reviewed the history of the Oregon quar Tel $ the terrible as well us needless war in which the Administration there so nearly involved us: their blunders in that matter; their blustering, and their backing-out. We afterwards showed, as to the Mexican war, that it was brought on by the President s act and design, for personal or party purposes only, and constituted, in its whole legal history, the most outrageous and continuous series of royal, or rather imperial, usurpations that ever a lree country had suffered at the hands of a Chief Magistrate and his followers. In yet another pa per we showed what the Veto power has been, under all Governments, and what it must be under our own ; how irresponsible, in its very essence ; how sure, therefore, if conferred upon the Execu tive, to make him, in effect, by an unlimited power over legislation, more a Aing than England or France would endure. We dedicated another arti cle to establishing the power of Internal Improve ment, out of the highest Republican authorities, as not only of expedient, but most rightful exercise. After that, by a communication from a distinguished member of the so-called Democratic party, we placed before the country the real relation of Gen. Cass to the If'ilmot proviso. We next treated the question of Free Trade or Protection as our pro per national policy. And, lastly, in a notice of the life and character of Gen. Taylor, his homely simplicity, sturdy independence, rough fellowship with exposure, and duty, and danger ; unacquaint ance with those contrivances and compliances those alternations between the extremes of political opinions?which are nearly the whole amount of his rival's political knowledge ; his brave and pa triotic, but comparatively unrewarded services, not to a mere party, but his entire country ; and. finally, the truly republican virtues of his mind and heart? his plain but strong sense, his integrity, his blunt ness. his unainbitiousness, his humanity, his love of peace, his prudence, and the conservative cast of all his opinions. We have thus surveyed all the larger and more conspicuous subjects which are involved in the pending contest between the Opposition (the Whigs) and that Party who have now. for near twenty years, governed ihe country with hardly'a view to any but their own. personal ends, and have, in the name of Democracy, Progress, the Largest Liberty, the Strictest Construction, and all that, made their prey, their spoil, of all public trusts; exercised whatever powers, committed whatever abuses suited them ; given a loose to any devasta tion of public or of private interests which was con venient to their purposes ; and made what havoc they liked of the Laws, the Constitution, the free dom, the morals, the character, the p?ace, the safety of the land. J Such has been the career of Locofocoism, (call ing itself Democracy,) as its principles and effects are imaged in the system of things which its zeal has supported as if it were a religion ! We pray all men that are capable of a little memory and of a sober thought to look back upon them, and then look forward, if they dare, to more such. What excess, what destructiveness, what demoralization of every part of our public life, what dilapidation of the machinery of our primitive government, what confusion of individual interests, what dissension, what mere insanity, have they not brought about and rejoiced to spread, as if all evil were their good ? We challenge an answer. Let some one, the boldest among them, say what mischief, within their power, they have not done or attempted ? All Administrations must have their errors of jud?r ment, if not of intention : and. even if this were not so, faults would be imputed to them ; but to this se ries of rulers, what v.rtu, can be imputed, except one that is such only in contrast with what they have done worst? Their best acts, their most re. spec table practices in any given matter, would make but a sorry show in the history of any feeding Ch,ef Magistrate In order that any thing in them should seem creditable, it has beer, necessary to let down all expectation of public virtue, to reduce the standard of duty and sense, until the omission of * '-ustomary wrong or folly stood for a merit. Of rnw we know U... our cha||e?? for ??me political virtue to be named will be answered if answered at all, with ?ome pretended merit, i,u'ch a* " ?topping an unconstitutional system of Inter nal Improvement," or ?? pulling down a Bank which was dangerous to the public freedom," 0r "a divorce of the Government from Banks." or " the bringing about a Hard-money currency" or ""a Free-trade Tariff," or, possibly, (for the re spondents are bold, and will I* hard pressed,) even ?' the Annexation of Fexas, New Mexico, and Cali fornia. ** We can?-thoueh accustomed to their claims and boasts?imagine little else: and what are these severaf^Woits just enumerated ? Such as only the madnew^u; the servility of Party could, for a moment, admired Moreover, the very ihings, by the destruction of which they now swear, were the wise work, the great civil monuments of that Old Republican Party which they pretend to vene rate, whose purloined name and the simulated res toration of whose maxims and measures give them all their popularity, all their power to deceive. Great and wide public works, whether usetul or merely convenient?commercial or military, or re ligious or civil, or decorative or lor recreation have ever been one of the justest boasts of all great societies ; far above their victories, and second onl\ to their laws, which, indeed, such works seldom fail to survive. The canals that pour through Egypt the fertility of the Nile have outlasted countless dynasties of kings, from the Pharaoh to the Pasha, anil seen race after race of conquerors swept away, during full four thousand years, while their own merciful waters still blessed the laborious pensant all the while. The embankments of Confederated Holland yet protect her, when her Republicanism has vanished. The Road of the Simplon will be useful, and a world's wonder, when all the battles of him who built it shall be forgotten. Such works are, we repeat, among the truest glories that a great people can have : if erected by despotism, they are at least a large atonement for it; if by a lofty Com monwealth, they are still an honor to it?for what can it do of more certain or lasting beneficence ! How should a nation more fitly employ treasure or public spirit ? How better embody for distant ages the height of grandeur, of art, and of industry to which it had risen ? The first exploit of Locofo coisui is, then, that it has put an end to our doing perhaps the best thing, the most humanely great, that a powerful people can do! Most virtuous Democracy ! that vaunts itself the opposite of the Man of Ross, and is too good to take the snags out of the Mississippi; but can spend with delight much more than a hundred millions of money in a vainglorious war upon a sister Republic, to the cre dit of our Arms, indeed, but at the expense of our own National character, our Laws, and our future National Peace. But the feat of which Locofocoism is most proud, and claims credit for as a great public benefit, is the destruction of a National Bank. That Bank being defunct, and no thought at present entertained of building up another, we may now speak without fear, lavOr, or affec tion of the public benefit of its destruction. How much was the capital of that institution I "Thirty-five millions of dollars." Is it, then, particularly virtuous for rulers remorselessly to strip their unollending fellow-citizens of proper ty to that huge extent? " But it was a Na tional Bank." So was that Bank which helped to bear us through the Revolution. Florence and Holland, while Republics, introduced Banks, and were never hurt in their liberties by them. A Na tional Bank carried England through her long con test with Napoleon. Talk to her or France of a Ministry's going to work to ruin the National Bank of either, and their people will laugh at you. Did Gen. Jackson himself think a National Bank un constitutional? " No; he proposed one of a larger capital and more national." Then he was opposed to the private stockholders? "No; for he favored the Deposite Banks by lending the pub lic money to them." Then he thought it good to connect the Government with Banks, after all ? " No; for they blew up ; and then he divorced the Govern ! ment from all Banks." Well; did he put down all Banks ? " No ; his measures produced twice 1 as many as before; and then we took to hard mo ney." Well; how did that answer" It broke nearly every body and every tiling." Have you got hard money yet? " Why, the Government is borrowing and issuing Treasury Notes all the i while." Oh wise, blessed, and virtuous measures ! : The whole amount of it then is, that Gen. Jackson quarrelled with the United States Bank ; bent the whole force of Government and party to ruin it; succeeded, as was to be expected ; swamped thir ty-five millions of individual.capital: encouraged a great over-issue of paper currency; produced a frightful revulsion ; brought about the miserable scene of Slate repudiation ; and that, when, at last, a country so wonderfully growing, industrious, and skilful, weathers all the financial tempests which he and his could raise, and gets into port without foun ' dering, you shout hosannas to the wisdom of Loco i foco rule! Even if all these things had been good, might not the same good hare been quietly brought about, with 1 out any such enormous loss and confusion to the country ? Clearly it could. Moreover, if they were ' all that the " Platform " of the Party claims them to have been, yet good thing* done otherwise than by the law?done by the strong hand?tyrannically done? cease to be good ; nay, turn to crime. And as, in violent men, crime engenders upon crime, so the arbitrary seizure upon the keeping of the public moneys, in 1833, led to many a Presidential out rage besides, down to that series of usurpations of power, applauded and adopted in mass by the Bal ' timore Convention and its candidate, which brought , on the Mexican war, with all its evils, the waste of life, the new national debt, the annexation of a vast | extent of foreign territory, and the further train of disastrous consequences, of which the full extent , baffles all human foresight or computation. I Nor let it be forgotten how, ni those days of tri umphant I<ocofocoism, the enthroned embodiment of that principle lorded it, not merely over his fol ' lowers, but would absolutely have had us abolish whole branches of the Government which had been unadvised enough to think that to please the Ex ecutive was not one of the ends for which they were created. Can any one now recall without astonishment the monstrous fact that President Jackson at one time attempted to overthrow the , Senate, (and actually succeeded in abasing it,) and at another the Supreme Court, as parts of our sys tem ? How he hounded upon them the whole pack of his minions, his Press leading the cry, and raised that halloo of ,4an aristocratic body ''?of " the Senate's being the aristocratic part of our Constitution."?and of " the Court's consisting of but seven men. holding office for life, not appointed ' by the people, not responsible to them, and of course their enemies"?by which he expected to rouse against them the rabble roar, and tear them to pieces ? | With all these things went hand in 1 and others, as arbitrary or <lestructive or corrupting, which yet fester in our political system. To strengthen those powers of the Executive which he had carried so high, and enable even weak hands to wield them as an irresistible authority, he debauched all Adminis trative employments and the future minds of all aspiring to them : he turned all office into an Ex ecutive endowment, a fief to be held, like the feudal ones of William the Conqueror, on the tenure of whatever service to the King he might prescribe; and thus spread an armed and disciplined encamp ment all over the subjugated country, to render its revolt impossible. Each baron held his castle and lands of a large office directly of the suzerain ; each man-at-arms his hide of land (a smaller employ ment) through his lord, ready for muster under his banner, or to pay his fine, at the royal summons. The original serfs were seduced with the promise of liberty, and the old Saxons of the soil, who still clung to their primitive country and institutions, were outlawed. In a word, the lamd was treated like a conquered country, and all who would not betray it were proscribed, as much as the Catholic Irish or the Poles (about whom such a sympathy is pretended) by the English or the Russians, in the worst times. For the Catholic and the Pole were only excluded, by law, from all political trusts and rights ; and Locofocoism, without law, did precise ly the same thing to its opponent*, as far as it could, by either authority or management. Briefly, it was a system for perpetuating power by means of having gotten hold of it; for corrupting all the venal and terrifying all the timid with Government rewards and punishments ; for using the power of appointment and dismissal?(a sacred trust, for the public, not party, benefit alone, and in the discharge of which the President or other trustee of the peo ple should know no difference between men but their fitness to do the public work)?not with any view to the skilful and honest administration of each service, but in such a manner as to defeat the public will by the means,of the public offices them selves, held on the tenure of fighting for the party in power against the people, and keeping it in power, no matter how much it has deserved to be thrust out of it wiih indignation. It was of this scheme reduced to practice that Mr. Calhoun spoke, when he described Locofocoism as 44 a party banded and kept together by only the cohesive power of public plunder;" it was for those en listed in this plan of partition that the party watch word was given out, "To the victors belong the sports." Now, there are but two sorts of party proper to good institutions and natural to our own. One of these founds itself on existing interests and their preservation : the other upon opinions. The first of these is the Conservative party ; the second that of innovation, now generally # styling itself, by a more flattering title, Progressive. From the begin ning, party had, among us, resolved itself into these two forms, but neither pushed its own to excess. For a time the Federalists were ultra-conserva tive, through a natural alarm at the enormities of French Democracy ; and Mr. Jefferson, from his tendency to French theories, was as much over disposed to be guided by speculative ideas, by a policy which regarded too much untried opinions rather than solid interests. Under Messrs. Madi son and Monroe, however?liberal yet cautious rulers?both tendencies were checked; for their administrations were full of a spirit of improve ment rather than of innovation. Genuine states men, they did not blindly adore either the old or the new, but endeavored to preserve the former, and to found upon it whatever the latter offered of amelioration. They were both Conservative and Progressive: and thus satisfying both these adverse tendencies, (which, as we have said, determine men in politics, these to the old, those to the new? the sober and thinking to guide themselves by the past, the headlong or unquiet to expect every thing of the future,) they united both in one great party of the country. There could be nothing better. The Government, sagely and honestly administered for the benefit of all, drew to itself the confidence of all. Enlightened in its foreign policy, cautious and moderate yet vigorous and advancing in its do mestic, it guarded and yet strove to perfect every institution. The opinions which raged before had sunk into mere abstractions : men were not re warded for having nor punished for not having them. Nobody feigned them, therefore, nor con cealed them. The only test for public employments was Mr. Jefferson's : " Is he honest ? Is he capa ble ! Is he true to the Constitution ?" The Gov ernment was pure, impartial, moderate, and active only for good : three-fourths of its time and all its energies were not, as now, employed in only sus taining itself at the expense of the country, making war upon half the citizens, corrupting or inflaming the rest, and spreading dissension and danger. If powers which had been disputed were assumed, they were, Jirst, such as precedent after precedent had sanctioned?the precedents of good times and high authorities ; secondly, the powers so assumed (to incorporate a Bank, to carry on Internal Im provement, and to protect Domestic Industry) were not for the exclusive aggrandizement of the Exe cutive, and did not tend to monarchy; and, thirdly, they were all purely beneficent. Such was the state of things which New Demo cracy found in existence when, in 1824, after having opposed and denounced General Jackson as ? a military chieftain," " arbitrary in his temper," " unable to interpret one law while he would be called on to administer all," and sure to be M a curse to his country," it began to agitate the whole land, stir up the lowest populace into a party, and turn every thing upside down, only to bring him into the Presidency. There was no de cent pause lor a system of measures, or for single acts by the new Administration, to give a color to this unmeasured, unmitigated opposition, thus di rected against them. It was, on the contrary, no torious that the declaration of one of their (the New Democratic) leaders, that the Administration should be * put down although they should be pure as the angels in heaven," exactly expressed the blind fury which was, by every appliance of old hate or new calumny, brought into play against the Administration. The opposition, in short, was en tirely personal, and this in a double sense: it meant not merely to put men out without any re ference to their known principles or acts, but to put in others with equally little reference to what they had been or were likely to be. Nay, as if to cross-multiply the reduplicated odiousness of this causeless opposition and causeless support, it chiefly consisted, in this second and successful canvass, of men who, in the former one, as the puri?ts of old Republicanism, hid derided and ttig matued Gen. Jackson as a politician, and were, as the followers of two long Administrations which Mr. Clay had served beyond all pther men, and of which Mr. Adams had possessed and merited the highest confidence, bound to respect and to uphold those thoroughly-tried statesmen and patriots. As for the Administration which, by thus moving from their depths all those bad elements of our po litics and our population that were before unknown, this league overthrew and for a time trampled on, we need not now state its character. History has measured it and them, and will set them forever in contrast. Mr. Adams has gone to his recent grave, with honors and regrets yielded alike by all parties to his stainless integrity, his high abilities, his in vincible courage, his devoted patriotism, his long and eminent public services ; and Mr. Clay stands (for every bright and brave quality in its excess that should lead a land to honor or greatness, or, failing, adorn its annals with a memorable name) a monument rising high above his times, and a wonder for future ones, how, in a popular Government, a genius and a character towering up to the very heroism of what a free people should delight in, could have had such sad return and been defeated by such adversaries as these. In the frightful contest which preceded and im mediately followed the overthrow of that Adminis tration, every thing prefigured lasting public ca lamity. By a combination wide, various, and strange, scrupulous of nothing for their purpose, and capable by art and organization of moving all that could unsetUe the previous calm of the land and break up its soberness, every thing was cut loose at once. Each buried animosity of party was dragged from its grav.e ; life was put anew into each abortive con ception of philosophism, as well as into the moul dering remains of extinct jacobinism : the uni versal trump of a resurrection of every thing ill was blown. Nor, ghastly as is this picture, will it be considered an exaggeration, when one recalls either the shocking resorts then employed, or the lasting demoralization of society that has followed their success. First of these resorts was a boundless calumny, the very vastness of which secured a wide credu lity : for the vulgar love to hear of great crimes, to swallow impossibilities or nonsense, or at least to believe that where so much is charged the mere truth must be very bad. Gen. Jackson was well known to have said, when first told that he ought to set up for the Presidency, that 44 he was not such a (we suppress an epithet) fool as to suppose himself fit for itthe Kichmond Enquirer had predicted that44 he would be, if elected, a curse to his country." Yet Mr. Clay (who showed that he had from the first declared that, in a choice between Adams and Jackson, he could not think of support ing the latter) had no sooner voted accordingly, than the infamous charge of44 bargain and intrigue" was made upon him and Mr. Adams?just as if that explanation was necessary ! Mr. Adams was remarkable for the strictness of his life in private ; whereupon that fact was used to make him odious: Mr. Clay was not a horse-tacer nor a cock-fighter, but he had occasionally played at cards, and that was enough: the union between him and Mr. Adams was held up to detestation by this new school of moralists, as 44 that of Blifil (the hypo crite) and Black George (the ruffian)?as 44 a com bination of the puritan and the black-leg." This is but a specimen?a hundred more could be cited : bill we turn from them with a disgust which we trust our readers share with u.?. But, hand in hand with these individual wrongs, went things larger and more lasting?practices that polluted, doctrines that infected the country: deeply poisoned, it must long feel them in its veins. Not merely was party driven to its utmost fury, (and this, as we have seen, for no public end,) but, to make it more brutal, new and low emblems were given it: the hickory tree, its bludgeons and its brooms?symbols of violence and of a universal sweep of proscription ; the 44 whole hog"?a beastly intimation that every principle, no matter how coarse, from snout to tail, must be swallowed ; and the husks, the draff, the very swills of the lowest politics be dealt out and devoured. But, especially, the wickedest and most fatal of all things was everywhere set on foot?a war of society upon it self; a blind hate of the Poor against the Rich, of the ignorant against the educated, of the lazy or thriftless against the industrious and successful, and, finally, of all the reckless against property it self. The common mass of all these were fired against an imaginary aristocracy, which?there be ing no real one to fix the definition upon itself? each envious man who pined at seeing the well doing of others around, could brand for himself upon his better neighbors: the large proprietor was 44 an aristocrat" to the small one?provided that small one was weak or wicked enousrh to oc cupy himself with disliking his neighbor's pros perity rather than with advancing his own by the same methods which had created his neighbor's or handed it down. Nor did this easy odium stop at the wealthy : each man who had no self-respect, each one of a slavish soul who in his heart could not feel that his dignity as a free citizen and an honest man set him upon a level with the proudest in the land, readily found 44 an aristocrat" in the most blamelesR and kindly people about him. To the shop-keeper the merchant was an aristocrat, to the day-laborer the thriving shop-keeper: every one who is old enough may remember cases in abundance of this spirit. To some this charge of aristocracy was but an excuse for hating a neighbor's goods, or his better education, or his better dress ; to others more vio lent it was a wish to plunder him. And this latter thought soon took system and shape in a branch of the party avowing itself Agrarians. Out of this arose the milder modification of Anti-Rentism, which did not propose an indiscriminate seizure of property, but only that each tenant should take his landlord's. And, as of course the morals of a nation must in the main be but an enlarged expres sion of those of the individuals that compose it, so we had, firnt, to induce our people to consent to plundering Mexico of her territory of Texas, merely the memorable and suggestive declaration (so well re ceived by the annexationists) that,4 the Anglo-Saxons have ever been the greatest land-robbers in exist ence f and, next, the doctrine of manifest destiny, which* says that44 we are a fated nation, and that, be ing so, we will enslave and annex every country on this continent that is too weak to defend itself." Of course these same principles were applied to other acts * Like tho*e fanatic* in atory who ?oted ihree resolution*: I at. The earth i* the Lord'* 3d. The Mints are hia children, and ahail inherit the earth : 3d. We are the taint*. in the administration of the Government. If a man had an office which you wanted, you set up the cry " that there should be rotation in office; that every man should have his turn;" and you got him turned out,yourself put in, staid there the rest of your natural life?unless you could get a still fatter place; and at your death left it, if you could, to your son. Or, more comprehensively, to enlist the rapacity of every mercenary, and keep up a standing army of such, you proclaimed that every thing public?hon ors, offices, emoluments, jobs?shall be the spoil of party, and that every man shall receive a share of the plunder, proportioned not to his fitness to discharge a trust, but only to his unscrupulous usefulness in getting possession of " the spoils." Lastly, of close kin to all these inventions in morals was that held, by high authority in the party, that it is perfectly proper for a State to grant a charter, at an enormous bonus, and then break it; and that other Locofoco practice of borrowing money on the public faith, and then repudiating the debt. Such were the inducements held out by the New Democracy to entice with congenial principles the bad. But, as the reputation of being supported by such alone is dangerous, the good, or at least the shallow, were to be baited with Promises?a cheat that was always used upon men, and, when hardi ly, always with success. Of them, there was no stint. Boundless " Reform " was promised; a vast "Retrenchment" of the public expenditures; an admirable "Economy" of all the Government re sources?that is, their consecration to the best ends alone; an amazing " Purity " was to put to flight forever the monstrous corruptions averred to pre- 1 vail; a sort of Golden Age of the Constitution was to be led back ; and, quite as in Pope's prophecy of the Messiah, All crime ahall cease; all former frauds shall fail; Returning Justice lift aloft her scale ; ' Peace o'er the world her olive-branch extend ; And white-robed Innocence from heav'n descend ! And now we demand to know?for a reckoning time has come at last?what has been the perform ance of all or of any of these things? What but such as that casting out a devil from a man only to put back into him seven devils, each worse than he that was cast out ? It was promised that, in Democratic hands, there should be every wholesome Reform : we have yet to see, after twenty years, the first that is not a mockery of the name, a libel upon the word. Gi gantic and multiplied abuses have been the sole re forms. The expected Retrenchments have tripled and quadrupled the public expenditures, denounced as being, under Adams and Clay, so extravagant. The Economy has consisted in stopping rightful and beneficent appropriations, in order to pour out in profusion useless or pernicious ones ; in such strokes as vetoing the indemnity to surviving suf ferers by French Spoliations, or for removing the snags from the Mississippi, in order that a hundred and fifty millions of money may be Hung into the ille gal gulf of the Mexican war. The "Purity" that was to be is a general rottenness ; the "care of the Con stitution " has realized itself in a series of Kingly usurpations such as no man had ever before dreamt of as possible ; the " Justice" has been that of re primanding the Taylors and court-martialling the Scotts, by whose patriotism and valor alone have the arms of the country been saved from disgrace. As to the " Peace of the Country," it has been in the hands of those whose policy it has been to keep up a high-handed rule at home and to swagger abroad ; with strong nations to bluster, and to hec tor and beat the weak. The "Innocence" has been encouraging that spirit and (except in one in stance) aiding those acts among our people which made, towards nations to whom we were bound in the ties of amity and faith, the Canadian invasion and the Texas revolution ; intrigued for the over throw of Santa Anna while negotiating with him, and then brought him back with " a passport" to make head against our too successful Generals ; got up in California, through its agents, while we were at peace, the " Grisly Bear Revolution;" hung, in Santa Fe, by a new law of Treason, and without courts, Mexicans whose noble crime was only defending their own country against fierce in vaders ; and, at home, begot the Dorr Rebellion, stirred up the Anti-Renters, and gave an office to the President of the Empire Club. The old cry of Jacksonism was that " Members of Congress and Editors of Newspapers had been rewarded with office !" If that was then corruption, it has been multiplied tenfold. It loudly accused the Adams Administration of " bringing the patronage of the Government into conflict with the freedom of Elec tions and it has ever since rewarded just that sort of service by appointments to office : just such sort of service, indeed, are persons actually in office now performing immediately under the eye of the Executive ! Meantime, amidst all this strange mixture of whatever saddens the heart and appals the imagi nation of the good and wise, we at least witness all the whde the progress of one phenomenon which, however melancholy for the time, reassures the land, if it has made it weep or still makes it blush. It is plain that its long-insulted virtue and sense will but for a little while more suffer themselves to be trampled on. The power that did it carried within itself the principle of its own rapid destruc tion?that principle which, in order to pull down, had first to infatuate, and did this with such success that presently the most infatuated of the party grew too strong for the cunning men who had set it up. The artificers of ill have become its victims?the Loco foco Revolution devours its own children. New Democracy has, by the very propensity which it propagated for men who were the mere cheats of ability and character, let down its own choice so low that it could go no lower without ruining itself, instead of the country. Such, indeed, is, to all men of a little intelligence, the present evident posi tion of things. There must shortly be an end either of the present political dynasty, or of this Government. Having, for the nonce, relieved our mind by imparting to our readers the reminiscences of the days of persecution, proscription, and general misrule, which crowded upon it, we may be allowed to change the note, and congratulate our readers, as most heartily we do, upon the prospect of a political regeneration that now opens upon our vision. If they but do their duty, the iron rule of the V eto is at an end, the rod of the ?p pressor broken, and the supremacy of the Consti tution restored. In their candidate for the Presidency, should the choice of the People fall upon him, they have, as we have shown, a man endowed with every moral quality, and every political attachment, which can ent,tie him to their confidence. Personally unara batons he has not sought the station of President but il has sought him. So far from soliciting the dwuncuon of being considered a candidate for the office, he declined the honor so long as was consia tent with his character as a good citizen to refuse to undertake the proffered trust. For his devotion to the duty to be devolved upon him, we have the security of his long career of faithful public ser vice m the line of his profession, during which no I misconduct was ever charged upon him. His per fect honesty is denied by no man. Hi* political attachments are to the Whig party, to the maxims and practice of the Presidents ol the Revolutionary stock ; and of these chiefly to those of Washing ton and Madison. But he will be the President of the People, and not of a Party. His guide and paramount rule of action, however, will be, in all cases, The Constitution. We congratulate our readers, we repeat, upon the j prospect before us ; which certainly is fair to say no more of it?for the election of Zachary Tay lor and Millard Fillmore to the first and second offices in the Government. The fairness of the prospect, however, relieves no good citizen from the obligation to do every thing that is within his power to bring about so de sirable a result. In conclusion, therefore, we conjure every reader of ours, by the memories of the past, the teachings of the present, and the hopes of the future, to take care that no neglect or omission of duty on his part, in the present emergency, shall leave behind it the painful reflection of the lessons of history disregard ed, the experience of his own day unimproved, and | the prospect of political regeneration faded from his view, perhaps forever. THE OCTOBER ELECTIONS. On Monday next, October 2d, the States of Georgia and Florida hold their annual elections; the former for Members of Congress only ; the latter for Congress, Governor, and Legislature. On Wednesday, October 4th, Maryland and South Carolina hold elections ; the former for local offi cers only ; the latter for Members of Congress and Legislature, which Legislature is to choose a Go vernor, Lieutenant Governor, and nine Electors of President. On Tuesday following, October 10th, Pennsylvania and Ohio close the list of States voting prior to the Presidential election, each elect ing a Governor, Members of Congress, and Legis lature, which Legislature is to choose a United States Senator for six years ensuing. A Texas Judge in New Mexico .?We learn from the Fayette (Howard county) Times that Judge Beard and family, of Texas, passed up the river last Sunday week, on his way to New Mexico. He goes out by authority of the Governor of Texas, as Judge of A'ew Mexico. Texas intends, we suppose, to assert her paper title, and the confession of President Polk, in support of her claim to the land and the jurisdiction of that part of the country known as New Mexico. If successful in estab lishing her right, as may very possibly be the case? President Polk having already acknowledged it? the introduction of slavery goes with it. This is a condition of things which the Northern folks do not seem to have considered, although the Presi dent doubtless did, when he recognised the right of Texas to the soil and jurisdiction, upon the shab biest pretext that ever governed a statesman in so important a matter.?St. Louis Republican, 21s/. The St. Alban's ?* Messenger " of September 21 contains an article from which it appears that, after all, the Hon. George P. Marsh, whose re-election to Congress has been heretofore confidently an nounced, failed of an election by a few hundred votes, in consequence of the intervention of the new " third partyand that another trial is soon to be made in the district. It is lamentable, indeed, that under any delusion of a third party (when there can be but two between whom the choice will even tually lie) the third district of the Green Mountain State should lose not only the time and faithful services of such a Representative as Mr. Marsh, but also (what they ought to take a pride in) the reputation of sending a Representative so distin guished as well by his uncommon acquirements as by his brilliant talents; especially as the large plu rality of votes which he received over either of the other candidates shows him to be the really prefer red candidate of the district. Death of Dr. Martin.?We regret to learn that the Government received yesterday intelligence of the decease of Dr. Jacob L. Martin, American Charge d'Affaires at Rome. He died at Rome, about the first of this month, very suddenly, being found dead in his bed without any known prelimi nary illness. Dr. M. was a native, we believe, of North Carolina, and was much esteemed for his talents and amiable character. The Columbia 44 South Carolinian" says that South Carolina will give Cass and Butler M a ma jority of fifty thousand votesthat is to say, all th? votes in the 8tate will be given for the Locofoco candidate. In that ultra Democratic State the peo ple are not permitted to vote for any Presidential candidate. The Legislature chooses electors, and, if the Locofocos have but one majority in the Le gislature, they can thereby secure the vote of this State to their candidates. Now, as the " Democra cy " of South Carolina will not permit the people to vote in Presidential elections, the editor of the Columbia paper has no right to say that Cass and Butler will receive a majority of fifty thousand votes in that State. If the people of South Carolina rould vote in the election, the relative strength of Taylor and Cass would be seen. In that event the Locofoco candidate might be defeated in the State. As it is, it is not certain that Cass wiil receive the vote of the Palmetto vote.?Txtuisville Journal. Henry W. Tracy has been nominated as the Whig candidate for Congress in the twelfth Con gressional district of Pennsylvania, composed of the counties of Bradford, Tioga, and Susquehanna. This is the district now represented by Mr. Wilmot, who runs as a 41 free-soil' candidate. In the same district a regular Democratic candidate has also been nominated. From the New Orleans Picayune we learn that Gen. Taylor was to arrive in that city on the 20th of this month, and to depart thence immediately for Baton Rouge, his place of residence and his present station, > (?en. Qoitmaw addressed a large Democratic meeting at Natchrz on the 9th. In alluaion to Gen. Tatlo*, he aaid that he would not say one word against him, even if he could; but that he could not, at his private character was unexcep tionable, and his military oos glorious.