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Mb. CLAY AND HIS OLD FRIEND9. The following Correspondence appears in the Richmond papers, the tone of which, on both sides, and especially on the part of Mr. Clay, cannot fail to impress every candid reader most favorably: Hanoveb, (Va.) Ac-gust 22, 18,18. My Deau Bin : Many known and tried Whiga, noma gray with age, a portion of your school companions, mid the de acendants of thoae who were wont to bow in reverence before the throne of Grace, and hear the authenticity of the Chris tian religion proven by your father's word, and who kiiaw your devout and piouu mother, have conferred on roe, the presiding officer of the Convention, the honor of |>erforming the pleasing duty of transmitting to you an account of an as semblage of freemen, who organized in Convention at (he Slash Church, Hanover, (Va.) for the purpose of nomina ting yourtelf as President of these United States. The ac companying preimble and resolutions fully explain the object and views of the Convention. Permit rne, however, on my own part, to say that the sun in his progress has perfoimed sixty annual revolutions over my hoary head, and from early .manhood I was a Whig in principle, and for many years my votes have proved me one in practice. When life is rapidly drawing to a close, it should not, it ought not to be expected for one to give up fixed and cherished opinions and principles to follow man, vain and in constant man ! You have been placed, my dear air, in many high and re sponsible stations, all of which you have discharged with ability and fidelity. v In every vocation your s )le object seems to have been to try to do good. The raya of true liberty which glow so intensely in yourself have been diverged for the common good of your species?for your country?to see ber prosperous and happy at home?honored and respected abroad. Consequently you are the embodiment of Whiggery, an exemplar for the pre sent and future ages. The history of your life gives the beBt definition of a Whig?an " asserter of the rights and liber ties of the people." Believing, as many gravely do, that the Union is in danger, you will not be surprised that Whiga should look on you as a fit person on whom to caBt their votes as President of these United States ; that by so doing the re public may again lie saved, and handed down through us to our children as unsullied as we received it from the hands of our fathers, and they to their children's children for ages of ages. I With sentiments of esteem and regard, I am your*, &c. THOMAS G. CLARKE. Hon. Hekiit Clat. Ashland, 12th Seftembeb, 1848. Mt Dear Sih : I duly received your very Idnd official let ter, transmitting the proceedings of a public meeting held at the Slash Church, in Hanover county, at which they did me the honor to propose my name as a candidate for the Presi dency, in terms highly fluttering and complimentary. I recognise among the persons assembled on that ccca-uon many names with which, in my youthful days, I was very familiar and extremely intimate?associates at school, play mates, neighbors, friend*. The Slash Church, too, where the assemblage took place, recalls many early and agreeable recollections, as being that at which I received a large part of ' my impcrfect education. Regarding those proceedings as the affectionate expression of the esteem, attachment, and confidence of my old com panions, or their descendants, I have never received any simi lar document with more gratification, or with sentiments of more profound gratitude ; nnd I presume that it waq in that sense the proceedings occurred, and were transmitted by you to me. Considered as a seriom and formal presentation of my name to the people of the United States as a candidate for the Presi dential officc, I am sure that you will not be surprised at my saying that it is impossible for me to accept the nomination. - My name, with my consent, was submitted to the conside ration of the Philadelphia Convention, which assembled in 'June last. That bo?|y thought proper to nominate a distin guished citizen of the Uuited State*, and not me. In view of the relation in which I stood to the Convention, I do not think that I oupbt to pab? any judgment upon its proceed ings. It is sufficient for me to know that it did not deem ii expedient to nominate me. In this decision I have entirely acquiesced. 1 have quietly submitted to it, and have given no encouragement or countenance to any further use or con nexion of my name with the Presidency. To this rir.-ct, I. have uniformly written to all association* and individuals who have addressed me on the subjtct. I hope that my good friends of Hanover will approve of my adherence to this reso lution, dictated by my honor, by a regard to my character, and by my desire of retirement. Tell them under what great obligations they have placed me, and that I shall cheruh the proofs of their friendship and confidence, which you have sent me, among the most precious treasures of memory. Nor can I conclude without tendering to you, personally, my grateful acknowledgments for the kind and flattering terms in which you have addressed mo, and especially for youi touching allusion to the venerated memories of my la mented parents. I am, with high respect, your friend and obedient servant, H. CLAY. Thos. G. Cliukb, Esq. 0. THE "LIBERTY" PARTY. The following is an extract from Gov. Seward's apeech, recently delivered in Boston : " Tho Liberty party basalwaya had my respect and sympa thy, but they never had my vote, for reasons now evident to all. I saw them, with respect and sympathy, urging the two great parties onward to their avowed object ; but they lo*t my re spect and sympathy when I saw them sacrificing the very principle which won them fame?immediate emancipation. And where is their cberiahed Gospel now > Cut down to al most nothing. Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, and so on to ? Revelation*?nothing remains but a f<*w resolutions pre;>ared for them by the wire-working magician of Kinderhook. [Cheers.] For my own part, neither Mr. Van Buren nor any other statesman who has, throughout his life, opposed the cause of humanity, shall lay out a platform for me. [Great applause. ] "But what has the third parly gained by selecting Mr. Van Buren * What does he bring them of such importance ? that they ahoukl forsake their former professions ' Doe^ hr bring a life devoted to the sicrod cause of human freedom ? Where is his first breath in its favor, before hia last plot, to he found recorded ' Does he bring a great band of electors ' No. The Magician haa lost his wand, and the party which once enabled him to accomplish hia objects has now left him. | It is now Mr. Van Buren alone. He cannot bring the elec toral vote of New York, nor can he even conjure up a re spectable vote there, for two reasons : the first is, that most of his old followers deserted him when he espoused the cauae of | freedom < and the second is, that if they had all adbernd tho Whigs outnumber them. [Cheers.] Yes, fairly dividing the Htate of New York, there is a Whig majority there, and if> the Whiga will but avoid false issue* the State is theirs. " What, then, have the third party got > Why, they have sold their principles and gained a candidate ! This re- 1 minds me of an anecdote told of a Saxon Bi?hop in the olden time, whose adnctity was great, as he was supposed to posses* healing powers. Unfortunately he fell into the bands of the Haracens, and they demanded as his ranson one hundred and fifty pound* of silver, one hundred and filty aloaka, one hun dred and fifty cattle, and one hundrrd and fifty slaves, which they inaisted should lie paid at once, as the old man'a health ' was feeble, and he might die. Tho vast sum was collected by the Saxons, but before it was wholly paid the Bishop breathed his last; yet, unwilling to Inae so much wealth, the Haracens dressed his corpse in his sacerdotal robes, and, Beat ing him on a chair, bore him to the Saron line. The de lighted Saxons knelt before their saintly adviser, beseeching bis blessing, but lo he was dead ! So it ia with the third par ty. After giving ao much they have got a candidate, bat he i* virtually defunct! [Continued cheering.]" The Charleston Evening News announces that Mr. 8. N. Cardoso, the former editor of that journal, ia lo continue in u feoauon wit]) Mi, fjuxtu ia its editorial nitnagemcnt. A PUBLIC TRIBUTE. We copy from a late number of the Washington Union the'following correspondence, conveying to Colonel Fremont a compliment which cannot but have been highly gratifying to him : Chablesto*. Mahcii 1, 1847.' D*a* Madam : It has been made our pleasant duty to communicate to you the enclosed resolution* of a public meet ing of the citizen* of Charleston, brought together to express their senae of the distinguished services rendered to his coun try and to science by Lieut. Col. Fhkwvt, rnd to devbe some token of their gratitude, as men and citizcn*, to so great a general benefactor. As the commiUee are de*iroud at the eurlie?t opportunity possible to present the sword, indicated in one of the resolu tions, to Colonel Fremont in person, we woulJ be greatly obliged to you, madam, if you could stati wiien Col. Fre mont will be at home, or whether it is pt all probable that we mav have the happiness of seeing him in Charleston. We cannot, madam, feel that we hav- fully discharged our whole duty without adding, that we fetl honored in being made the medium of any honor done to one who, by his civil worth, sagacious enterprise, and modest heroism, has so early won so pure a fame ; and expressing the fervent wiwh that he may long bo spared to the chief object of hi* afleetions, to the country he has so nobly served, and the service he so much | ajlorus. We have the henor to he, with the most respectful conside-< ration, your friends and fellow-citizens, H.W.CONNER, JNO. E. CAREW, H. GOURDIN, W. C. GATEWOOD, E. H. TRE3COTT, GEO. H. BRYAN, 8. Y. TUPPER, Committee. Mrs. Jessie Bestoj* Fbbmokt. Resolutions of the Citizens of Charleston. Resolved, That this community highly appreciate the emi nent services rendered to his country by their fellow-towns man, Lieut. Col. Fremont, in his late surveys and explora tion of Oregon and California, under circumstances of extreme peril and privation, and requiring the exercise of the utmost fortitude and decision of character. Resolved, That we equally appreciate the meritorious ser vices rendered by Col. Pucmosit to the cause of science in general by hie indefatigable zeal and energy in extending his researches and discoveries in those unknown regions. Resolved, That his friends and associates, in common with the people of Charleston in general, particularly admire aud approve the heroic conduct of Col. Fremont in repelling an unprovoked and unmanly attack made upon him by Gov. Castro, with a vastly superior force, and the promptitude and energy with which, with a mere handful of men, he not only defeated, but pursued his enemy, surprising and capturing forts s'rongly defended with ordnance and men, and even tually taking possession of the province, and, with the Ame ricen citizens resident therein, declaring its independence. Reiolred, That, in testimony of the high estimation in which his gallant conduct and brilliant achievements are held by his friends and fellow-townsmen, a committee be appointed to present to Col. Fhemoxt, in their behalf, a eword, with appropriate devices and inscriptions, accompanied by suitable expressions of regard and esteem for his peison and character. The fallowing committee were appointed under the last re solution : John E. Carew, Henry Gourdin, W. C. Gatewood, E. H. Trescott, G. H. Bryan, and S. Y. Tupper. On motion of John E. Carew, Esq., the chairman of the meeting, H. W. Conner, Esq. was added as chairman of the committee. Pf.aji Sin : It was a privilege, as a committee of a public meeting of the citizens of Charleston, brought together for the purpose of expressing their sense of the distinguished services ?ndered by you to our common country and the causc of science, to communicate, in anticipation of your arrival troai California, through Mrs. Fremont, the complimentary reso lutions to which we have referred. One of those resolutions contemplated the gift and presen tation to you in person of a sword ornamented with such de vices as would indicate to you, and your children after you, that, as citizens of South Carolina, wc take priJe in greeting you as a son who has done htr honor, and honor to our com mon country, by sustaining, under difficult, delicate, and try ing circumstances, calling for the most self-poas? ssed courage, prompt sagacity, and fertility of resource, the glory of the na tional colors ; and in another field, not less exalted by labors attended with scarccly lew peril, exposure, and hardship, wiought out for your country anil the world, as an explorer and discoverer in wild and inhospitable regions, a most valu able contribution to the cause of science. We regret that circumstances deny to us the pleasure of welcoming you to our city, and renderiog to yon in person this humble token of our sense of your distinguished m?rit, and shall be compelled to beg your acceptance of it at the hands of another ; but we trust that, though we shall notb; per mitted the gratification of delivering it directly into your keep ing, yet that it will come to yon none the less acceptably, but with added value, from our patiiotic representative, the honor able Robert Barnwell Rhett. We cannot, dear sir, feel that we have fuily discharged our pleasant duty, without expressing the fervent wish that you may be long spared to the counter you have so wHl and ao faithfully served ; and that in whatever field it may lie your lot in future to labor, that success in keeping with past achieve ment and desert may crown your efforts and cheer you in an ever onward and upwarJ career. We have the honor to be, most truly, your friends and fellow-citizens, [Signed by the committee.] To Lieut. Col. Johm C. Fremont, Washington. Washington, Aror*T 18, 1848. Gewtleme* '? I have had the pleasure to receive the sword and belt, with which you have conveyed to me, on the part of my fellow-citizens of Charleston, the expression of thair ap probation cf my conduct during some recent years of my life, and the futfher gratification to receive them from the handaof a Representative, the Hon. Mr. Rhett. I cannot imagine-any honor which I would consider greater than that you have conferred upon me, or afcy circumstances in which that honor would have been more valuable. Arriv ing on our frontier after a long absence, and in circumstances most humiliating and mortifying, I first iearned that you had honored, with a puMic expression of your approval, my geo graphical labors in our remote Western Territories, and my subsequent conduct in aid of American aitizens during the revo lutionary movements in California. From the country which had been the scene of the one, and across the region which had been the subject of the other, I had been brought a de graded prisoner. My situation had been studiously aggravat ed by every humiliation to which I could be ex posted, and my whole journey homeward was one continued indignity. In these circumstances, and at the first frontier village, I received your letter accompanying the resolu'i.ms of the meet ing in Chaileston. In the sudden revulsion of fueling, I felt indebted to you for the moment of highest gratification I have ever experienced, in which the distress and pain o( unmerited disgrace were entirely forgotten in the awakened feelinga of gratitude and devotion to my country. With all the strength of feeling so created, I offer to you my thanks, and through you to the citizens uf Charleston whom you represent. I have been educated am<ng them, and gmwn up together with many of them. Some were the asso ciates and friends of my early youth. It will probably l>e Ion# before I can have the pleasure to take them by the hind, and personally make them my acknowledgments. I beg, there fore, through you to express to them mygrsteful <en?e of Iheir kind remembrance, and my great pleasure in having been able to do any thing which ha? given them gratiftcati >n, ?nd which they can think worthy a public expression of their approoation. To my friends, the ladies of Chsrleston, I beg you to make acceptable my warmest and most respectful thanks ; to assure thorn that I feel highly honored by their gift, and deeply grate ful to them for the sympathy which prompt*! them to make it. With great pleasure I found exercised in my Whelf the generous spirit which hss so often distinguished them, and which haa given them a place so honorable in the history of the State. The consciousness of having once been distin guished by their notice will always be an incentive to honora ble exertion. Having now offered to my fellow-citizens the earnest ex pression of my gratitude for the honor with which thev have distinguished me, and of which I am as deeply sensible as if that honor had been really earned by myself, I could not re main satisfied were I to pass over in silence those to whom the distinction properly belongs, and so appropriate to ^my self the fruits of their good conduct. The exploring parties under my command, and the volun teer fori? of California, were composed of men whose courage and energy had made them pioneers in the wilderness coun try beyond our weVern frontier, or whose spirit of enterprise had carried them to find new homes on the shore of the Paci fic. They were tried men, experienced in difficulty and dan ger, accustomed to self-reliance, and full of resources. What their matnred experience aided me to plan, their courage al ways enabled me to accomplish. With inferior man, the ser vices which hate received your approbation would never hava been performed ; and to them, therefore, the praise you have awanled justly belonga. Tbey have certainly deserved well of their country, and earned for themselves an honorable men tion. I trust that you will allew me to make it here, and re spectfully ask that you will farther permit me to receive, in their name, and as their#representative, the public testimonial with which you have honored me. In taking leave of you, on the eve of a long absence from the country, I beg you to receive the assurance of my warm regard and most earnest wishes for your continued happiness. With much respect, gentlemen, your friend and fellow-citi zen, J. C. FREMONT. To Meaars. Cowvaa, Hat aw, Gochbiw, Carew, T??? cott, Uatiwood, ?q4 Tcrrw, ? committee, die. SPEECH OF Mr. DAVID FISHEK, OF OHIO, ON DEMOCRACY. HOUKK OF IlkPHKBKSTATIVM, ACOUBT 8, 1848. The House being iu Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and having under consideration the River and Harbor Bill? ? Mr. FISHER raid : That wine days since, when the Oregon bill was before the House, he tried to get the floor, but did not succeed, to give his views on the subject of the extension of slavery ; but as that bill had now passed the House and was before the Senate, and the subject had been dirfcus*ed till it was worn threadbare, he would relieve the minds of the committee a little by discussing a subject which haJ often been alluded to in the speeches of gentlemen, espe cially on the other side of the House ; and as 41 variety is the spice ol life," lie would say some things on the subject of Democracy. Being no lawyer, and not professing to be competent to judge of refined and hair-splitting discussions as Ho the con struction to be put on the various provisions of the constitu tion of the Uniud Stales, ho had no safe way to judge of the true intent and meaning of that instrument, save by looking at the course of those who had framed it, to see what they understood it to mean, and that he received as its true mean ing. The wise and patriotic men who framed the constitu tion were surely the beat judges of what it meant, and when he could find out what they thought to lie its meaning be was satisfied, and that he took to lie its true meaning- They had established this Government, and Whatever they instituted must be of course constitutional. This was enough for him. Men might refine and speculate with great ingenuity, and ad vance contradictory arguments both sufficiently plausible to peiplex a plaiu man 5 the only way to arrive at a satisfactory cot elusion was to ask what did our forefathers think who cre 1 ated the Government? | Judging by this rule, he found that among other things that were constitutional was the prohibition by Congteas of slavery in the Territories. The power of Congress to make a regulation of that kind never had been questioned till about one year since ; and, therefore, he came to the conclusion , that ail the arguments adduced agamst it were false, and of no force. But he would not pursue that point any further, but in tended at some future time, and on a proper occasion, to ful ly discuss it. Much had been said, as well here as elsewhere, about the Democracy of one side of this House, and the Federalism of the other. There was a direct reference to this in Mr. Cass's letter accepting his late nomina'ion by the Baltimore Con vention. He there argued that the party now called Demo crats was the old original Democratic party ot this couNtry ; while those calling themselves Whigs were none other than the old Federal party originated by. Alexander Hamilton. Now, on the truth of this position, he wished to scy a few words, to which he invited the particular attention of his De mocratic frieads. Mr. F. claimed that the Whig party of the present day were the same original Democratic party which had existed in this couutry ever since the days of the Revolution. And he insisted further tnat, whatever their opponents might be, they were not the Democracy of this country?they had no claim whatever to be the lineal descendants of the original and true Democracy of the days of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. Democracy was a matter of principle ; it could not change. ?What was Democracy in the da>s of Greece and Rome was Democracy now. What had been Democracy at the time of the foundation of thia Government must be Democracy still. If any body 0! men made "progress" from those principle^ and trom that sort of Democracy, they were not and could not be any longer the Democratic party. Mr. F. would turn the attention of the committee to this point. He should not enter into an elaborate argjment tft pro?e what Democracy was. He should en that subject take as hib premises that which gentlemen on the other side would not deny?viz. that the Democratic party had had possession of the Government of this country from the beginning of Mr. Jefferson's term as President in 1801 down to the end ot Mr. Monroe's in If,25. For twenty-four years. During the whole of that peiiod the administration was Democratic. Thi.i all would admit. Here then was the foundation. Their.1 was true Democracy ; it was a mere truiam to atiirm this?none denied it. To this standard he would bring the present par ties, and te?t their Democracy. Now, Democracy did not consist in the name ; it cons'sted in a set of principles. The name by which a party has called itself, or was callcd by others, was a matter of no c?nse quence. A name would not make one party Federalists, or their opponents Republicans. It was the principle that made the thing. If a body of men held the principles of Democra cy they were Democrats ; if not, they were not. If, then, those railed Whigs held Democratic principles, weie they not Democrats > If it could be shown that the principles they held were the old admitted original principles of Democracy, it must 1>e admitted that they were in tact and in truth De mocrats, and nothing.but Democrat*. A gentleman (Mr. Brodhkad) a*ked him, if this was so, why they did then not call themselves Democrat > Tbev did ; but, for distinction's sake, they were called Wliige. [A laugh.] Our fathers w??rc Whigs, Democrats, and Republi cans, lor they are all the same thing. Now, Mr. F. would ask .gentlemen on the other siJe of that hall, r.hat single principle they held, or what single mea sure they advocated, which had been advocated and held by the original Democrtfic party of this country > Not one , not a single one. This may fstoniah some gentlemen, but it is true, as we shell soon see. The Whig* did ; they held to every one of the leading princip'ea and measures of thy party. They were the true lineal descendants of the partyOf Thomas Jeflerson. He spoke of them collectively as a party ; they were not to be judged frem the opinions or the courss of an individual or individuals. They ought to be judged by their c>cts and from public documents, acknowledged by the party, as for instance tlio Baltimore platform and Care's letter. By this standard Mr. F. would now try them. When the old Democratic party, in the beginning of the Government, adopted a course of measures, that course wn? either constitutional, or thoso who pursued it perjured them selves, or they did not understand the constitution; but no one dare cay that they perjured themselves, or that they did not'understand the constitution. Now what had been these measures > | The first he would refer to was a protective tariff. In the preamble of the first revenue law ever enacted it was expies*ly declared tbst one end in parsing it was to encourage our own manufactures and render us independent of foreign countriea. Then a protective tariff was constitutional. Two years after they hud istaMiahed a Bank of the United States. This, too, was constitutional for the same reason?it was instituted by the framers of the constitution themselves; it was declared to be constitutional by the court#, and it had been acquiesced in by the people ; no tribunal had ever de cided it to be unconstitutional. All who denied its constitu tionality were mere picayune politicians, and their doign was to mislead the people. Here were two leading measures under the administration of President Washington. . , . Bet perhaps gentlemen would say that Washington s ad ministration was not Democratic. Then he would go on and look at Mr. Madiaoii's administration. He was Mr. Jeffer aon's immediate successor. It would be presumed, he ad mitted, that Mr. Madiaon was a Democrat. And had he not esUbtiibed a Bank ol th?United States * He had. And did he not countenance a protective tariff! He did, and even increased it. Then these two measures were constitutional, and Mr. Madison aanctioned both t nnd he was a Democrat? that no one denies. The Democratic party, in the days of Mr. Monroe, sanctioned the doctrine of internal improvements by the United States Government. That, too, was constitu tional, because the fathers of the constitution had admitted it to be so. Here, then, were three gTand and leading measures all of which had boen adopted and ap|>ro\ nd by the fathers of the constitution and of the Democratic party. Now, when the Whig party advocated those vsry msasurci they were called Tories and Federalists. But if the Whigs for approving of these things were federalists, what were the fathers of the old Democratic party 4 They had approved the name. And all must admit that the original Democracy were in power for twenty-four years ; aiid during that time these bad been leading measures of the national |.olicy. Then came in John Quincy Adams. And in what did he differ from his three mxt predecessors ! Had he departed in an) one respect from the course they hnd marked out for him ? Not one. He followed them all in their footsteps, and deli vered down the Government in aa perfect a state of purity as it came into his hanels, or had ever known in the Iwsst days of the republic. He surrendered it a pure Democracy into the hands of General Jackson. Well, and what happened soon after (Jen. Jack*on came into power > Why, the party calling itself Democratic de parted straightway from all the principles of Democracy. And now they charged all 'he measures of the Whigs as Federal measures j and whv 1 Simply to hide their own de formity l-ecausethey had themselves forsaken Democracy and learned to oppose the measures of their political father* and laid tliem all in ruins, and still claimed to I* Democrats. In t'?e first place they departed from the ancient iloctrine of internal improvements ? General Jackson vetoed the Mayaville road Pill. Next they departed from a United States Bank, and then from a protective tariff. From 1824 up to 18;?2 thev had advocated the same principlea tho Whigs did. Du ring the second term of Mr. Monroe's administration the two parties (the Democratic, now Whig, and Federal, now Lo cofoco, parties) were fused into one, the Republican party. The Federal par*y adopted the aame measurss as the Whig or Republican party. Had not the leading men of their party, Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Benton, and Richard M. Johnson, with all the rest who were in the Senate, voted for the tariff of j 1928, the very highest tad most protective ia its character ol any tariff law ever enacted ' Certainly they did. Tbey then believed il consul uUsual, m they would not have voted for it. In like manner they had voted for a United State* Bank. Now, il the Whigs were to be denounced aa Federalist* for approving and supporting theso measures, what was to be aaid of Van Buren, Benton, cud all the leading men of the present Democratic party 1 la coudemning the Whig* were not these gentlemen condemning themselves? Certainly, it ia an acknowledgment that they were then Federalist. They had departed now from the principle* of the original Demo cracy so entirely that they did not now advocate one single one of the great and leading measures which they aupporlod fifteen years ago. They had turned a political *om?rset; and now violently opposed what they once as strenuously advo cated. Will any gentleman deny this ' (Jutuinly not. How then cau they claim U> be Democrats now ' 'I'hey either are not now or tney were not then ; that ia nettled fact. They wanted the Wbigs to give their crecd at the Philadelphia Con vention : but this was unnecessary < the Whigs held the sarno principles they always had held?the came that they held forty or fifty year* ago, in the day* of Jefferson, Madison, and Mouroe. All thut is necessary to ascertain what the Whig creed ia, ia to ascertain what the measures arid policy of those jure Republicans were. We have never changed since Washington's administration. Mr. Pettit here raked whether the Whig party were now in faVor of a high protective tariff; for the distribution of the public lands; iti favor of a United States Bank r and in favor of the Executive veto ? Mr. Pi*iikk said he would give the honorable gentleman an honeat answer. The Whig* had been in favor of a na tional bank, tii'l they still believed in its constitutionality, but Borne doubted its expediency at this lime ; but as to himself, he was in favor of it now, and would if he could rcfteal the Subtreasury law to-morrow and substitute a United States bank in place of it. For forty yeara we had had a .United tStates bank, which collected, kept safely, and dubursed the public money free of cost to the Government of the United Wtatea, whilst we had at this session of Congress appropriated forty-two thousand five hundred dollars to pay the expenses of the Subtreasury for one single year, which would be for lorty years one million seven hundred thousand dollars. As to the distiibution of the public lauds, the Whigs would be in favor of it if the gentleman and his party had not pledged it for money they borrowed, and thus put it out of their reach. As to a hjjh protective tariff the Whigs have never contended for that; they do not ask for a high protective tariff; that is the language of the gentleman and his party, not ours. We are content with simply a reasonably protective tariff, without the teim hioh ; and this we had been in favor of for more thin forty years, and still were. As to the abrogation of the veto power, he believed the party did not desire it entirely abolished, but wished it modi fied or restricted. But as for himself he desired to see it entirely abolished from the National, State, and Territorial Go\ernmonts, for it was a relic of despotism which had no business in a republican Government. But, as it is not abolish ed, he would vote for the man for Picsident who would not exercise that power only in cases of unconstitutional legislation. Tlx Whigs, as he had already said, continued to hold the same doctrine they always held. Therefore they were under no neiessity of making a new platform of principles every four years, for that would imply an abandonment of former prin ciples Let those do it who huve 110 fixed principles. Where the Federalists found Jefferson, Mad'son, and Monroe, they will find their lineal descendants, the Whigs, battling for the same principles aod policy to-day. It was principle which made a Republican?the nsme without the principle was nothing, and worse tunn nothing. He called these gentlemen Democrats, but he did so only out of curtesy } and it often made him smile when he heard them calling themselves " the Democracy of the country." When ho heard them talk in this way he looked at them to see whether they wore not jesting, for they denied all that the true Democracy had advocated from the beginning. And they themselves had once advocated a United States Bank, and even Gen. Jackson held that a bank was constitutional, for he bad told Congress that, if they had Risked him, he could have given them the project of one that would have been con stitutional. Bu! what did they advocate now ! The Subtreasury?an exclusive metallic currency : one for the Government and an other lor the people ; the kingly veto power ; free-trade?not one of which had they approved some fifteen years a^o, and not one of wh'ch wa? ever advocated by the Democratic patty of former yparc; and at the time Gen. Gordon, of Virginia, had intr Hiuced the Subtreasury, the President, the " Demo cratic" President, and the whole party, with one voice, went against it Now they wire for free trade ; then they had been utterly opposed to it. What, then, was Democracy 1 It professed to advocate the Veto and the Subtreesury. Well, and whence did they get these meaiuree ? From the Democracy of old * Not at all. Why, as to the Snbtreasury, President Van Buren told Con gress that he had WTitten to twenty-seven different despotic Governments in Europe, and twm'y-two of the number had a Subtreasury. He imported it from despotic Europe, and hebrougbtitintothe United States freeofdu'y, [alaugh ;] and, when the party saw ;he boauteous offspring of so many kings, they baptized it " Democracy." Well, and where had they got their free-trade doctrine ? From ;he republican party of old ' No. From Great Bri tain * Yew, and from the tones of the revolution. The lories were then its only advocates in this country. The whole sebeme could be traced directly to that source. And tben as to the veto. To what could that trare its pa ternity ? To Democrats, to Democracy ' No, to the king ly Governments of Europe ; and it had been introduced into our own constitution by the Federalists, who were in favor of " a strong Government." It cainc from abroad; it was not of American growth or republican origin. Its avowed object was the strengthening of the Executive arm. The republi cans in the convention resisted, demurred, and at last granted it with great reluctance for the sake of compromise. Thus this very republic.-n measure had for its progenitors despotism and Federalism. Well, these were the three leading doctrines of the present Locofoco party. Ca'l the party which advocated them by what name you pleated, it certainly was not the Democracy. On the other hand, the Whigs were opposed to all kingly cus toms and doctrines. They still advocated the doctrines of th?Mr Democratic fathers; they followed (to Iwrrow a purely Democratic phraw) " in the footsteps of their illustrious pre decessors." The Whigs, the Whigs; they were the true De mocracy of this country. Again ; Gen. Cass said that all power originated with the people, and that tue Democratic party were always govemed by tbe wiil of the pe.-ple. This wan well enough to say, bt3 their actions went directly the other way. Ever since tbey had forsaken ihei first love and abandoned tbe faith of their Democratic fathers, the President bad led the party instead of tbe party leading the President. They proceeded, it would seem, on that Vrmoerafic maxim, " The King can do no wrong." The jmrty always justified every act of the Presi dent, no matter how much it contradicted wbat he before said or did. Why had they departed from tbeir ancient faith * How had it come to pass } Had the j*ople requested it * Never! In 182* ihere had l?een no difference between the two parties ; both agreed in the same opinions. It bad been said that Gen. Jackson was a tort of living embodiment of Democratic doctrine. He had been for one Pres'dentisl term ; for retrenchment and reform; against the appointment ot members of Cont|rrss to lucrative offices, because it would orruptthe Government, and against proscription fur opinions' sake. Bat had these doctrines been carried out in practice ' How came the party to sepatate from this high road of Democracy, and decline to their present condition ' Wby did they not jdvocate these doctrines now * Certainly, it was not because the people had urged it u|khi them. No, the reason was abundantly clenr; they ha<! been led by their modern Presi dents, and the King could do no wrong. Thus, when the President said, " There ought to he no second Presidential terra," the party ssid, " Agreed : certainly, there ought to be none." When the President ran for a second term, the jiarty said, "Higte?perfectly right; there ought to be a second term." When tbe President said, "There ought to be no proscription for opinion sake," the party said, " You are right: there ovght to he no such thing among Democrats." But when the President commenced such a course of proscrip tion as the country never saw, and turned every prominent man out of office who voted against him, " Exactly right!" cried the party, "turn them all out!** The President recom mended retrenchment and reform ; the party chimed in and Mid, "All right?retrench, retrench." When the President sport more money than all his predecessors, " Exac.ly so," said the party ; "we expected it." When the President de nounced the appointment of members of Congress to olfice, the party said, "It was Very wrofgt it ought not to be done; it led to corruption." When the President immediately turn ed about and appointed three limes as many members of Con gress as any former President, " Exactly so," cried the patty; " ws knew you would do that 4 it is right 5 it will not corrupt the Government." The Pies'dent said, " If Congress hsd applied to him, he wouk! have given them the project of a na tional bank that was quite constitutional." " We knew it," said the psrty; "you are the man to recommend measures." But when he said a hank was clearly unnmnfituiiinal, and inexpedient too, " We were just thinking so," said tbej?/rty. | [A laugh ] When the Prosideut recommended a free distri bution of the public lands, the party said it was like a father dividing his estate among bis children ; the party held the same doctrine, and praised him to the skies. When hs said that it was oil unconstitutional and wrorg, "Just so," said the party; " you ars wiser than we." [Roursof laughter.) When tbe Pasident declared that it was wrong to hoard up the public money in a Nubtreasury, recommended that it should be lent freely to the peeple, the party said there i?ever was such a President t but when the President sent to Europe to know how they kept their money, and found that twenty-two ty rants kept it in vaulta, "Exactly," cried the party ; "that's tbe very thing 1 the public money issafe only in your hands." When the President recommended to the serious consideration of Congress the training of a standing army of 800,000 men, "Just so," said the party < "that's tbe beet plan of national dcfeace i we are in favor of it loo." "Ah ! but atop," said the President \ "I only recommended it ' to the serious con sideration of Congress ;' 1 did not say I was in favor of it." Shouts of merriment.] "Oh yen, certainly, echoed the party; " you did not aay you were in favor of it; you only re commended it to the aerious consideration of Coiigross, and that m all that we will do." Well, in 1840 the party got out a President to lead them, but they had a candidate in view that they designed to elect in 1844. They took up Martin Van Huron, and he expected he was going to be President. He wrjte u certain letter ?gainst the annexation of Texan. "Kipht," said the party; ??you're right |" and a leading Locof ico paper in Ohio said that that letter would get-Mr. Van Buren live thousand votes in Ohio. But, after all, Mr. Van Bureu was not nominated, and they took up James K. Polk. He had written a letter for annexation. A gain the party was obedient. " Just so,' said they; ?' all right ; it will expand the area ol freedom." [Laugh ter.] The President said that annexation would not bring weur ; no fear of it; it would be a peaceful annexation?" effect ed without the shedding of one drop of blood." "We knew it," said the party< " we always said so." The President in formed Cong'tsf that the Mexicans had shed American blood upon American soil. " We knew it," cried the party ; " we said it would come to that." The President tolJ them that Texas extended from the mouth to the source of the Kio Grande. "To be sure it doe?," cried the party. Then he wrote them that he had conquered Santa Fe, and that tjie pro vince belonged to Mexico. " Certainly ; what a valuable con quest !" said tbe party. The President told them in one mes sage that it was in Texas. " \te know it Is," said they. He told them in the next message that it was iu Mexico. " Yes, ' said the party, "and you conquered it." The President de clared that our right to Oiegon up to 51? 4(V was "clearand unqces ionable." " Ye*," said the party; " if ever th- re was a ju*t claim, this is just; and if you ever give it up, you will sink so deep into infamy that the hand of resurrection cannot reach you." The President gave it up, five and a half de grees, down to 49?. "Just so," said the party; "you have done wisely ; we don't want it; give it up to England ; It justly belongs to her." Thus it appeared that instead of the President being guided by the will of the people, the President led the opinions of the party this way and that way, just as he chose. This is indeed a sorry picture, but it is none too highly colored, and is true to the life. In departing from their old paths of Democracy, the party always ran into extremes. It seemed as if they could not strike any midium course. In 1828 they carried protection to the utmost extreme ; they were for overdoing the thing entirely ; now they were against all protection ; nothing would do but free trade. So with the bunks. He removed the deposites from the United States Bank where they were placed by law, and placed Ihem in the bank*, promising to give the country a better currency and a aaJer depository. "To bo sure," said the party, "a much better currency." But, soon after, Ihe President said tbe banks were all corrupt, they must all lie destroyed. "Down with them, echoed the party, "they are all corrupt." Thus Mr. t. had never known them to stop at any point of moderation, but always to drive from one extreme to another. At one moment they went for the highest tariff, the next they were for frie trade." One day the President took the public money from the Lni tcd States Bank because it wae not safe in its vaults; the next day he put it in Ihe vaults of the local banks and told them to loan it freely to the people : and the banks took the hint and loaned it till the country ruu mad with speculation. To supply the vacuum occas:oried by the fall of the National Bank, the State Legislatures chartered betwren five and six hundred new local banks in one or two years, in Mr. F. s own State they created ten banks in one session because the President recommended it. But a United States 3jrik was chartered by Pennsylvania, and continued to i?ue paper; so did ali these State banks ; and together they flooded the country with bank notes like the leaves in autumn. Thus they induced the people?lured them?templed them?to plunge into speculation till the country was overwhelmed with debt. Then he issued his specie circular, an 1 covered the whole land with distre.-s and ruin. What had been the condition of the country in 1829 ? We had the Lest cur icncy in the world; commerce and manufactures were nou rishing, the farmer got good prices for his produce, the mer chant inade fair profits on his capital, the laborer liad good wages, and til went on omjothly. But what had been its condition when the party were driven from powc, ami the people gave the Presidency to Gen. Harrison > The whole community was overrun wiih dtbt and bankruptcy, our mar ke's were destroyed, the Government itself was bankrupt in u lime of peace, the country was in debt and ruii.eJ. All, yet, every one of'those fair monuments of prosperity erected by the wisdom of our republican fathers, were laid in the dust, and wretchedness followed in the train. And when the people had cried to the Government for relief, heliei-, their Piesident wrapped himself up iu his dignity, and said, " The people ask for too much from the Government, let the people take care of themselves, and the Government will take ore of itself." 8o the cries and prayers of the people were uu heeded. But the Whigs then came into power, and petitions utmost by the cart-load, were dumped down at your doors, praying for protection. The then Whig Congrese, being a part of the people, and having a fellow-feeling with ihem, heard their supplication and granted their lequests, by restoring to the country tbe policy first adopted by Washington, and carried out by Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, and which had been laid in ruins by a party calling themselves Democrats, and the peculiar friends of the dear people. [Laughter ] The old republican policy b-ing once more restored to the emin'ry by the Whips, it was fast emerging from its de plorable condition, and the people were -satisfied, when, in 1816, the Locofocos having once more got possession of the Gov ernment, they repealed the tariff of 1842 aid enacted that of 1846. A (id, now, where are we again } One hundred mil lions of dollars in dabt, and nothing to show lor it. Mr. F. asked by wbst authority had the tariff of 1842 been repealed ? 'Had the people asked for it * Nol at all. There had not been a down petition* praying for the rejieal of the tariff of '42. Mr. H**rrojr. Not one. Mr. F i*nkb. The gentleman says not one. On the con trary, petitions by the wigon-load came up remonstrating against the repeal. But, in deapite o? the voice of the people, the people-obeying Democracy did the very thing the people petitioned against. They profersed to be great lovers of the people ; nothing equal to their devotion. But not one of their measure? looked to the good of the people. All measures that were for the good of the people were unconstitutional with them. Their Subtreasury collected from the people iheir gold and silver, and paid It over to officeholders. It made the wages of labor or the prirc of produce no better. But the Bank of the United States did. It not only answered the purposes of tbe Government for a Treasury, but it reflected a benefit upon the people, by giving them a sound and uniform currency. Our fathers had thought tfiat the con*titution was crealtd fur the benefit of the people, as well as for the Gov ernment ; but these Democrats seemed to think that whatever benefited the peonle was directly against the constitution. The Utiled States Bank gave the people a good currency, and it was unconstitutional ; tho prote-tive tariff benefited our own farmers and mechanics against their rival* abroad, and that was unconstitutional; the tiriff of 1812 protected the in terests of the people, while at the same time it provided the Government with all the money it needed, (far more than the free-trade system did ;) but they found out that this waa all unconstitutional. The distinctive difference between the two partirs appears to be this : the Democracy, so called, think the constitution was made for the Government alone, whilst the Whigs think it wss made for the benefit of both. And now, said Mr. F., all we a?k, or ever did ask, was to continue the same measures and policy adopted by our acknow ledged republican fathers. And, he said, as a pany, the Whigs had never opposed a single measure of the present Locofoco party so long as it was in accordance with the mea?ures of the Republican party of former times : but on'y wh?n they departed from, and laid violent hands on Ihem, had they opposed them. And all the Whigs ask is to return to the good old republican policy of our first Presidents down to '29. Mr. F. said, as his hour had nearly expired, he would siy a few words on the subject of the Presidency, as that aeemed to lie the order of the day.' Gen. Cass wa? the candidate of the | party calling themselves Democrats. But viewing the doc | trine* he holds, that of free trade, that of Ihe Subtreasury, j and that of the free and full exercise of the veto power, his 1 democracy must be considered of doubtful origin; its |*ternity j | is ceitainly not very respectable in a republican Government Gsn. I'asa commenced his political hie in the daya of old Federalism ; then he was a Federalist, and wore the black I cockade iu token of it. When Jeffersou came into power he was attracted by and joined the democracy of that day, and continued with them to Ihe close of John V}. Adams'e adminis tration. But alter twenty-eig!it year* the Federalists or pro sent 1 tocofoco party fco'. Ihe a*en.lency once more, an' he again joined thern. What lie was during Tyler's administra tion is uncertain ; ho was, perhaps, couriinn Louis Philippe, j It mav be asked how il came to (?ss that he happened always to be with the majority, and, as Ritchie says, a favorite of the then existing President. The answer to this question, Mr. F. said, be thought would 1* found in the first chapter of Isaiah, and bri-fly couched in these words: "The ox knoweth his owner, and tho ass his master * crib. F or any er.imal that could cat ten rations a day would certainly do well to keep his eye upon the crib. But in all sincerity (ten. Cass cannot be a Democrat, for he doe* not hold one single prin ciple that was acted out by our republican fathers. Well, what of <i*n- Taylor, the Whig candidate for the Presidency > It i* not denied that ho has always been a De mocrat, and still continues to be ; for he has declared thut if he is elected Pn?ident he will administer the Uovern-nent strictly in accordance with the constitution, a* it was con-1 ?tinted and acted on by the earlier Presidents, two of wh nn, I at least, took part in framing that instrument. This, as has been shown, ia all that the Whig* do now or have <wr con tended for. He has given assurance, also, that any measure that is pawMNl by Congress, in accordance with the construc tion given to the constitution by thoae Presidents, shall not be vetoed h? him. This is all the Whigs should aak ; for it is certain they do not wish to adopt any measures or policy that wu not acted on by tbe earlier President*, For iheit palicy iii the Whig platform u much now u it wu forty yeara ago, and they expect it to remain no until they bring back the Gov ernment upon that platform, to its original republican tack. Mr. F. Mid that even Gen. Taylor'* political enemiea had to confess that they could find no fault in him. And aa to him self, be must aay that the more he examined into hia charac ter, the more he admired him, and he believed tliia was the case with all who look the. pains to do ao impaitially. At any rate, it could not be hard for Whigs to choose between Gen. Taylor and Gen. Cw. Aa to Ohio, she waa born into the family of States in 1802, and in 1804 ahe cast her first electoral vole for the Democratic candidate, Thomas JnfTerson. Thus taking her stand in the republican ranks, frotu whL-li she has never depaited bat one time at Presidential elections, accorJing to my best recollec tion, and that was in 1828, she went for Gen. Jackson. But the discovered her mistake, and stepped b?ck again, and there she has stood ever since. And if Mr. Van Buren ia the no minee of the Buffalo Convention, there is good hepe she will not again do it the coming canvass. It would indeed be. r strange thing for her to cast her vote for Gen. Cass. We hope for better things. ?? ? ? ___ AN OLD WASHINGTON MEMORIAL. FIlciM TIIE PHILADELPHIA XVESISO BULLETIN, SIFT. 19. There appeared, some years ago, in one of our Philadelphia papers, an account of a monument in a church in Wiltshire, England, to the memory of an ancestor of Washington, 44 Sir Lawrence Wabh ington," who died in 1643. The details that were given were extremely picturesque, and attracted much attention, but not being in any way authentic cated, were read with some distrust; the more so as the monument in question seemed to have escaped Mr. Sparks's careful research. We have great pleasure in publishing the following agreeable let ter on this subject from Mr. Macreadv, the trage dian, now on his way to this country, which has .been furnished to us by the gentleman?one of our immediate fellow-citizens?to whom it was ad dressed. Mr. Macready's pilgrimage to this se questered Washington tomb seems to have been made in a true and reverential spirit, and shows the influence of feelings which must be appreciated by our countrymen. The letter, it will be seen, is a private one : 5 Clabekce Tehiiack, Rf.oent'b Pahk, Lokdox, Acocst 25, 1848. Mr Dear Sir : Most happy should I ha\e been if, with only my own free will to indulge, I coulJ have set out at once on the receipt of your letter through the beautiful green lanes of Wiltshire, in search of the obscure village where once the ancestors of your Washington were lords of IhesoiK I do not know whether I should say your Washington, whose fame and example is the world's, and in whose " all cloudless glory (which few men's is) to free his country," all men must rejoice. As soon, however, as I could disengage my self from theatres and crowded towns, I started with my eld est boy upon the agreeable pilgrimage you had enjoined on me. About a mile and a half or two miles from the turnpike road we found the little sequestered hamlet?for it seems scarcely to rise to the dignity of a village?called Garsdon, distant from Malmshury about three, and from OricklaJe about eleven miles, by my best guess. It is situated in an abruptly undulating country, commuridhg from the high levels a range of prospect rich in beauty towards every poiut of the com pass. The church-yurd occupies a sort of natural platform, which in parts suggests the idea of its having been cut away for the purposes of fortification. The church is plain to ab solute bareness, without one trace of decoiation beyond four or five separate panes of stained glass alili remaining in the small Gothic windows. Its tower is a solid, square, well proportioned piece of architecture, with a slightly ornament ed parapet, pierced with trefoil. Wecnte-ed by a small door in the chancel? a plain wooden table uoderneath the eastern window without the least pretension to ornament, not aca>v ing, moulding, gilding, or painting of any sort whatever, marked the place for the communion service. The walls, plainly whitewashed, exhibited an indifference to pomp aixl vanity that might have satisfied Calvin or Knox himself. Directly opposite to us on entering?on the left hand of the chancel?was the object of our quest. There was nothing in the building, with its plain round vaulted roof and simple deal pews, to diveit our attention or detain us from theexami nauon of the monument. Its cenUc is a bla^k marble oval tablet, encircled by a thick wreath of laurel in berry, set be neath a cornice of white marble surmounted by the family arms, on each side of which are two recumh?nt figures, re sembling, if indeed intended ?o typify any sentiment or idea, the sort of personage I should describe as Libitina. The cornicc is suppoited by two twisted pillar* oi black marble, and based upon a plinth sustained by a cherub's head with outspfead wings. The gilding and the colors are still hesh, though something worn. The size of the monument, from one exticme point to the other, is about six feet, and broad in proportion. I enclose you a sketch which my eon made of it; at the back of which I give a corrected copy of the inscription, by which you will see the former transcriber had mistaken some words, particularly the placc of Sir Lawrence's death, Oxford, and the word " urne" in the last verse s To the memory of Sr. LAWKENCK WASHINGTON, Kt. Lately Chsit'c KegiUer "f the Chancery, . ' Of known pietr, of eliaritye exemplary e, A lovinge husband, a tender mther, a Bountiful Master, a constant reliever of the poore, and to those of this parish A perpetual! Henit?ctour, wliotn it pleased God To take unto his peace from the fury of the intoing warn . Oxnn May XlYto Here interred XXlVto Ano. Dmi. 1641. .4-itat. suae, 64. ? Where allso Lyeth Dame ANN hia Wife, who deceased Junii Xlllto. and waa buryed XV'lto. Ano. l)rnii. 1645. Hie natrioa cinercs curavit filius nrna C'txiere, qui tumulo nunc jscet ille pins.. The pious son his parent here inter'd, Who hath his share in Urne for them prepar'd. The cost oi arms I have copied, and hope to send them by a future packet, or brrng them with me. The Manor House, situated on the opposite hill, is a suostantial and hendsome feudal resideuce of about the time of Edward 4th. From tbe thickness of its walls and its commanding position, it ap pears to havr been capable of good defence. In one room, of noble dimensions, is a very splendid carved chimney piece, on which is a shield, with what I fancy were the Ferrers' arms, having quartering of TalboU and Swans. But this I will ascertain for you. The ceiling is also carved. There is another remarkable room, with oak arched roof of the 14th century, measuring more than AO feet by 20, which must either have been a banqueting hall or chapel. A stone slab, with the Washington arms, is in an oU man sion, which it a very interesting building, still tenanted by respectable farmers of the name of Woody \ ano in these once noble apartments, that echoed formerly to the festive roar or to the mask's chant, you now hear the sound of your own footfnll, as you pick your steps between the rows of Wiltshire cheeses, that spread their floors, to take their dimensions. If you could know how much I have upon my min I and on my* hund*, you would readily excuse the slovenly letter I send you i but indeed I do not find any respite to urgent employ ment, and tike, by main will, ths hasty minutes, which I give with real pleasure to tracing out these memoranda. What I have to say further I will :?serve for the more gra tify ing occasion of a r<?i roee communication. My pa?*nce is taken for the 9th of next month, (September.) I (argot to aay, that, in looking into the 1st volume Appendix of Washington's Life, by Sparks, I find a mention of this collateral branch of the family, but perceivc that, thou ;h the crsrt is 'he sane, the arms differ. Believe me, my dear sir, yours, very faithfully, W. C. M XCKLADY rao* Tilt RALTIM04I. BUN Or SATPRD4T. * Tar. Havrr nr. Grace ArraAT.?-We have received in formation from Bilair that Mr. Wi. Thomas, vhoee n?l*n ch >ly act we noticed yc*t rday morning, expired at ai?>ut midnight from the effects of his wound. Young Aii?aiw??? whom he shot on Wednesday night, underwent a sorgica/ examination on Thursday, when it waa ascertained 'list the hall had tnppily struck on one of-the ntw and gla.'<red^t pass ing round under the flesh to the neighborhood of the spinal column. Though serious, and to some extent Jangeroue, it is not Itkely to prove fatal. He was much revived and at comparative ease yesterday, and it was bopeu was iloicf well. The jtfunf man, we learn, is i fcjtuporean.