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I know, by men itcapable of any motiwa but thoae of the
loftiest patriotiasn, and of th? noblest public virtue. Mr. WINTHttOP. Mr. President, ^'1?. h?or the amendment which ha. now been propowd b* ^J ho"?^ Se STfrom New York. (Mr. 8,wi?, ^ ?ot * I trss s^rnt, i do not know What might ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ssaaft -?- ????-**?bu *1^kBAUWIN. No. *?? b-taa. There tre ??S,"wiNTHBOP* Tib* ?'? """' b* r? i u, if if feso then I ny, with *11 the more emphMU., V ?iIKboM'"1 re"' ',n? , , lDe now reduced to "bout six miles square, ESSl di-ol? 'hi. Uoioo. "'P-" "? ^JS^tSSSSi'&.t'w .?... to allow me to explain on one point ? Mr WINTHROP. Certainly. Mr FOOTE. Mr. President, it is not the number of the slaves' ? it is not the immediate consequences; it is the hide ous violation of the political compact of our fathers. It is the orinciple?the most unpaidonable injustice towards the South?which must inflame the public mind, and must luevi tablv awaken apprehension that this is but the entering wedge to other and more aggressive measures, which are afterwards to follow. That is my view of the matter. Mr WINTHROP. I believe I understood the honorable member from Mississippi before. The facta of the case were certainly as I stated them. His suggestion was, that the passage of a bill to emancipate six orse*en hundred negroes on this little patch of territory, which you may almost cover wih your pocket-handkerchief, was about to be the entering wedge which was to rive this vast Union asunder. Sir, it mustin deed be the operation of some awful and mysterious principle, and not the operation of the act itself, which is about to pro duce this tremendous result. . And that leads me to say, in the second place, that if I should vote against this amendment, it will not be on tb? ground that I do not believe Congress have the]power to abol ish slavery in this District, nor upon the ground that I am not | willing to exercise that power on the proper occasion and in ? proper manner. That I understand to be the People which is about to dissolve the Union. The assertion and ex ercise of this power is so hideous a violation of the political compact, and so unpardonable an injustice towards tbe South that the dissolution of the Union is inevitable . 8ir, I hold to no such doctrine t and I desire, if by chance my name .hould be recorded against this amendment, to protest in ad vance against being understood to acquiesce in any such idea. No one can go further than myself in denying thepowerof Congress to interfere with slavery in the States ; but within the limits of this District, I maintain that its authority fa com plete, over slavery and over every thing else. And I happen to have before me some little memoranda of tbeopinionsof our fathers and of our predecessors upon this subject, which will serve, I think, to justify this opinion, better than any ar gumentofmy own. 1 bright them into the Senate some days ago, with no expectation of being called upon to use them in this connexion, if at all; and certainly with not the aliehtest idea that the Senator from New York was about lo do? let me say, so unadvised and so unseasonable a thing as to offer such an amendment to the bill now before us. Sir in the Virginia Convention which ratified the Federal constitution, what said George Mason, the father of the con stitution of his own 8tate, I believe ? In referring to the clause giving Congress the power to exercise exclusive legis lation over the District of Columbis, he said s ii This clause gives an unlimited authority in every possible case within the District. He would willingly give them ex clusive power as far as respected the police aad good govern ment ot the place, but he would give them no more. What said Patrick Henry > He spoke of it as " an un limited and unbounded authority." What said Mr. Madison, in the " Federalist ? ??The indispenable necessity of complete authority at the seat of Government carries its own evidence with it. Here are the opinions of three of the fathers of the Repub lic ; of three of the most celebrated names in the old Common wealth of Virginia. , . . . t. Well, what was proposed not long afterwards in the Con gress of the United 8tates ? Here is a record from the journal of the House of Representatives of January 18, 1805, proving the opinions that were held by a large number of the Repre sentatives of the people at that time. The resolution then presented was not adopted, but we shall see presently how large a vote it received, and on what grounds it was rejected. ?? on motion made %nd aeconded that the House do come to ^ "JSSBJrSf to. ?d .der ,b. hh d,y of all blacks and people of color that shall be born within the District of Columbia, or whose mothers shall be the property of any person residing within said District, shall be tree, the males at the age ot ?, and the females at the age of ? The House proceeded to consider the said motion at the Clerk's table, and, on the question that the same be referred to a Committee of the Whole House, it passed in the nega tive : Yeas 47, nays 65. And then the mam question being taken, that the House do agree to said motion, as originally proposed, it passed in the negative : Yeas 31, nays 77. The motion was thus lost by a majority of 46 i but nothing was heard on that occasion about its being a proposition to dissolve the Union, or even an entering-wedge directed to that end. It was opposed on grounds of expediency only, and the power of Congress was not denied. This, Mr. President, shows the sentiments of the Represen tatives of the people at that early period of the republic. It shows, too, that thct proposition of the 8enator from New York is not altogether novel 5 and indeed I have evidence here that such a proposition has been offered under better auspices, and with better success, at a later day. On the 9th of January, 1829, the House of Representatives of the Lnited States actually passed the following resolution : II Jtesohed, That the Committee for the District of Colum bia be instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law for the gradual abolition of slavery within the District, in such manner that the interests of no individual shall be in jured thereby." That resolution passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 114 to 66, some ten or twelve members from the slave States voting in favor of the resolution. And from first to last it will be found in the debates upon these questions, that the power of Congress over this question?the power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in this District?the power to do this very thing which the honorable 8ena?or from Mississippi tells us involves a principle which is about to rend the L nion asunder, has been admitted again and again by gentlemen rom almost every Southern as well as from almost every Northern State in this Union. Why sir, as long ago as the debate on the Missouri ques tion, in 1820, Mr. 8myth, of Virginia, reproached the free States with their inaction on this subject "If (said he) the future freedom of the blacks is your real object, and not a mere pretence, wby do you not begin here. Within the en miles square, you have undoubted power to exercise exclu sive legislation. Produce a bill to emancipate the slaves m the District of Columbia, or, if you prefer it, to emancipate those born hereafter." More recently, Mr. Powell, of Vir ginia, in his report of January 11, 1837, says : " The Congress of the United States has, by the constitu tion, exclusive jurisdiction over the District, and bas power upon this sabject (tlavery) as upon all other subjects of legis lation, to exeroise unlimited discretion." And Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, in the resolutions which he intioduced in the House of Representatives in 1836, while be say a " that Congress has no power to interfere with the institution of slavery in any 8tate," only says that it ought not to interfere with slavery in the District of Colum bia. I may add that there have been petitions again and again presented here from North Carolina and other slave States, in favor of the abolition of slavery in this Diatrbt. I have even before me a record of December 18, 1824, where Mr. Saun ders of North Carolina (late Minister to Spain, I believe,) presented a memorial of citizens of that State, praying that measures may be'taken for the gradual abolition of slavery in the United Statu. Still again, sir, the Legislature of Virginia, as my re cord informs me, in Febiuary, 1836, proposed unanimously an amendment to the Constitution of the United 8tates, to take away from Congress the power to emancipate slaves in the District of Columbia. The amendment proposed was as follows : " The powers of Congress shall not be so construed as to authorize the passage ot any law for the eroancipationof slaves in the District of Columbia, without the consent ot the indi vidual proprietors thereof, unless by the sanction of the legis latures of Virginia and Maryland, and under such conditions as they shall by law prescribe." It was thus formally proposed by Virginia, that, with ihe consent of the States of Virginia and Maryland, or with the consent of the proprietors of slaves in this District, the very act might be performed, the mere proposition of which the honorable Senator from Mississippi thinks now is an enter ing wedge to dissolve this Union. And it was thus virtually admitted that it might be done without any such consent. Sir, for myself, therefore, I say, with such a weight of au thority before us, that if I vote against this amendment, it will not be either because I regard it as a proposition to dis solve the Union, or because .1 hold thst Congress have not full authority and power to do the Very thing which it is now proposed to do. But I will add at the ssme time that I do most sincerely regret that the honorable 8enator from New York should have seen fit to spring upon us such a proposi tion without previous notice, and in this immediate connex ion. I most deeply regret that he should have thought pro per to embarrass the action of the Senate, and embarrass the action of individuals upon a question so interesting to us all as that under consideration, by a proposition of so crude and hasty a character. What is the proposition ? It begins by a proclamation of immediate emancipation \o every slsve in the District of Co lumbia. But what follows > 1 had almost said thst it holds out a false promise on its face. It says slavery shall instant ly cease in the District of Columbia ! But does it cease even under the terms of the amendment > No, sir, not at all. The question if to be put to a popular vote in the District. We are to have, tinJer this amendment, a grind election in thrt District six months hence, to decide in favor of 'mancipation or against emancipation. Notice ia to be given in the mean tjm? to all the slaves in the District that their freedom or servitude dependa on the result -of thia election. If ? ma jority of the votea cast shall be against emancipation, slavery is to be prolonged and perpetuated. In that event, too, the slave trade, the auppreaaion of which ia proposed by this bill, will remain as it now ia; for the honorable Senator has moved his proposition aa a substitute for the whole bill. He haa no propoaed to leave any part ofihia bill, to accomplish the great object of putting an end to the odious and abborent traffic which has so long brought reproach upon the American icapi tal, in case his own acheme should be voted down by tbe ^But, sir, is there not something more in thia proposition, which is contrary to all the views which have ever been enter tained in regard to auch a measure, if it should at any time be passed and carried through ? This amendment provides for the immediate emancipation of aU the slaves.in lhl'?U'r'? Fathers, mothers, children of leader age, the infirm, the help less, the destitute, are all to be insUntly thrown upon their own resources, on the declaration of a vote to that effect by the people of the District. And haa the honorable 8enator made the slightest provision for their condition after they are emancipated > What ia to become of them They are to be taken away from their masters. The masters are to some ex tent to be paid for them. Provision is to be made by me Secretary of the Interior for compensating the proprietors for any damages which may result to them from taking away thei ?laves, to the aggregate amount of two hundred thousan - lars. But what is to become of these poor people themselves. Emancipated inatantly, without any apprentice syatem like that adopted by tbe British Parliament when slavery was abolished in the West Indies, without any transition state be tween alavery and freedom, without any iappropriation or prep vision of any aort for their support or relief, what is to be their immediate condition ? Ia there not great danger, too, Mr. President, that, owing to the inadequate sum which is pro posed for the compenaation of the masters, and the utter absence of any provision by which the damages * ascertained, the great mass of these slaves, should this pro position be adopted, would be sold off for SauthanimarkeU before the day of emancipation would arrive, and that this great measure of humanity would thus result in nothing but increased wretchedness and prolong^! captivity to all concerned ? , , , . Sir. I cannot but regard this aa a very crude and hasty pro position, in the first place. And I cannot but regard it, in the next place, aa a most unseasonable and untimely proposi tion. I deeply regret that it haa been brought forward in con nexion with this bill?under the present circumstances of the country?at a moment when the public mind is so greftly agitated on questions of this sort, and at a moment, moreover, when we are endeavoring to accompliah another object, which is perhaps within our reach, and which has been so earnestly desired bv all who have the interests of humanity at heart. When the abolition of these accursed depota for carrying on the slave trade in the Diatrict of Columbia seems just within our grasp, I must repeat, sir, that I do most deeply deplore that the honorable Senator from I\ew York should embaraas and verhaps defeat our action, by a proposition so indiscreet, so ill-digested, and ao impracticable every way aa that which he has offered. The honorable Senator says that the proposition suggested by my friend from Mississippi, (Mr. Foote.) that the adoption of such a meaaure as is proposed by this amendment would be looked upon with the greatest alarm by the whole slaveholding interest of this country such a proposition, he saya, strikes him almost as an absurd ity. And why > Because there are but aix hundred slaves to be emancipated here, living upon what he calls a " pod"* handkerchief" of land. Why, sir, how we have degenerated . Did the ancestors of the honorable 8enator, in times dear to the recollection of every American heart, think of the quantity of tea brought into the harbor of Boston Did they stop to estimate the pecuniary value and importance of the duty which was sought to be enforced > Did they say to them selves " it is but a little thing, a small cargo, a few hundred, or a few thousand pounds, or chests, and it is not worth dis puting about > but if, indeed, there had been sent to us, by the authority of Great Britain, half a doten vast ships, loaded with immense quantities of tea, enough to last us and our posterity for years to come, we would resist 5 but tor a ?handkerchief foil of tea we will not plunge ourselves into a conflict with the mother country." Sir, such notions were not then entertained. I believe that such notions are not now entertained in the constituency which the honorable Senator represents. It is not the Amer ican notion that when a queation arises threatening the liberties and rightaof a community, we are to determine the force and value of the threat, and the oocasion for alarm, by the inquiry whether the first blow falls upon a large or a small surface. No, air ; no ! The very fact to add, if any thing could be calculated to add, alarm to such a measure, would be that it was brought forward for the purpose of emancipating six hun dred slaves. If there was what our Northern friends would consider a large amount of good to be accomplished by setting free many of our fellow creatures, lingering, as they would say, in the chains of bondage, there might be something m the thing itself to call for, and apparently auatain the mea sure. But, where there are but six hundred slaves, where there is no reason to believe there is any peculiar cruelty or hardahip in their condition which marks them out as signal objects of suffering among their fellow slaves, we may well suppose that such a measure, if adopted, has ulterior objects ; we may well fear that it is the first blow struck upon the institutions of the 8outh. **???? That is the ground upon which my friend from Mississippi stated, that is the ground upon which we all state, that the adoption of such a measure as ia now propoaed by the 8enator from New York, whether it would lead to a dissolution of the Union or not, must be looked upon with alarm, with dread. It must cast suspicion upon the movements and purposes of our Northern friends ; and permit me to tell the 8enator from Massachusetts, that, small as be may think this exercise of power, the very moment it is exercised a feeling of deep anx^ iety, a feeling of profound suspicion, a feeling of hostility and alienation must be produced in the minds of the people of the Sooth. _ A , Mr. President, when the honorable Senator takes pains to produce evidence that Congress hss the constitutional power to pasa this law, permit me very respectfully to say that he wastes his energies upon a question not material to the inquiry' before the Senate. Does not the honorable 8enator know that the unjust exercise of unquestioned constitutional power furnishes sufficient and adequate, and may furnish the highest ground for complaint, alarm, and even for resistance If our constitution, instead of framing a deliberative and represents ? tire republic, had simply constituted all the powers of Gov ernment in the hands of a single ruler, ao that no power used by him could be said to be an usurped one, would it follow that there could be no abuse of this power that would produce alarm, provoke resentment, and even justly be met by resist ance ? I do not moot the question of constitutional power. Permit me to say that that question is in my view compara tively a matter of small import in the inquiry we are now mak^g. Again, sir, the honorable Senator refers to events in our past history where the exercise of that power over this District was not thought to be the subject of alarm. Permit me to say agfcin that be confounds two very different things. The exercise of power under certain circumstances may be praise worthy, or may be innocent, or may be liable to but small ob jection; while the exercise of that same power under other circumstances may be of a character so objectionable, though it be the very same identical power exercised upon the same subject, as to furnish just ground of alarm and agitation, re sentment, and even of preparations for resistance. Sir, the period to which the gentleman tefers was one when that fanaticism which now infects the Northern country, and more or less the Western country, was unknown among us. The period to which the gentleman refers was one when pro positions were brought forward with a single view to the ob ject which they directly proposed, and with no ulterior objects. It was a period when we were not threatened in the security of our domestic institutions ; when our Northern brethren mani fested no disposition to invade our rights ; when there was no reluctance to give us protection; when the Northern coun try was not covered with wild and furious fanatics, resolved upon mischief, calling for a dissolution of tbe Union, and denouncing the proprietors of slaves in tbe South as unworthy of association with them in the ecclesiastical and civil institu tions of life. But when this meaaore, propoaed by the Sena tor from New York, is now brought forward, I appeal to you Mr. President, I appeal to every gentlemen who hears me, if we have not a right to suppose it means more than it ex presses that it ia, in the language of the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Chask,) one "step" now to be taken, and soon to be followed by another > Are we to be blind > Is it to be sup posed that we cannot see these things or seeing cannot un derstand them ? Must we draw no inferences I? ?? to be supposed that we are incapable of looking ahead at all, and in capable of discerning the immense difference between a propo aition brought forward in one state of our society and one con dition of public opinion, and the same proposition brought for W8Mrmprerident, let me sssure every Senator here that such a proposition as this adopted now by t e " ' startle and shock the whole Southern mind. Andlet me s*j that, adopted by this Congress, it would. unsettle the foumla tion upon which the institutions of this coun y ? loosen the cement by which they sre maintained and united. Yes, air, such would be the inevitable consequence, not on account of the intrinsic importance of the proposition itse , not because in itself it may be a matter of such high conwrn whether or not this remnant of a slave institution is e exist in the District of Columbia, but because, under e cir cumstances of the caae, and the hour and the time when is measure ia brought forward, and the source from whicn 1 comes and tbe aource from which it is advocatt d?-indepen dently of the distinct avowal of the Senator from Ohio (Mr. C11ass) that it is but one step which he is ready to follow with another?one concluaion only would be drawn from it in the Southern States, and that would be that it is not a final measure, but one initiative of other movements that will affect the institution of slavery aa it exiata in the States of this Union. Mr. President, I unite in whathas been ao well said by the Senator from Maaaachusetta in deprecating the introduction of thie crude proposition into the Senate. This proposition, it is true, is es crude as it is mischievous; as in its plan and principles as it is vicious in its tendency and pur p )ses. I regret it deeply \ and every man in this body, with the exception of the gentlemin who introduced it, and, per haps, of the gentleman who proposes to vote for it, must en tertain, under the circumstances, the same sentiment. But, permit me to say, I was extremely sorry that my friend and colleague, (Mr. Majigcm,) under the influence ol a just faelicg of excitement at the introduction of this mea sure here, should have proposed to abandon the bill now under consideration. I am not to be driven from my pro priety by the movements of the honorable Senator from New York, (Mr. Sewahu.) Not at all. I sbsll vote for what I deem right, and I will not be diiven from voting for it because a Senator produces a proposition which asks my consent to what I know is wrong. And permit me to say to my col lesgue, that if he desires to play into the hsnds of the Sena tor from New \ ork, if he wishes to become his ally and assistant, if he desires to promote his objects, if he goes for a disturbance ol the csuntry, or a dissolution of the Union? and I know be desires none of these things?let him be led by the excitement on the present occasion to vote down this bill for abolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia. My own opinion is, that nothing could answer the ends or purpores, and I think it is highly probable that nothing would gratify the wishes of the Senator from New York, more than to see this bill voted down. Let him go before tbe Northern people and say to them that Southern men not merely main tained the rights of property, not merely stood up against any violstion of them, not merely insisted that measures should not be adop'ed which might have an evil and sinister look towards an invt?jon of their rights, but that tbey are disposed to maintain all the abominations that cupidity and avarice may have cart around the institution of slavery ; that they will correct no abuses and lend no assistance for the purpoee of removing whatever may be justly offensive in connexion with slavery in this Diatrict; and my word for it, he will gain more of influence and control over the Northern mind than he now possesses, and more, I am aure, than my friend and colleague will be diapoeed to concede to him, and which, I know, he would not directly aid in conferring upon him. 1 am sorry, Mr. President, that I have felt bound to say thus much. I am afraid, however, that I have yielded some what to the feeling in my colleague to which I referred, and which I desire kindly and respectfully to check by speaking myself under the influence of a momentary excitement. On motion, the Senate then adjourned. Wednesday, Septembbr 11,1850. The PRESIDENT ssid he had been charged with the presentation of a paper from a citizen of Illinois. He was not prepared to say what disposition should be made of it 5 he presumed that it had better be laid on the table ; which was agreed to. The petition was signed by Benedict Roate, who complains of grievous wrongs and persecutiona inflicted on him in his own 8tate of Illinois ; the Legislature of which having dented him redresss he seeks it at the hands of Con gress. BILLS ON LEATE. Mr. FREMONT, in pursuance of notice, asked and ob tained leave to introduce a bill to provide for extending the laws and the judicial system of the United States to the State of California; which was read a first and second time by its title and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. Also, a bill to create the office of Surveyor of the Public Lands in the State of California; which was read a first and second time by its title and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. Also, a bill to preserve peace with the Indian tribes in Ca lifornia, by extinguishing their territorial claims in the gold mine districts ; which was read a first and second time by its title and referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs. COLONIZATION SOCIETY?RESCUED AFRICAN8. Mr. UNDERWOOD. I ask the 8enate to take up the bill for the relief of the American Colonization Society. The slaves that were recaptured on the barque Pons were turned over to the Colonisation Society by the authorities of the United States, sent to Liberia, and there kept at the expense of the society for one or two|yeara. Most of them were children of twelve, fifteen, and sixteen years of age. The Society think that the ex pense of feeding, clothing, and educating these people, which was thus devolved on them by the action of the Government, ought to be repaid them. It was certainly an expense in curred by the society, through the action of the Government in throwing these young negroes upon them for maintenance, in stead of taking them, as the Government was bound to dc by law, and providing for them. That is the nature of the claim. They simply ask that so much shall be paid them as the society, from its own experience, pays in reference to its own emigrants. The claim was reported upon favorably two years ago. A similar report has again been made ; and as the necessities of the Society require that they should have the money, I hope the Senate will consent to take up (lie bill. The Senate agreed to take up the bill, and proceeded to consider it aa in Committee of the Whole. The bill authorizes and requires the Secretary of the Trea sury, upon equitable principles, to settle the claim of the American Colonization 8ociely for the support and mainte nance in Libel ia of the Africans recaptured on board the barque Puns, and for all supplies furnished them, of every description, for their education, for medical attention, and for lands given them, and to pay the amount which he may find so to be'due to the said society, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, provided Ike same shall not exceed fifty dollars per head. After some debate, the question was then tsken on the en grossment of the bill for a third reading, and resulted as fol lows : YEAS?Messrs. Badger, Baldwin, Bell, Chase,Clav, Da vis, of Massachusetts, Daj ton, Dodge, of Wisconsin, Dodge, of Iowa, Douglas, lowing, Felch, Greene, Hale, Hamlin, Jones, Mangum, Pearce, Pratt, Seward, Shields, Smith, Spruance, Sturgeon, Underwood, Wales, Walker, Whit comb, and Wintnrop?29. NAYS?Messrs. Atchison, Barnwell, BentOD, Butler, Dawson, Dickinson, Downs, Fremont, Hunter, King, Mason, Rusk, Sebastian, Soule,Turney, and Yulee?16. SLAVE TRADE IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the consideration of the bill to suppress the slave trade in the Dis trict of Columbia. The question pending was on the amend ment of Mr. Sbward, being a substitute for the bill. Mr. HAMLIN. Mr. President, as I propose to vote against the amendment offered by the Senator from New York, I desire to state, in a very few words, the reasons which will control my vote. I am in favor of the original bill as it was reported to the Senate by the Committee of Thirteen. Mr. SEWARD. Will the 8enator from Maine allow me one word of explanation! Mr. HAMLIN. Certainly. Mr. 8E WARD. Mr. President, I am in favor of the ori ginal bill, aa it was reported by the Committee of Thirteen; and it was not until I discovered that there was no poeeibility of passing the bill in that shape, or in a shape in which I could give it my vote, that I concluded to effer the aubstitute which ia before the Senate. I have, however, now been given to understand that the bill, as reported by the Committee of Thirteen, may be paased so that I can give my vote for it, and ao that it will be satisfactory to the Senator from Maine. With that view, with the unanimous consent of the 8enate, I will withdraw my amendment for the present; and if the bill can be paased in the ahape reported by the Committee of Thirteen, I shall not renew the amendment. But if it can not pass in that ahape, I shall renew the amendment after the bill ahall have been reported to the Senate. It required the unanimous consent of the 8enate to give leave to withdraw the amendment, aa the.yeaa and nays had been ordered on it. Mr. DAWSON. As the proposition is to withdraw the amendment merely for the present, I object to the with drawal. So the amendment was not withdrawn. Mr. HAMLIN. Mr. President, I was proceeding to aay that I was in favor of the bill as it was reported by the Com mittee of Thirteen. I desire to vote for the bill, and to vote for it, substantially at least, aa it was reported by that com mittee. I ahall vote against all amendmenta to that bill, for the purpose of paasing the bill aa it was reported. I find that the poeition in which it ia now placed ia one of a some what anomalous character. There have been amendments msde to that bill of a police character. Now, what may be the necessary police laws and regulationa for the government ot this city, and for the protection of this species of property, I will not undertake to aay. But it seems to me to be an ill-advised course to connect with this bill, designed to abolish the slave trade here, a code of police regulations for this city. I shsll vote, however, with great cheerfulness for the amend ment wbich is proposed to be submitted by the Senator from New Jersey, (Mr. Dattojt,) which will allow the citizens of this District to adopt euch police regulations for the protection of their property as they shall deem proper. This bill, for which I desire to vote, msy have connected i with it such amendments as will preclude my voting for it. My object is to keep all amendments out of it. The amend ment which was adopted, offered by the Senator from Mary- I land, (Mr. Pzarcs,) ia certainly ambiguous, obscure, and uncertain in its language; and it would require a legal mind , of very nice discriminating powers to tell in what case and j upon what persons its penalties and obligations could be ' made applicable. 1 shsll vote against the amendment of the Senator from New York, because I believe that the two sub- I jects should not he connected together. The adoption of that amendment will be likely to defieat the passage of any Isw to abolish tb'* slave^ trade, whi:h I desire. And it was equally ill-adviseu in offering that amendment as it was in offering the amendments to the original bill relating to the police regulations of this city. What might be my views in relation to the general aubject of abolishing slavery in this District in another way, it ia unnecessary for me now to state. But there ia an objection to the amendment offered by the Senator from New York, which would control nay vote, if tber* were no other reason in the matter. He proposes to Uke from the National Treasury a lum of money to pay for the persons to be emancipated nere by the provisions of bis amendment. I would like very welt to learn from that tor, or from any otljer Senator, by what provision of the constitution, by what authority, or by what power, we can appropriate money fiom the Treaaury for the purpo* of pay ini for emancipated slaves. I know of none. Beeides thai, ! I (now of no Stale, and I ahaU be very glad to be informed i if there ia one, in which where sieves have been emancipated , | payment baa been made for them. It has alwaya been done, i I think, in another way?by a prospective ayntem, by a pro I vision that those born after a certain period of time should be I free on arriving at a certain age. According to the provisions 1 j of thia amendment, they are to be emancipated at once, with- | out making any provision or taking any care of them, and to ! pay for them out of the National Treasury. If slavery is to ' be abolished in this city, it should be done by a gradual sys tem, as it has been done in all the States where it has been abolished. . ... I know well that private property may he taken for public use, by making compensation therefor. But then it would become public property. And I may well ask, what is to be done with thia public property ? W hen we thus take it, and ihua contribute from the treasury to make it free, what is to become of it ' It is not, and cannot be, public property in i the sense of the constitution, and the provision of the constt I tution certainly cannot apply in this case. i I ahall vote against the amendment for the reasons w hich | I have briefly stated. It has no connexion with this bill. I And I see no authority in the conatitution which givea ua the power to pay for the slaves so to be emancipated. And I shall vote against the bill sbolishing the slave trade in the District of Columbia, it it haa connected with it subjects that are, in my opinion, improperly there. I am for taking ihetse questions, as I have all of them, singly?each by itself so lb at each Senator can vote according to the dictates of his own iudgment. While 1 desire to vote to abolish the slave trade in thia District, I will not do it if yeu connect with it subjects which have no necessary and proper connexion with it. And thus, if I cannot be permitted to vote for the object whieh 1 desire, in a direct and positive way, I will do upon this occa sion what I have done on all others?vote against the whole. ; I desire to favor such a bill as can pass, and which wiU , abolish the alave [trade in thia District; and I regret that I amendments, which cannot pass, and may defeat the but, ! have been offered. My judgment, therefore, dictates that the beat policy ia to vote against all amendments which change the character of the bill, or endanger its paasage, and 1 shall d?Mr. CLAY. I have risen, to say a very few words on this subject, becauae I do not expect to trouble the Senate much oftener duriog the remaining time of the session. I am very desirous that this Question should be brought to a speedy ter mination. I am constrsined, however, by my position, to make a few remarks. And, first, on the question of power. I have alwsys held that, under the language of the constitu tion, being an investment of power in Congress of exclusive legislation over this District in all cases whatsoever, there ex isted full and complete power over this whole subject. But in reference to the abolition of slavery within the Diatrict, I have maintained, what I now continue to maintain, that while the inatitution, exista in Maryland now, or while it existed in | Maryland and Virginia before the retrocession, it would be a | groas violation of good faith to exercise this power, though it i is fully and completely conveyed by the language of the con l But. air, the question before the 8enate is a totally differ i ent one. It is not tye abolition of slavery in the District. 8o far from opening that subject, the committee intended, l u ! tended, and I believe such will be its effect, that the slave trade bill, if passed aubatantially in the form in which it was reported, should give peace and security to the maintenance of slavery within this District, until it exhausts itself by the process of time, aa it would seem to be most rapidly doing. I know very well that it has been contended now, as formerly, that the general expreaaions contained in the constitution, in cluding that which veata in Congress an exclusive power ot legislation here in all cases whatsoever, are subject to limita tions which are contained in the constitution. There are same imitations contained in the constitution which operate upon the exercise of the power of Congress, when applied to this District; such as, for example, that Congress shall estab liah no religion, and shall not abolish the freedom of speech or ofthe preaa. They are the restrictions wLich are contained chiefly in the amendmenta to the constitution. There may possibly be aome in the body of the constitution itself. But thert is no restriction, and I challenge the production of a restriction if there be one, which restrains the exercise of the power of Congress over a trade, foreign, alien to the District, and in which the District has not a particle of interest. Sir, I repeat it, the power of Congress over the District is the power of legislation in all cases whatsoever. And yet tht argument against the power is, that there are cases, and this ia one of them, in which the legislative power of Con gress cannot be exerciaed. If there be such cases, they are to be found in the limitations of the constitution, and those limitations must be produced and shown to be applicable to the power. But there are no such limitations in this case. I think, therefore, that the power ef Congress over the sub ject of the slave trade in the District cannot be questioned. The truth is that Congress has put that trade here, as haa been shown by the Senator from Maryland, (Mr. Pratt.) It was by an enactment of Congreas that thia slave trade stole into the District, and has continued to exist here. And is it possible to maintain that Congress is incompetent to repeal its own laws, or to pass an enactment the effect of which will be to abrogate the effect of those laws ' No, sir. With regard to the question of the abolition of slavery, I repeat, I have always put it upon the ground that, in good faith towards Maryland, we ought not, while the institution exists there, to disturb it within the District. But, in reler ence to this particular question of introducing slaves for sale within the District, so far from acting in opposition to what was the ancient policy of Maryland, in prohibiting and sup pressing it, we act in precise conformity with that policy. Her law, at the time of the cession by her of this District, as has been repeatedly shown, declsred that any slave brought within the State should be free. That wa. the law of Mary land, at the time the District was ceded by that State to the United 8tates. , u Mr. Hamlin made some further remarks in reply to Mr. Mason, for which we have not room. A Ion* debate ensued, in which Messrs. SEWARD, BUI LER, FOOTE, DICKINSON, WINTHROP, EWNG, HALE, NORRIS, DAVIS, of Mississippi, DO WINS, PEARCE, and others, took part. Pending the question on the amendment, the Senate ad joumed. Thursday, September 12, 1850. The PRE8IDENT. Tha presiding officer has received from Mr. Weightman a letter requesting him to lay before the 8enate certain documents. One of these document* is a memorial from the Convention which framed the constitution of New Mexico, and another is from the Legialature. The letter goes into a statement with respect to the proceedings had by the population of New Mexico, and strongly urges that some steps may be taken to give them a 8tate government. The letter can be read if any Senator desires it, and such disposi tion be made of these papers as the 8enate in their wisdom may devise. Mr. 8EWARD. I ask for the reading of the memorial. The memorial was read as follows: Memorial of the IsgitlcUure of J\"ev> .Mexico to the Congress oj the United States of America. The Legislature of New Mexico to the Congress of the United States respectfully represent! : That by the treaty of Gaudalupe Hidalgo the faith of the United States was pledged to protect the inhabitants of New Mexico in their lives, their liberties, their property, and the full exercise of their religion without restriction. That upon the expiration of the year mentioned in that treaty, the inhabitants of New Mexico were invested with the rights of citizens of the United States, and became entitled to all the privileges as such guarantied by the constitution. That, owing to disturbing causes which embarrassed the ac tion of the Congress, the inhabitants of New Mexico have neither been protected in their lives, their liberties, their pro perty, nor in the free exercise of their religion without restric tion, nor have they been in the enjoyment of any political privileges whatsoever. * Hostile Indians penetrate the country in every direction, and rob, and kill, and carry into captivity. We are despoiled of our flocks and herds, our men are murdered, our children carried into captivity, and our wives and daughters violated. Camanche Indians have, within a few days, approaehed with in a few milea of the capital, and compelled the terror-stricken ami unprotected inhabitants of the village of Galisteo to fur nish them with supplies and perform menial services. The depredations of the Navajos and Apaches in the south, and of the Utahs and Jacarillas in the north, have rendered industry of no avail, and destroyed the two great resources of grazing and raining. An insufficient number of soldiers, posted not upon the frontier, but in the larger towns, hear of these outrages when the foe is beyond the reach of pursuit. Foot artillery or infantry, with knapsack and musket, can not nursue, with any prospect of success, mounted Indians. Tne post of the troops should be the frontier, in the enemy's country, and ease and comfort must be laid aside if success .would be obtained. Energy, the energy of youth, can alone reduce our enemies. The inhabitants of New Mexico, since February 2, I8M, have groaned under a harsh law, forced upon them in time ot war, when they were thought undeserving of coufidencc. The military is independent of and superior to thejcivil power. ? The inhabitants have no voice or influence in making the laws by which they are governed. Some power, other than the Congress of the United States, has made jndgea dependant on its wi|l alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. Some power, other than the Congress of the United States, has subjected us to a jurisdiction foreigu to the constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws We are taxed without our consent, and the taxes, when collected, are not appropriated for the public benefit, but em bezzled by officers irresponsible to the people. No public officer in New Mexico it responsible tothefeaple. Judges. unlearned in the laws, decide upon lite, liberty, and property. Prelect* and alcalde. impose ftoe. and incarcerate without the intervention of jury. Alcalde* assail the right of the people freely to exercise their religion without restriction, and dictate to congregation. what nriest thai I administer the *acrament ol the church. The inhabitant, of New Mexico have twice appealed to Congre*. Cur redrew and their re.pectful appeal, have been answered by repeated neglect. 1 he Coogre.., becau* of di? turbing cause., naving failed to make needful rule, and regu lation. respecting the Territory of New Mexico, it. inhabi tan.., encouraged by the Prudent ot the United Slate., and driven by necessity, have formed and rat'fieda constitution, elected a Governor, Vice Governor, and members of the Le irislature. The Legislature is now engaged, in the absence ot I Congressional legislation, in making laws suited to the wants of the people, and consistent with the Constitution ol the i United States. _ f , In putting in operation the torm of government set forth I in the constitution, they believe they have done no act .neon sistent with a proper respect to the Government of the United Stales. The form of government adopted by the people ot New Mexico is set up in opposition to no Government re cognised br Congress, or known to the constitution and laws, but simply takes the place, under circumstances of ur8ent ne~ cessity, of an unacknowledged government, whion nas utterly failed to protect the inhabitants of New Mexico in their dear est rights, or to preserve the plighted faith ol the Governmen ot the United States. t _ Jud be it retched by the taid I*gi*laturet That our Sena tors and Representatives in the Cougress of the United Stales be instructed to present the above memorial to the Congies. of the United States, and use every exertion to correct the abuses ofeveiy class therein mentioned. 3 W. Z. ANGNEY, ? Speaker of the House of Representatives. I JOHN NANGLE, President of the Senate. i Mr. SEWARD. I move that these papers be referred to the Committee on Territories, and that they be printed. M'. MASON. When the constitution of New Mexico was sent to the Senate by the Ptesident of the United S'ates, it was not printed, but ordered to be laid upon the table. I move that the same disposition be made of these papers. The yeas and nays were ordered, and taken, and resulted u follows: YEAS?Messrs. Atchison, Barnwell, Berrien, BuUer, Clay. Davis, of Mississippi, Dickinson, Dodge, of Iowa, Jones, King, Ma.on, Morton, Pratt, Ru.k, Sebastian, Shield., Stunreon. Underwood, and Yulee?19. _ . vTys MeHri. Baldwin, Benton, Bright, Chase, Davis, of Massachusetts, Dayton, Dodge, of Wi.con.in, Ewing, Felch, Fremont, Greene, Hale, Hamlin, Norms, Seward, Smith, Wales, Walker, and Winthrop?19. go the motion to lay the papers on the table was not **Mr! 8EWARD. I now renew the motion to refer these papers to the Committee on Territories. Mr YULEE. For what purpose this motion has been made, I cannot understand. Has it not been understood that within the last week, ss a p*rt of what has been repre sented as a settlement of these questions, a territorial govern ment has been established for New Mexico 1 Yes, sir, and the ink is hardly dry with which the Executive has given its approval to an act establishing a territorial government there, and which is to answer all the purposes of protecting the inhabitants occupying that territory. Why, then, refer these papers to the Committee on Territories ? If there be no pur pose in the reference, why should the committee be burdened with this matter > If there be any purpose, it can only be with a view to the admission of New Mexico as a State ; and thus we shall have a majority of this body trampling under foot the arrangement of this matter which has just been ef fected, while the ink is hardly yet dry with which the bill was signed giving to New Mexico a territorial govern ment. Sir, if this is to be done, let it be done. I have nothing to say ; hut I think it may be well worth the notice of the country that what was understood and represented only a week ago as being a settlement of this matter, is so little a settlement that, within a week, by a majority of this body, the application of New Mexico is referred to a committee, evi dently with the purpose, on the part of a majority, of having action in regard to the admission of New Mexico as a State. , Mr. DICKIN80N. I voted to lay these papers on the j table, with the view of getting rid of any debate upon the sub ject, because we have no time to jspare. I do not propose to take any steps to make New Mcxico a State, or to entertain any question that points in that direction at the present time. We have given her an efficient territorial government, and that, in my judgment, is sufficient. When I get r??dy to place the very few persons who now reside there, with no elements of a State, equal to the three millions of inhabitants of my own State, I may be induced to take some steps to do so. I am perfectly indifferent whether these papers are laid upon the table or referred to a committee ; but I have no idea of having a " tempest in a teapot" about it, and a week s debate. We have business here which will occupy all the time we have left us?one day of which will doubtless be ' taken from us in consequence of the death of a member of the House of Representatives. For the purpose of saving the time of the Senate, I shall move to lay this question of reference on tSTtaBS. TTwehavelime to discuss such mat ters, we can take it up. I have a bill which I wish to report, and there is much other business to be done. I therefore hope that there may be no discussion on this matter. I move to lay the question of reference, on the table, that it may be disposed of. , . , Mr. SEWARD. I ask whether that motion is in order, as there has been no intervening motion since the question has been taken > I would state that my object in making the motion to refer, was simply as a matter of respect to the "ST yeas and nays were ordered, and being taken resulted as follows ; YEAS?Messr.. Atchison, Barnwell, Bell, Berrien,Butler, Clay, Davit, of Mis.ii.ippi, Dickinson, Dodge, ot Iowa, Doug la?, Gwin, .Houston, Hunter, Jones, King, Mason, Morton, Norris, Pratt, Rusk, Sebastian, Shields, Soule, Sturgeon, Underwood, Whitcomb, and Yulee?27. NAYS?Messrs. Baldwin, Benton, Bright, Chase, Davis, of Massachusetts,Dodge, of Wisconsin,Felch,Fremont,Greene, Hamlin, Seward, Smith, Wales, Walker, and Winthrop?15. Whitney's railroad. Mr. BRIGHT, from the Committee on Roads and Canals, I to which was referred the memorial of a meeting of delegates for several States held in St. Louis; also, the memorial of W in slow Lanier, and the various memorials and resolutions from gtste Legislatures, the Chamber of Commerce of New York, I large public meetings in several different cities of the Union, and different commercial firms and private citizens, in favor of the plan of Asa Whitney, of New York, for the construc tion of a national railroad from Lake Michigan to the Pacific ; submitted an elaborate report, which was ordered to be printed, accompanied by " a bill to set apart and sell to Asa Whit ney, of New York, a portion of the public lands to enable him to construct a railroad from Lake Michigan or the Mis sissippi river to the Pacific ocean," which was read and ordered to a second reading. RANK OF NAVY CHAPLAINS. Mr. HALG submitted the followiog resolution, which was considered and agreed to: Resolved, That the Committee on Naval Affairs be in structed to inquire into the expediency of conferring assimi lated rank on chaplains in the United States Navy, and also of graduating their compensation according to the time they have been in the service, in the same way that the compensation to surgeons in the navy is graduated. BILLS FOR CALIFORNIA. Mr. FREMONT, in pursuance of notice, asked and ob tained leave to introduce a bill to refund to the State of Cali fornia the amount of duties collected for the United States in the port of San Francisco and other ports in California, before the extension of the revenue laws to California ; which was read a first and second time by its title and referred to the Committee on Finance. Also, a bill to provide for the appointment of a Recorder of Land Titles in California, to collect and register the pri vate land claims, and to preserve the evidences of the same until finally investigated by the tribunal to be appointed by Congress for that purpose; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands. Also, a bill to relinquish to the city of San Francisco all the grounda reserved for military purposes in the city of San Francisco, and not needed for such purposes ; which was read a first and second time by its title, and referred to the Com mittee on Military Affairs. Mr. FREMONT also, in pursuance of notice, aaked and obtained leave to introduce a bill to provide for opening a road across the Sierra Nevada, on the line of the Rio de los Ameri canos and Carson's river, and the pass at their head, as the commencement of opening a common travelling road between the present western settlements of the United States, the Ter ritory oy Utah, and the State of California ; which was read a first and second time by its title and referred to the Com mittee on Roads and Canals. The following is the bill : A bill to provide for opening a road across the Sierra Nevada, on the line of the Hio de los Americanos and Carson's river, and the pass at their head, as the commencement of opening a common travelling road between the present western set tlements of the United States, the Territory of Utah, and the State of California. Whereas it is an object of national importance, and of high obligation on the part of the Government of the United States, | to cause to be opened, with the least possible delay, a practica- I ble road for common travelling between the present western set- I tleraents of the United States, the Territory of Utah, and the I State of California, tor the purpose of connecting their respec- ; tive populations: Therefore, as a commencement of said ' road? . Be it enacted, Uc., That the President shall be and hereby is authorized to cause a road, practicable for horsemen, car riages, and wagons, to be opened across the Sierra Nevada, on the general line of the Rio de los Americanos and Carson's riser, and the passes at or near their heads, and that the sum of 75,000 dollars, out of any moneys in the treasury not other wise appropriated, be and the same hereby is appropriated for that purpose. And the traek of said road shall be opened out clear of obstruction upon a width of thirty feet, and clearing 1 away the undergrowth to the width of thirty feet more on each side of said road ; and which road across the said Sierra shall be the commencement of a free national road for common tra velling, and tor a mail route, between the present weaten* settlements of the United States, the Territory of Utah, and the State of California. BILLS PASSED. The.following engrossed bill was read ? third time and passed: A bill amendatory of the act entitled "An act allowing drawback on foreign merchandise exported in the original packages to Chihuahua and Hants Fe, in Mexico, and to the British North American provinces adjoining the United States," approved March 3, 1845, and for other purpoeea. The bill for the relief of the American Colonization Society was read a third time, and, on the question " shall this bill pass *"? Mr. DAVIS, of Missitfsippi, demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered, and resulted as follows : YEAS?Messrs. Baldwin, Bell, Clay, Davis, of Massachu setts, Dayton, Dodge, of Wisconsin, Dodge, of Iowa, Douglaa, Ewiug, t elch, Greene, Hamlin, Houston, Jones, Morris, Pratt, Sewxrd, Shields, Smith, Sturgeon, Underwood, Wales, Wal* ker, Whitcomb, and Winthrop?25. NAYS?Meisrs. Atchison, Barnwell, Benton, Butler, Da vit, of Mississippi, Dickinson, Hunter, King, Mason, Mor ton, Sebastian, Soule, Turney, and Yulee?14. So the bill was passed. SLAVE TRADE IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. The Senate then resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the consideration of the special order of the day, being the bill to suppress the slave trade in the Diatrict of Columbia. Mr. CLAY. Mr. President, I rise merely to expreaa the hope that, as we had yesterday a great deal of matter brought into the debate which I thought was of a very unprofitable character, and which was not at all relevsnt to the subject under consideration, we would take the vote at once upon the propoaition pending, which we all know is U> be re jected by a large majority* Mr. SOULE addressed the Senate at considerable length, and was followed by Messrs. BERRIEN, WINTHROP, EWING, BUTLER, DAVIS, of Maasachuaetts, DOUG LAS, and others. Mr. DICKIN80N. I despair of seeing any termination to thia debate, and it haa gone ao far already aa to be aa appli cable to any thing elae as the measure under consideration. I must therefore ask that the subject be laid on the table for a few minutes, in order to take up a deficiency bill from the House. Unless an anti-slavery debate ahall spring up on the bill, I apprehend it will take but a few minutea to dispose of it. [Laughter.] It ia one that it is very desirable we thould paaa at once, and I hope therefore that the Senate will agree now to take it up. Mr. PRATT and others. Let us have the question first on this amendment. The queation was then taken on the amendment propoaed by Mr. Skward, and the vote was as followa : YEAS?Messrs. Chase, Dodge, of Wisconsin, Hale, Seward and Upbiam?5. NAYS?Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Baldwin, Barnwell, Bell, Benton, Berrien, Bright, Butler, Clay, Davia, of Massa chusetts, Davis, of Minissippi, Dayton, Dickinson, Dodge, of Iowa, Douglas, Down*, Ewing, Felch, Fremont, Greene, Gwin, Hamlin, Houston, Hunter, Jones, King, Mangum, Mason, Morton, Norris, Pearoe, Pratt, Rusk, Sebastian, Shields, Smith, Soule, Spruance, Sturgeon, Turney, Under wood, Wales, Whitcomb, Winthrop?45. So the amendment was rejected. The bill was then reported to the Senate, and the question was on concurring with the amendments, first with that ad ding the third, fourth, and fifih sections to the bill. Mr. CLAY addressed the Senate, of which a report will be given hereafter. On the motion of Mr. DICKINSON, the further considera tion of the bill was postponed until to-morrow. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Thursday, September 12, 1850. The bill of the Senate entitled " An act to amend and supplementary to the act entitled ' An act respecting fugi tives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters, approved Feb. 13, 1793,' " was read twice. Mr. THOMPSON remarked that if he could get the attention of the House, he would in a brief manner explain the proviiions of this bill. He knew that it waa entitled to a reference to some committee, but it would be for the House to say whether it should be put on its passage now, or re ferred. He did not think it necessary to debate the bill, as it had been looked into and read with considerable attention, and as the question involved in it had been discussed in the Senate for months. In his judgment, the principles of the bill were in conformity with the constitution, there being an obligation in that instrument binding on all to deliver fugi tives from labor, when escaping from their mastera from one State into another. The law of 1793 had become almost a nullity, and this bill was necessary for the better execution of the provisions of the constitution. He then proceeded to explain the provisions of the bill, and in conclusion, for the purpose of testing the sense of the House, moved the previous question. Numerous requests were made of Mr. Thompson to with draw the demand for the previous question; all of which, however, he declined acceding to. Mr. STEVENS, of Pennsylvania, demanded tellers in seconding the demand, which were ordered; and the ques tion being taken, the demand for the previous question was seconded?ayes 87, noes 69. Mr. STEVENS, of Pennsylvania, moved to lay the bill on the table; and demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered. The question was then taken on the motion to lay the bill on the table, and it was not agreed to, by the following vote: YEAS?Messrs. Allen, Bennett, Bingham, Booth, Bur row i, Thomas B. Butler, Cable, Calvin, Campbell, Casey, Chsndler, Cole, Corwin, Crowell, Dixon, Doty, Duncan, Durkee, Nathan Evans, Fowler, Freedley, Giddings, Gott, Gould, Halloway, Hampton, Harlan, Hay, Hebard, Henry, Howe, Hunter, W. T. Jackson, Julian, G. G. King, J. G. King, John A. King, Preston King, Horace Mann, Matteson, McKissock, Meacham, Moore, Morris, Nelson, Otis, Reed, Robinson, Root, Rumsey, Sackett, Sawtelle, Schermerhorn, Schoolcraft, Silvester, Sprague, T. Stevens, Stetson, Thur naan, Tuck, Underbill, Vinton, Waldo, Wentworth, Whittle sey. and Wood?C6. NAYS?Messrs. Albertson, Alston, Anderson, Ashe, Ave rett. Bay, Bayly, Beale, Bissell, Bowdon, Bowie, Bowlin, Boyd, Breck.Briggs, Brooks, Albert G. Brown, Buel, Burt, Chester Butler, G. A. Caldwell, J. P. Caldwell, Carter, Clingman, W. R. W. Cobb, Colcock, Daniel, Deberry, Dim mi ck, Disney, Dunham Edmundson, Eliot, Ewing, Feather ston, Pitch, Fuller, Gentry, Gerry, Gorman, Green, Hall, Hamilton, Haralson, Isham G. Harris, Sampson W. Harris, Thomas L. Harris, Haymond, Hibbard, Hilliard, Hoar land, Holladay, Holmes, Houston, Howard, Hubbard, Inge, J. W. Jackson, Andrew Johnson, James L. Johnson, R. W John son, Jones, Kaufman, Kerr, La Sere, Lefler, Littlefield, Job Mann, Marshall, Mason, McCleraand, McDonald. Mo Gau?hey, McLanahan, F. E. McLean, McMullen, McQueen, McWillie, Meade, Miller, Million, Morse, Morton, Orr, Outlaw, Owen, Parker, Peaslee, Phelps, Powell, Riehardaon, Robbins, Ross, Savage, Seddon, Sheppard, Stanly, F. P. Stanton, Richard H. Stanton, Taylor, Thomas, Jacob Thomp son, James Thompson, John B. Thompson. Toombs, Venable, WaJden, Wallace, Watkins, Welborn, Williams, Woodward, and Young?113. The main question was then ordered to be put, viz. " Shall the bill be read a third time ?" Mr. STEVENS, of Pennsylvania, demanded the yeas and nays on the question, which were ordered, and being taken were yeas 105, nays 73. So the bill was ordered to a third reading* The bill was then read the third time. The question being on the passage of the bill? Mr. THOMPSON, of Pennsylvania, moved the previous question. The previous question was then seconded, and under the operation thereof the bill was passed by the following vote: YEAS?Messrs. AlberUon, Alston, Anderson, Ashe, Ave rstt, Bay, Bayly. Beale, Bissell, Bowdon, Bowie, Bowlin, Boyd, Breck, A. G. Brown, William J. Brown, Buel, Burt, E. C. Cabell, G. A. Caldwell, J. P. Caldwell, Clingman, W. K. W. Cobb, Colcock, Daniel, Deberry, Dimmick, Dunham, Edmundson, Eliot, Ewing, Fealherston, Fuller, Gentry, Gerry, Gil Wert, Gorman, Greene, Hall, Hamilton, Haralson, Isham G. Harris, Sampson W. Harris, Thomas L. Harris, Haymond, Hibbard, Hilliard, Hoagland, Holladay, Holmes, Houston, Howard, Hubbard, Inge, J. W. Jackson, Andrew Johnson, James L. Johnson, Kobert W. Johnson, Jones, Kaufman, Kerr, La Sere, Lefiler, Littlafield, Job Mann, Marshall, Mason, McClernan'l, McDonald, McGaughey, McLanahan, F. E. McLean,McMullen, McQueen, McVVillie, Meade, Miller, Millson, Morton, Orr, Outlaw, Owen, Par ker, Peaslee, Phelps, Powell, Richardson, Bobbins, Ross, Savage, Seddon, Sheppard, Stanly, Frederick P. Stanton, Richard H. Stanton, Taylor, Thomas, Jacob Thompson, J as. Thompson, John B. Thompson, Toombs, Venahle, Walden, Wallace, Watkins, Wellborn, Wildrick, Williams, Wood ward, Young?109. NAYS?Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Baker, Bennett, Bing ham, Booth, Briggs, Burrows, Thomas B. Butler, Cable, Calvin, Campbell, Carter, Chandler, Cole, Cor?in, Crow ell, Dickey, Disney, Dixon, Doty, Duncan, Durkee, Nathan Evans, Fitch, Fowler, Freedley, Giddings, Gott, Gould, Halloway, Hampton, Harlan, Hay, Hebard, Henry. Howe, Hunter, William T. Jackson, Julian, George G. King, Jas. G.King, John A. King, Preston King, Horace Mann, Matte son, McKissock, Meacham, Moore, Morris, Nelson, Otis, Pitman, Putnam, Reed, Robinson, Root, Rumsey, Sackctt, Sawtelle, Schermerhorn, Schoolcraft, Silvester, Spragoe, Thaddeus Stevens, Stetson, Thurroan, Tuck, Underbill, Vin* ton, Waldo, Wentworth, Whittlesey, Wood, Wright?75. Mr. THOMTSON, of Pennsylvania, moved to reconsider the vote just taken, and also moved to lay the motion to recon sider on rhe tsble, which latter motion was agreed to. The bill of the Senate entitled " An act to authorize notaries public to take and certify oaths, affirmation*, and'scki.owledg ments in certain ra*e*," was read twice. TheHou.-e then adjourned. PETITIONS PRESENTED UNDER THE RULE. By Mr. WRIGHT, ot California : The petition ofL' e and Cornwall and 512 other eitiaens of California, praying Coo gt ess to make Sacramento city a port of entry.