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upon the great principle tk?t, while it wuonertt, A infcrican statesmen to direct its foreign po y rjKUts ?3 referee to the inured, honor, Was navartialjty aud>stict to ?i lUj the New This wis the new testament of ?P c , offered to the Old Worl ? t'r?neuce for sixty years haa 1 have told you tun.i murk you, nay friends, we have illustrated this P01.0*', slj4j9. we have had experience in bad experience on. Hng amuUCe8, of binding our policy intervention an J>d Washington struggled through fhA whnlr oouise of W. administration, tied down and re *? Til K? tho contract we had entered into, in the darkest peribof our Revolution. It was the price of National In dependence ; it came near strangling its own offspring. The PVer^h treaty was the most dithoult question of Washing's administration. His great struggle was to preserve the faith of the country and the safety of the country. They would have been incompatible in any other hands than his own. ? , ? . It was in the year 1798 that the Congress of the United States determined to strike the treaty of 1778 from our statute book ; to cut the knot they could not untie, and to disentangle America from European alliances. [Ap plause.! This is a great fact in our foreign policy. By the treaty of 1778, we entered into an alliance offensive and defensive with France; we guarantied her West Indian possessions. She went to war with England; these pos sessions became endangered; she demanded the guaran ty ; compliance became impossible, without national ruin; therefore, acting on the great principle of Hilunpopult, the Congress of the United States repealed the treaty, and st' od upon the ground of war or deliverance. I hat was the only way left us to rid ourselves of the embarrass ments occasioned by the violation of this policy ot W ash ington. This is a memorable case in our annals, and American statesmen should lay it to heart. It illustrates the dan cers, both of " entangling alliance#' and propagandism. We with great difficulty .escaped a war with all Europe on account of the former ; our ancient ally lost her liberties on account of the latter. France became the patron of this doctrine of intervention. She had overturned the monarchy, and brought the head of the descendant of fet. Louis to the block. She had swept away the abuses of ten oenturies; she had established 44 Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity." Not content with that, she determined those great blessings, as she esteemed them, and as you esteemed them, should be enjoyed^ by the whole human race. She proposed a crusade against all monarchies anu despotisms on the earth ; and what was the result . Why, in trying to take care of other people s liberties, she lost her own. [Applause.] The Directory of this Government, of this Republic, as it was termed, called us to join in this crusade for the liberties of mankind. I believe that .s what we are asked to do now. Well, it was then asked with far better claims to favor able consideration than now, because you had agreed to defend France against her enemies; you acknowledged the obligation of the treaty ; you agreed to aid her in main taining ner West Indian possessions. England, our old enemy, had already snatched them. She said, "Wehave a free country, and you have a free country. ' " The des pots of Europe are against you and us. Come, now, unite with us on this great principle, and we will overturn monarchies and establish republics." It was well for our 'liberties?for the present and unborn generations?that the chair of the American Presidency was filled by the Father of his Country. [Great cheering.] .1 ou had then, too, foreign emissaries here. Citizen Genet was here. He too appealed from the Government to the people. He told them, " In the days of your weakness you called upon us, and we defended you upon condition that you were to de fend us also. Redeem the pledge, and strike with us for the down-trodden masses of Europe. ' Washington and the American Congress and people, guided by the truest wisdom and the soundest policy, refused to trust our rights and liberties to so dreadful a hazard. Sir, we have had many other occasions to try this doc trine since this Government was established, but on all of them we have been wise enough to practice the precepts * of Washington. We have had two European wars. But I believe we have had no protest against other nations managing their affairs to suit themselves. Tliow wars were in defence of American rights and American inter ests, and not of the rights and interests of any other peo ple. [Applause.] The first was to maintain our indepen dence ; the second was to maintain our rights as an inde pendent nation. [Applause.] The first war was to main tain the fact of independence ; the second was to maintain the incidents of independence. Since we got rid of the French treaty, in 1798, by the courage, magnanimity, and boldness of the American Congress ; from that day to tliis we have been freed from that great danger which Wash ington warned us against?entangling alliances in Euro pean politics. Nobody since has advocated making any more such. We supposed we had this point settled, until we sent to Turkey at the national expense and brought over a brilliant orator?an exile from his own country, with magnificent genius, and more than oriental fancy to fcad the opponents of this great American policy. He says that this principle was well enough in Washington's time, but not now ; that ouj circumstances have changed ; and, with more ingenuity than force, urges that if it be yet ap plicable, his policy maintains it, as he desires intervention for the -sake of non-intervention. I honor any man earnest ly engaged in the cause of his country, and I can pardon his fallacies as far as they ought to be pardoned, though of course I cannot approve of them. With these senti ments, I beg to offer a few suggestions on those two objec tions of the great Magyar and his converts and adherents is this country. Sir, Washington foresaw and answered the first of these objections in advance. He predicted the present strength and power of the country, and he cheered and animated his countrymen to stand firm, and resist the temptation in the day of their weakness to depart from their principles, with the assurance that their increased poweT would soon place them beyond the necessity for such treacherous aids. He knew that when we were weak from colonial depend ence, we had to sacrifice them to France?to sacrifice them for the safety of the country. He longed for the advent of that day when America should be strong enough to ; maintain her own true policy against the world, [applause; -} &nd in that Farewell Address he tells you that if you wil be united, and adhere to honesty and justice, the time will tome when other nations will not readily interfere with you in asserting this great doctrine of neutrality, ana that 44 we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel." [Applause.] The other objection is, that you must intervene for the sake of non-intervention. This fallacy has been happily illustrated and exposed by my distinguished judicial friend, Judge Wayne. Sir, it amounts to this: that intervention is a wrong, and therefore you must do another wrong to eradicate that wrong; or, to put it still more strongly, that because other nations commit a wrong?not to us, but to others?We must turn knight-errant, imitate the knight of La Maacha, and travel up and down the world, revenging or righting the wrongs of all injured nations. This is the whole argument. [Applause.] Again, it is said by this distinguished foreigner that the intervention of one nation in the affairs of other nations is against the laws of nations. Sir, I deny it I want to know where the authority is. Where are the laws of nations gathered from ! I say that it is not against the laws of nations for one nation to in terfere with the affairs of another. The law of nations is not thus laid down by any of the approved publicists; it j is not conformable to the judgment, the history, and prac | tice of mankind. I shall not mar your festivities by quo tations from their authors, nor from ancient or modern history, but will content myself with the statement that they all affirm a contrary iloctrine, and that it has been uniformly held to be a mere question of policy for every nation to determine for itself whether it shall interfere in t the quarrels of other nations or not. Did not France and Spain interfere in the quarrel you made with England ? ? And now you are called upon to fight Russia for doing the same thing. If this new doctrine comes to any thing, to that complexion it must come at last. It is true France and Spain interfered on the side of liberty?not that they cared for liberty. It is not to be supposed that the Bour bons of France interfered with you to promote liberty and a republic, or that Spain, under another branch of the Bourbons, interfered for that purpose. Their right to in terfere was never disputed ; the policy was greatly ques | tioned ; it certainly added nothing to the stability of the throne of Louis XVI. They wanted to humble an ancient Joe. We availed ourselves of that hostility to aid our own cause and our own eountry against England. They aided us; we triumphed, and established liberty in this country. [Applause.] Let me add another word at this point. This is a ?trange time to assert this new dootrine. It was per mitted to slumber on an occasion that might well have . called forth all the enthusiasm of its present advocates. ' Russia, be it remembered, has been our anoient friend and ! ally. It is a mistake to suppose that similarity of insti i tutions make national friendship. It is more often the oc ] rasion of discord and rivalship than of friendship. The history of ancient as well as of madern times attests this fact. The first case which arose out of the recent revolu tions in Europe, in which one nation Intervened to crush the liberties of another, was remarkable on several ac counts : fir.it for its great and unnatural enormity, and still more from the fact that it seems to have escaped the vigilance of th??e guardians of the rights of mankind. The French, who had overturned the throne of Louis Philippe, who had declared the equality of the human race?moral ly and politically?aignalized the recovery of their own liberty by marching an army into Italy, crushing a repub lic, and restoring a despotism. It is true that they have imxi visited by a sudden and righteous retribution. It is .rue that they have not only lost their own liberties, hut n a manner that make* them the scoff and scorn of des >ots and freemen throughout the world. [Loud cheers.] t is true that this great national crime provoked the 1y justice of Heaven, but it extorted no word of con demnution, net even a protest, from this new school of American publicists. U is true we have been told, is these latter days, that it is time we had an " American Policy." If we intended to change our policy, the time to do it was wheu a republican Government, established by universal suffrage, inarched an army to overthrow the Ro man Republic?when the French army restored Pius the Ninth. That was the time to enounce these thunders of intervention. [Great cheering.] I believe there was not a man on the North American continent who then declared himself in favor of it. Why! Let me tell you. The reason gives me pain, and makes me blush for some of my countrymen; but it is the true reason, and therefore fit ting to be told. It was not because the case was uot a good one; there could be no cavilling on this point. A pow erful republic, without the pretence of a provocation, murche* a great army into the territory of a sister repub lic, not to repress civil war, for her independence was a fact accomplished?she had already emancipated herself from the worst despotism which had been seen in Europe for ten centuries?but for the purpose of crushing that republic and restoring that despotism. There was this marked difference in the cases: it was tafe to denounce Austria and Russia?indeed, it was more than safe?it promised to be a profitablepolitical investment; there was hardly a chance that it could cost a political trader a sin fie vote. On the other hand, it was not safe to denounce ius the Ninth. A very numerous and respectable body of our fellow-citizens, both native and adopted, from reli gious seutiments, deeply sympathized with him. The ad vocates of intervention wanted the votes of these good citizcns ; therefore thev looked ou this great outrage with silence, if not with indifference. If they were not blind, they were dumb! [^Applause.] There was not a word said about this great principle then. We heard nothing then about intervention in behalf pf liberty in Europe. I do not believe a resolution on the subject was even introduced in to the Senate. [Laughter.] There was no resolution in troduced there, then, saying that the French Republic had violuted the great principles of public law by overthrow ing the Roman Republic and reinstating the Pope. 1 do not suy it ought to have been introduced ; on the contra ry, I say it ought not to have been. But if this policy is right towards Austria, it is right towards Rome ; but ;t is all wrong, whether applied to Rome or Austria. It is a dangerous departure from the established policy of our country. Its advocates have abandoned these established principles, forgotten the advice of Washington, and gone astray after strange gods. [Great cheering.] ? Gentlemen, I fear I have trespassed too long upon your patience. [Cries of 41 go on."] 1 speak plainly. "I speak what you do know," although many of you would not like to utter it. [Cheers.] There is another reason why the advice of Washington should be followed. It is your theo ry, 1 believe, that all men are capable of wise self-govern ment. The events in Europe for the last three years have not strengthened the universality of this truth. Though this may be universally true, it does not follow even that a people who are capable of governing themselves are ca pable of governing other people and other nations; indeed, the converse of the proposition may be safely stated as an equally universal truth. There are infinite difficulties which arise from one country's undertaking to interfere with the institutions of another country. We know the difficulty in our own country of settling on the proper and true principles of our internal policy. I appeal to all of you, I appeal to the events of the last two years, to answer me whether, if the internal policy even of the several States of this Union was left to be determined upon by the unrestrained will of the Representatives of the whole country, this Government could stand one day ? If you say it can stand a day, I answer you that it ought not to stand an hour. [Great cheering.] Every day's experi ence teaches us that we owe our peac#, our prosperity, and even safety, to the constitutional incapacity of the Federal Government to regulate or control the internal af fairs of the separate States. This is our only safety. In view of this great fact, this policy of Washington speaks to us trtimpet-tongued, with ten-fold power. If we cannot manage the local institutions of our own separate States safely through the General Government, how can we man age the institutions of others, with different languages, feelings, and institutions; with no common remembrances of the past, no common glory, no common literature, no common history, no common Bunker Hill, and no common Yorktown? [Great cheering.] Away with vain theories! Let us hold fast to that which is proven?the wisdom of the past. We have a great trust committed to our hands. Let us not be unfaithful to it. Let us preserve, protect, ind defend our own country and her institutions, and leave those of other nations to themselves and to God? with abiding faith in the great truth that it is their safest iepository, and that nations who desire to be free have jnly to will it. [Loud and long-continued cheering.] THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA. rnoM the new york commercial advertiser. We have received files of the Liberia Herald, .in one number of which we find the Inaugural A<]<lreet> of J. J. Robkrts on his re-election for a third time to the office of President, which office he has filled so honorably and usefully, and his message to the Legislature. Both docu ments are highly creditable to their author, and could we spare the room we should have been glad to republish them entire. We are much pleased with the President's appreciation of the growing importance of the trust reposed in him. " It cannot be doubted,'' he sayB in his inaugural, " that the duties and responsibilities of the station are daily in creasing, and as a natural consequence will continue to increase as the Government advances to maturity, espe cially in establishing its foreign relations, fixing its com mercial policy, maintaining its dignity abroad, and en forcing an implicit observance of its laws at home." Combating the objections made by prophets of evil to the probable oontinuance of the Republic of Liberia, Mr. Roberts points to her past history, and shows that her people have the essential element of prosperity, perma nance, and true progress?they are in the fullest sense of the expression a law-abiding people. That Liberia is weak and in her infancy he admits, but the maintenance of self-respect under such circumstances secures the good will of those stronger nations whose Governments are influenced by justice; just as her infancy and feeble ness exclude her from the cupidity ^>f those Powers who might otherwise covet her possessions. We quote the following from the inaugural: " It is no fiction, but a veritable reality. A christian State has risen into existence, and is now in successful operation, on the barbarous coast of benighted Africa; and it does appear to me that a doubt should no longer remain as to the designs of Heaven in returning us to our fatherland. To this end Liberia is attracting the atten tion of the whole civilized world. The eyes of all are upon her, critically observing every step she takes. *' The people of Liberia are unquestionably solving the greatest of political problems, the capacity of the Afrioan race for self-government; and I have not the slightest doubt that, under God, Liberia is the chosen instrument for working out this problem, and restoring to Africa a Government, a name, and the blessings of civilization and Christianity. And, gentlemen, by the Divine blessing, you have already accomplished much for down-trodden Africa, and have every encouragement to persevere in our efforts to carry forward the work committed to your ands. Will it be asked, what have you accomplished ? The answer is at hand, and though the enemies of Liberia may attempt it, cannot be gainsaid. " You have successfully warred against that curse of all curses, the detestable clave trade, and by your exer tions have aided in effectually driving from those shores those monsters in human shape who once infested this coast. You have relieved thousands from innumerable distresses consequent upon the ravages of cruel wars, in stigated by heartless slave-dealers, and, with other thou sands, brought them within the pale of civilization. And above all, from Liberia has gone fjrth the light of Chris tianity, penetrating the very depths of heathen supersti tion and idolatry, so that in every direction may be seen the sons of the forest giving earnest heed to the story of the Cross. " I have now only to add that our grateful acknowledg ments are due to an all-wise Providence for the state of improvement which is every where manifest in our infant republic, and for the great prosperity with which in nis goodness God has blessed our country. Let us then con tinue to trust in him, and not fail to invoke a continuance of that protecting care which has led us, step by step, from such small beginnings to the position we occupy to-day." The disbursements of the Republic for the year were $34,030, and the receipts $32,080. At the close of the fiscal year, however, the assets of the Government were $14,627, while the liabilities were only $0,060. From a paper of later date than the one containing the message we learn that the President had called together, at Monrovia, the kings, chiefs, and head men of the Vey, Golah, and Pey countries, with the design of exerting his influence to reconcile them to each other, and to adjust the differences between them. The attempt at peaceful Intervention and arbitration appears to have been com pletely successful The chiefs pledged themselves to re store tranquillity to the country, and to maintain per petual peace and friendship thereafter ,- and to refer any question that might arise between them to the Llberian authorities for adjustment. I ADDRESS OF HON. A. H. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA; Before the Maryland Institute, on the evening of February, ut Commemoration of the Birthday o/ Washington. Rksi'ECTEd Auditor*?Ladies and Gentlemen: I need not assure you that I feel very much embarrassed in rising to address you under the circumstances iu which I uppear before you. I had expected to be preceded by another g?utleman, who would have presented the most prominent points for the evening's entertainment; but I find my self in the foreground instead of the shade of the pic ture. 1 am also admonished by the place of our assem bling, a building dedicated to mechanical skill aud art, that all whe bring offerings for exhibition here should have them perfected by the exactest rules of correct ta'ite and due proportion. What I have to say will be the crude thoughts which the time and occasion suggest. When I gave my reluctaut consent to be thus situated, I said to the friend who urged me to it, as no other person could be got to assume the task, "Well, prepared or unprepar ed, I'll speak. It shall not be said that the Birthday of Washington goo9 begging for an orator." You will please, then, bear with me. Besides your kind indulgence, I have but one support on which I rely, and that is the con sciousness that out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh. The occasion presents a theme with which all our hearts should be full. It is our country, our whole country, and nothing but our country! We have just heard read the Farewell Address of the Father of this our Country. This may justly be considered the lust will and testament of our common parent to us his children. It bequeaths a rich legacy of wise lessons and precepts which deeply concern our future politioal welfare that should never be forgotten. I propose, first, to say something of the author of these lessons, and then say something of the lessons themselves, and their bearing upon our present and coming interests. In speaking of Washington, it is not my object to at tempt a delineation of his character, or to pronounce a eulogy becoming his name and his memory. Well might I shrink from an undertaking which the ablest and the best men in his own day and ours have failed to succeed in. There are some things in nature that defy the power of the pencil; and Washington's is a character that no hand can portray. Its merits are to be appreciated only by the emotions it excites by actual contemplation; we must look at it, behold it, and study it to realize its grand proportions and gigantic structure. Some suppose and maintain that circumstances make men: that circum stances made Washington. Not so. Men make circum stances. It is true that events and accidents may occa sionally give position and notoriety to even small men; and in the whirl of public affairs undeserving men may sometimes get attached to their names and memory what we call distinction and fame. Such indeed may well be styled the creatures of circumstances. But those great events that mark epochs in the history of nations and in the history of the world are the works of men, and they always bear upon them the impress of the master-spirit of the times. Great men make the subjects of history; little men only figure in them. All greatness is of course com parative ; and with mind it is in some respects as it is with matter?the same law obtains in the intellectual as in the material or physical world. There is something in mind not unlike what is called gravity or gravitation in bodies. Each and every one within the sphere of its influence acts and is acted upon by all others. But the larger, denser, and greater always predominates in its power over the smaller and weaker. The lesser is subject to the influ ence of the greater. This is true of the heavenly bodies, as our school books teach us. A similar principle governs mind and intellect. And tested by this principle, where does Washington stand? What was his influence over his associates, and who were his associates? They were Franklin aud Jefferson, and Hancock and Hamilton, and Madison, Samuel Adams and John Adams, Jay, Lke, and Patrick Henrt, and many others who will live in history as peers amongst the greatest men both as orators and statesmen that this earth has ever given birth to. " There were intellectual giants in those days." No mis take about that. And these were the men on the stage with Washington when the greatest drama of the world came off?the American Revolution?and the establish ment of the Constitution of the United States. I speak of those events as constituting the greatest drama of the world?because, though history may give us an account oil more bloody battles and more tragical incidents, yet never had there been before nor has there been since any thing like a similar contest, in which the true principles of human liberty were not only involved but successful. The success of our arms and the establishment of our independence waj but a scene in that dramatic act. The great work was the establishment of the principle of self government amongst men. That was no easy task. Every age has produced men who could win victories and over turn empires. But no age ever before or since has pro duced men who had the ability, the forecast, the integri ty, the will, the patriotism, and the philosophical states manship to construct a form of Government, or political organism, by which rational liberty?liberty regulated and protected by late?could be eiyoyed equally by every citi zen of the State. Such is American liberty ! And in it is involved a problem that the law-givers of the world from the days of Moses to the meeting of the Philadel pliia'Convention were not able to solve. But by them it was solved?we live happily and prosperously under the success of the experiment. And who was first amongst these greatest of the world's great men ? To whom were all eyes in any peril and in any danger turned ? To whom did all look in the field as well as in the Cabinet ? It was Washington ! Great as were Franklin, Jefferson, Madi son, Jay, and Hamilton, and Adams, they all looked to Washington as the ruling spirit of the day. He was, if you please, the great central sun about and around which the others, as lesser orbs, revolved in their majestic spheres, each being himself the centre of another but a smaller system. When the struggle with the parent country first commenced, all looked to him to lead the armies to victory and triumph. When the articles ef union needed revision, all looked to him to give directions to their councils. When the constitution was formed, all looked to him as the man to put the system in operation. View him when you will or where you will?in the parlor or in the public councils, in the army or in the conven tion, as General or as President, in adverse or propi tious fortunes?and you will see him at all times " first in peace, first in war, and first in the hearts of his country men." Tell me not that such a man owes his greatness to circumstances. He bore future's stamp of true nobility of soul! He had the genius not only to throw off a Govern ment which was then the best the world had, but to recon struct and establish another and a better in its stead. There are many points in this great man's character that it might be agreeable to dwell on. It is often no less pleasant than profitable to philosophic on character. With this view biographies are entertaining and instruc tive. Character is motive exemplified by action; and its study is the best key to those secret causes which often determined the fate of nations. In Washington's charac ter there is nothing more striking than the entire absence of selfishness?that nutriment on which unholy ambition feeds. His action was prompted by a sense of duty, and from no desire of what is commonly called glory. Offic# with him was a high trust which he never sought and which he never held cither for its honors or emoluments. He never flattered either the King when he was a subject, nor the people when he was chosen to be their ruler. And no man could ever say that he was deceived by him. Truth, fidelity, temperance, frugality, sobriety, fortitude, courage, patience, forbearance, with undeviating integrity and honesty?that honesty which you have just heart! read as an injunction in his Farewell Address as the best policy in all things?shine as bright virtues in his charac ter. What lessons might be taken from a study of his life and acts by many of those in our day who aspire to statesmanship by no nobler deeds than tricks and in trigues; by scheming, contriving, colluding, cheating, misrepresenting, and even by " Rending the pregnant hinge* of the knee Where thrift may follow fawning." You see in him none of the wily arts of the demagogue or crqfly politician. In all things he was open, frank, bold, and right. There was about him a perfect simplicity of character as well as grandeur. Some men we read of we contemplate with emotions similar to those we expe i rience in beholding a beautiful landscape?such are Fe nelon, Addison, or Sir Walter Scott. Others have those traits which awaken feelings akin to the terrible such are Genghis Kahn, Tamerlane, and Bonaparte. But in Washington we have an approximation to the highest order of the moral sublime. What virtue was wanting in him, or what vice was ever laid to his charge? Some venture criticism from the fact that he availed himself of the assistance of others in the preparation of some of his State papers. This only shows his juster claims to true greatness. Wise men will always avail themselves of all the aids they can procure to carry out and perfect their high designs. Sir Christopher Wren did none of the manual labor in the erection of that magnificent creation of genius which will render his name as enduring as the dome of St. Paul's. He was the designer, the architect, the constructor. So with Washington. He planned, he superintended the structure. The aids contributed to him by others were no more to the grand result his genius imve by the proper application than the quarrying the stone and dressing the marble were to the designer and ideal constructor of that towering monument to hta me mory of which your city may justly be proud. He had oommand of the intellect of the age. Aid he brought proper materials, from whatever quarter he found them, to aid in rearing and finishing the majestic temple of American liberty which is now the wonder and admiration of mankind. He was the master builder, and in him was " A combination uiid a form indeed, Whore every Qud did seem to set a seal To give the world a**urance of a man !" It is said that perfection is not the lot of human nature. It is also said that the sun has spots 011 it. t If there be auy defect or blemish in the character of him whose birth day we now celebrate, they must be like those spots on the 8UU?they can't be seen, at least with the naked eye. No one has ever yet seen them in his case, even with a tele scope. No, I am too fasti It has lately beeu discovered by one from abroad, whose advent amongst us has been hailed by certain latter-day saints in politics as a second Messiah, that he was slightly touched with a certain spe cies of obliquity iu his political vision ; that he did not see t-traight; that he was in great error, at least in some of those precepts which we have heard to-night. ? This brings me to that part of my subject. 1 was first to sp?afk of the counsellor, and then of his counsels. The hee-i we give to advice should depend somewhat upon the worth and estimation we have for him who gives it. The teachings wo have heard to-night, then, should certainly be respected in consideration ef the source from which they come. They relate mainly, so far as I shall allude to them, to two subjects. The first is the relation which the people of the States bear toward each other in the compact of Union. The second is* the relation which we as a people bear toward other nations. Both these subjects are of vast importance to the peace, quiet, and prosperity of the people of the United States, and on both did Washington dwell in his last words to his countrymen, with the earnestness of a departing father iti his dying injunctions upon the ohildren of his love and his hope. The first of these objects with him was the Union of the States. For he saw that without union we should soon be without liberty. He had not read history in vain. He saw that if once the States were divided, bor der jealousies and dissensions would soon spring up; that wars the most implacable would follow ; and that our ca reer, so nobly begun, would be cut short and end ulti mately in despotism. Hence he has invoked us to look to the Union as the "palladium of our political safety and prosperity/' and to frown down the "firstdawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of the people of one section of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sa cred ties which now link together the various parts." I am here to-night to advocate the Union upon these principles. What has it not already done for us V What rapid and un precedented advancement have we made under its influ ence in commerce, in art, in science, and in every thing that elevates, ennobles, and dignifies man ! What would have been our condition without it ? Impoverished, dis cordant, and belligerent petty sovereignties, without pow er at home, and without respect abroad 1 We ctnnot, therefore, be too ardent ia our attachment to the Vnion, when we consider its objects, and what it is capable of effecting, so long as those objects are kept in view But allow me, fellow-citizens?and I have the pri vilege as well as pleasure of thus addressing you under the provisions of this Union?to say that upon the sub ject of Ue Union and its preservation we must not let our zeal take the place of knowledge. The Union, with the Constitution as its basis, is a complicated and delicately constructed system of government. It is a political or ganization, and it is with it, as it is with all other organiza tions or organisms, there are certain general principles that must be looked to when we consider what will pro bably disturb its operations. Its best friends, then, will be those who most carefully study those general princi ples, which may be denominated the laws regnlating its existence. To understand how to preserve it requires a thorough knowledge of its nature ; its organic structure, as well as the relations and functions of all its points. Life in mj body is an emanation of the animal organism of the various parts of ray physical frame, lo preserve this life I must observe the general laws or principles that regulate it. The Union is the life, the spirit, and soul of our body politic. To preserve it there are certain general principlet to be observed. One of the firat of them is a constant uttention to the objects for which it was formed. The life and spirit of the Union spring from the objects for which it was formed. To preserve its life and spirit, the bare tame, without the substance, must always be held subordinate to the original orbital principle. When tke soul has departed the dead body may remain for a while, but the energies and functions of the living man will be gone to return no more. So with our Gov ernment Nothing is more essential to its existence and preservation than that harmony and domestic tranquillity in all its parts which were amongst the prominent objects of its creation. Every attempt, therefore, to alienate the affections of the people from their Government, as well as every attempt to invoke the action of the Government on such objects as will have this tendency, should be md,g nant'if frowned down by every true lover of his countiy, wherever his lot may be cast. This is Patriotism. am not one of those who believe that patriotism is indigenous to any particular locality in our country more than ano ther. ft is a plant of as spontaneous and luxuriant a growth upon the green mountains of Vermont and the granite hills of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, as it is upon the broad favannahs of the South or the rich prai ries of the West. Bad and reckless men may be found in all sections. But we have never yet passed a crisis (and we have had many in our history) when there was not patriotism enough in all parts, when thoroughly arou?ed, to rescue us from difficulty. From this fact alone the friends of the Union upon the principles of the Constitu tion here to-night, have abundant reason to indulge a con fident hope for the future. But I must pass on. The other point I promised to allude to is the subject of our foreign relations. This is becoming a matter of grave and mo mentous importance for the consideration of the American people. It was a matter that the far-seeing eye of Wash ington did not overlook. Hence his emphatic and solemn warning which you have just heard " against the insidious wiles of foreign influenee (J conjure you to believe me, fellow citizen*)' the 'jeaiousy of a fret people ought to be constantly awake.' . , , . ? This was the language of the patriot and sage in hi? last words to his countrymen. The hand that penned it has long since returned to its mother dust; but the same voice still comes from his tomb at Mount \ernon, and here this night invokes you, for his sake if not your own, to hearken to that voice. Again he says: " The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign tuitions is in extending our commercial relation.', to hare with them as UtOt political connexion as possible.'' From that day to this?for more than half a century?we have followed that advice. Our motto from that time to this, in the language of Mr. Jef ferson, has been " Friendship with aU nations?entangling alliances with none." And I am proud to say that no American-no son of Washington, not even Uie most de generate?was the first to advocate a change of this policy^ It was reserved for the son of another and a distaat clime?a man, too, who had abandoned his own country in the hour of her peril, to come here to teach us how to make ours great, prosperous, and Pow?rfJll. Fo'. honor of Americans, I say, be it sx>oken, that this first at tempt to arraign the wisdom of Washington on this ques tion of our foreign policy was made by a foreigner Would that I could say that no American had yielded to ?< the insidious wiles of his influence. But the virus has taken effect; it is spreading through the land; andwe now hear it openly proclaimed, in many places, that it is time for us to assume our position amongst the nations.of the earth . that it is time we had a foreign pol'c^ What does this language mean ? Is it intended by those who use it to convey the idea that we have gone on for upwards of sixty years in a career of prosperity never before equalled, without any foreign policy ? Was not the rule laid down by Washington, and acted on by every 1 re sident from his day to this, a policy t It was a policy, was and is tl* policy of attemling to our own business, and letting other nations alone. It was and is the policy, the time-honored policy, of non-intervention. It may not ( be a foreign policy, but it is a Washington policy ; by an observance of which we have come to be what we are one of the first nations of the earth. Are we to be told that it is now time for us to assume a place amongst the Towers of the world ? Did not our forefathers do that when they compelled Great Britain, in 1788, to acknow- ( ledee our sovereignty and independence ? Had we no posi tion amongst the great nations when France sought^ our alliance in 17% and '96, which overture was rejected . Had we no position in 1812, when we again met m com bat our old enemy, and the most formidable foe then in the world ? Had we no position when British fleet' were driven from our seas, and her invading armies were cu down and beaten back from our shores ' Were the heroic 1 deeds of our naval officer*", to whose memory a marble monument has been erected on the Capitol Pe,r" formed before we had sufficient power to be felt w as tnc crnllant and daring defence of your own city, which you have put in living remembrance on ynur own public square, all done without a foreign polity, and before we were enabled to take a place amongst the nations ot the earth ? Be not deceived, my fellow-countrymen, we have had a policy from the beginning It ia a good policy ; has worked well. Let us adhere , .?? And, above all, lend no listening to those who come from other countries to teach A the Principles of re publicanism. Yield not to the tempter The father of your oountry forbids. It was in an evil hour that our gren ft rut parents touched the forbidden fruit. Tncy ^ happy in their paradise; their wily enemy came from other regions. Imagine for a moment the scene, when the guardian ?ngel of that innocent and noble pair took b last departure from them ; when he was called away r o his chsrge of watching over and protecting them. H the last whispers of his voice, Bnrare of foretgn tnfli ? It was thus that Washington, our deliverer, defender, ana guardian spirit, spoke to ns on taking his last P^,n* Jjn*ot Had they heeded the warning given to them, they h* fallen. May we as a nation never fall as they did The right, fellow-citizens, to Interfere in circumstances that might happen, I do net mean to discuss. 1 grant thut wc have all the attributes anu powers of a full-growu nation, so far us our foreign relations are concerned. But the right to do a thing and the policy or propriety of do ing it are quite different questions. Auy man can get into a fight wheu he pleases. And ho can we. Interven tion to prevent intervention ia very much like getting into a fight to prevent a fight. Intermeddlers with other peo ple's business generally come off worsted. Be not misled by appeals to your sympathy. It is for no want ot the profoundeit sympathy for the misgoverned tribes ui the race of man in all parts of the world that I speak as I do. It was for no want of sympathy for them that Washington spoke as he did. 1 wish that all nations had us good a Government as we have. But we should not peril oui own life in hopeless efforts to rescue that of others. Let Us not, in a fit of misguided zeal for the liberties of man kind, lose our own. All men are not suited lor constitu tional free Government. One of the most common of the popular errors of the day is that any people having the wish to be free also have the ability to be free. This is a great mistake. Constitutional liberty, or liberty regula ted by law?the only liberty that i9 worth the name?is not so easily acquired. If it were, we would not to-day be the only people on earth in its enjoyment. It is true, the people of almost any nation, with a firm resolution, can overthrow the strongest of despotisms, but they can not build up a republic in its stead. This requires more than physical force. It requires virtue, intelligence, mo rality, patriotism, and statesmanship. Brutus and a few associates found no difficulty in removing Cresar from an imperial throne. But they did not thereby restore lost freedom to Rome. France found but little difficulty in bringing Louis the XVI. to the block; but France did not thereby establish a republic. She found even les9 diffi culty in driving Charles the Xth from the kingdom he had so badly governed; but she did not thereby succeed in establishing a good Government for the people. Louis Philippe, her citizen king, had in like manner in a short time to be earned to her Tarpeian Rock. It is now just four years since she made her last effort at republicanism. And what do we now behold ? Louis Napoleon?a Presi dent King. , And so it will be, I fear, with all the nations ot Europe, until there be a change in the minds, habits, education, and modes of thinking on the part of their people. Lib erty, in their estimation, is licentiousness, lawlessness They do not understand or appreciate its first principles. Men to be capable of maintaining law and order in a free Government must be schooled in the elementary principles. Suppose the autocrat of Russia four years ago had taken sides with the exiled Louis Philippe, and we had intervened to prevent his intervention. What would have been our condition to-day ? After the expenditure of mil lions in money, and the loss perhaps of hundreds of thou sands of our bravest sons in foreign wars, we should have found the people of France shouting huzzas to.the Emperor in the person of the " nephew of his uncle." All such cru sades are idle. And if to-day we should go and surround "poor down-trodden Hungary" with a wall so high and so deep that a Russian could neither scale it nor under mine it, and leave the people of that ill-fated country to perfect "fair play" amongst themselves, I should expect nothing with more certainty than that, in quite as short a time as France has been trying the experiment, we should have her fickle and restless population crying out for the restoration of the House of Hapsburg. Why then, again, I ask in the language of Washington, " Why quit our own to stand on foreign ground f Why be interweaving our des tiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rtvalship, interest, humor, or capricef" Here, perhaps, I should stop. But there are some re sections growing out of these topics which, it seems to me may be appropriately connected with them. It is now just one hundred and twenty years since Washington was born What was the condition of our country then. What is it now ? And what is it to be one hundred and twenty years hence, if we continue to follow that line of ,,olicy which has marked our past career ? Baltimore then was hardly a hamlet; now her population is over one hundred and seventy thousand, and the canvass of her :ommerce whitens every sea on the face of the g1?1*, while her productive industry turns out an annual yield of twenty millions of dollars.' What is true of Baltimore in improvement and advancement is true of almost every other part of our common country?not in extent, but in a relative degree. In 1782 the population of the colonies which afterwards became the United States was less, per haps, than two millions. The population of the United States now is over twenty-three millions. Then an un broken wilderness extended from a border near us to the distant Pacific. The great valley of the Mississippi was reposinjr under the shade of her primeval forests, in which the silence of centuries remained unbroken by the voice of civilization. Now behold her teeming population, her cul tivated plains, her villages, towns, and cities, springing up as if by magic, and her majestic rivers alive with her ac cumulating commerce. See the hundreds and thousand, of emigrants annually quitting the despotisms of the old world and taking shelter and protection in this our favor ed land! To *hese we give a hearty welcome. We ofler a safe retreat for the exile, and a peaceful quiet home for the emigrant, but no theatre for foreign propagandists. But these are not all the subjects suitable for our con templation on this occasion. What advancement have we made, since this Government was formed, in letters, in me chanic arts, in discoveries, in inventions, and in science . Consider the number and character of our schools ot learning, our academies, colleges, and universities; col Wes for the education of women as well as men. hee what "team has done under the power and control ol Ame rican genius, fostered by the influence of our free, wise, and beneficent institutions. Behold the mysterious work ings of the telegraph. It was Franklins honor to ''seize the lightning's wing " and ?to Ulk to thunder as friend to friend.'' But it has been Morse's glory, in our own ,lav. to seize the spirit of the lightning itself, and to make it "the swift messenger of our thoughts. what has caused this mighty change ? Need I tell you it is the spi rit of our institutions ? It is that Government which makes us not only one people, but a people with whatever diversity of interests or pursuits having all a like secu rity at home and abroad. That Government which here tofore has looked only to our own safety, welfare, peace, quiet, prosperity, and domestic tranquillity, without med dling with the affairs of others further than to give them the influence of a noble example. Shall this state of thing continue ? Shall we go on in the bright career wc'have^com menced ? Have we a national immortality before us ^ Or is the sun of our glory soon to go down in darkness to rise no more ? These are questions which will spring up m the anxious mind ; but to them no answer can be given. Thev involve the subtle problems of human destiny. 1 ro vidence has wisely veiled the future from our vision. All we have to do is with the present. Let us take care that that is done rightly, and we need not fear for what shall ^Bu'bear with me when I assure yon that I have an abiding, a living hope that there are richer treasures of national greatness in store for us than we have jet attained. You may call it superstition, or call it what vou please ; but I believe there is a superintending Pro vidence that controls the destinies of nations as well as the fortunes of men. When we look at this coi^t^ an. consider the circumstances under which its settlement bv our ancestors was first made, and trace its kiato^r from Plymouth and Jamestown to the present day,, ha> we not many evidences to impress our minds with the be lief that we are a peculiar and a favorite people, and that we have some high mission yet to perform T fee tne peril. .? .!>, h.?d ?f "J? hove has been sinking in despair! How often, in the war of the revolution, in the formation of the constitution, and ii adoption by the States, did our fortunes seem to be trembling in an uncertain balance? How often since then have we pushed safely through crises of when the stoutest of pariot hearts beat w th apprc ?ion that all might be lost ? . Some who now hear me doubtless r^0^'how l^J" thrMtenedT'whenThe"uture ?8l,rVt wi^oi^S and men'" spirits sunk within them ! It was then tnat tne victory of Se? Orle?ti? ??? lulled ">hr me.neoger from ?ome .li.Unt ?orl.l. P?*1 I fed been fo"8^,Y"'^o"hoTan'<l. ?nd with It o.me tSSL of.?, .000,0.1 to... 1a wT," *T uTo. W "e^t of eompreni*. the P"?Wi?* * <"? ?* *. slavery question, the lively recollections of which ar*so fresh^pon the memories of us all. Perhaps at no period in (nr nast history was the danger of disunion ever more imminentand threatening than ifwas then. Yetdark a^id terrible as was the night, it was not without a dawn return of light, and with it hope! The spirit of compro mise acain hovered over the country, and with it came deliverance! Now, in all this is not the hand of Provi dence yisible ? If like oontests and conflicts of interest* had existed amongst the people of any other nation m the world, would not the sword have been drawn long _,ince * Let us then take new hope for the future !,e< the true friends of the country, the friends of the consti tution and the principles of the constitution, the friendi of the Union upoP the principles and for the objects o the Union, never despair. We have a great duty to per form?a grand and high mission to fulfil. have bu begun in onr rising ascent. Our forefathers and < u fathers did much But they got only slight glimpses o what we see around ug. Our realization of the fruits of their labors are already far above their most sanguine anticipations; " While, from the bounded level of ' <A?iV mind, ? Short vicwu ' tkey took,' nor ' t?io' the lengths behind: ' Wt,' more advanced, behold with strange surprise, New distant scenes ot endless ' progrm' rise. So pleaded at first, the towering Alps we try? ? Mount o'er the vales and seem to nkiin the -ley. The increasing prospect 'starts^ our wandering eyes; 11 ills peep o'er hills and Alps on Alps arise!" Who can tell what wonderful discoveries and develop ments are yet to be attained by the present generation, of those who shull succeed them? These are reflections pleasant to indulge in on an occa sion similar to the present. They address themselves alike to the old and the young?the fathers and the sons, as well as the mothers and daughters of the land. And it is a source of great pleasure to me to see so many of my fair countrywomen out to honor with their presence the ceremonies of this celebration. No class in society have a greater interest in perpetuating the institutions of this country than they have. For here alone woman is trulv elevated to that high position for which she was in tended, and which she fills with so much dignity, influence, and power. You have, my fair countrywomen, a bright example set before you in the character of the mother of him who is the subject of this evening's reminiscences. May you imitate her virtues, and may your " last end be like hers." Let us all then, old and young, fathers and mothers, sons and daughters, take for our motto: 44 Our country, our whole country, and nothing but our coun try mny her progress be onward and upward. EDITORS' CORRESPONDENCE. Baltimore, March 13?10 P. M. Great Railroad Meeting.?A delegation of over three hundred gentlemen from the counties of York, Northum berland, Union, Lycoming, Dauphin, Lancaster, and other , adjoining counties in Pennsylvania, bordering on the Sus quehanna river, arrived here last night and this moruing. Their object wap to confer with the citizens of Baltimore in reference to building a railroad from the terminus of the York and Cumberland road at Harrisburg to Sunbury and Williamsport, Pennsylvania, a distance of about ninety-six miles. The Pennsylvania committee, and a large number of citizens of Baltimore, assembled in the hall of the Lyre building at four o'clock this afternoon, and temporarily organized by appointing Gen. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, to the chair. A committee, consisting twenty-five, was appointed to report the order of pro ceedings. This committtee asked for some time to make their arrangements, and, in order to allow it, the Conven tion adjourned until half-past seven o'clock this evening. The Convention again assembled at the appointed time. The large hall was completely filled; probably one thou sand persons were present, three hundred of whom were Pennsylvanians, from the valley of the Susquehanna. On motion, J. II. T. Jerome, Mayor of Baltimore, was . - called to the chair. A number of Vice Presidents, rep resenting every county on the line of the contemplated railroad, were appointed. B. H. Richardson acted as ^A series of resolutions were offered, pledging the united action of the citizens of Pennsylvania, in the region of the contemplated road, and that of the citizens of Balti more, to use every laudable exertion to forward the enter prise! These were unanimously adopted. William Bose, Esq., of the Baltimore American, read a memorial addressed to the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, signed by the committee from Pennsylvania and citizens of Baltimore, asking the corporate authori ties to exert themselves in the matter, and soliciting a loan of five hundred thousand dollars on the part of the city, secured by bonds, &c., to aid in building the road. This memorial was unanimously adopted. The meeting adjourned at 10 P. M., each determining to go home and put his shoulder to the wheel. # I have never attended a more spirited and enthusiastic meeting. Among other distinguished gentlemen present was Ex-GDvernor Porter, of Pennsylvania. From the indications at this assembly I have no doubt whatever that the desired object will be accomplished, and that speedily. On the subject ot the expenses of the city of N ew York the Times sayB: ?? It would draw very hard on a man's reputation for good sense to be overheard saying that this was on* of the best governed cities in the world. Yet it cost something more than three millions of dollars last year to govern it. It costs about ten thousand dollars a day, exclusive of Sundays, to administer such government as it had. It costs over three times as much to govern this city as it did to govern the whole State, including the city, and three times as much as it did to govern the six New Eng land States. It cost the city more to get governed for ? [fortnight thun it oost any one out of aixteen States for a year. And it cost New York city half as much to get it self governed for a year as it cost all our thirty-one States for the same time." _______ Jtssv Lind's Generosity.?The following fresh in stance of Jenny Lind's christian generosity is taken from the Aftonbladst, a Stockholm (Sweden) paper: In September, 1850, the brig Johanna, of Stockholm, Capt. H. F. Janson, was attacked by a violent storm, on its way from South Carolina to Bremen, sprang a leak, and sunk in the open sea. Happily at this moment an American barque *hip sailed past. Its commander imme diately lay to, with great danger to himself, and in spite of the violence of the waves, Mr. Clark, the mate of the American ship, stepped into the boat to assist in their rescue. At last all had left the sinking hull, Capt. Janson being the last to quit it, and even the luggage of the poor fel lows was saved. The boat was at the ship's aide, the crew of the Johanna was on board, and Mr. Clark was alone in the boat, assisting in handing up the last parcel, when a billow swamped the little sloop, and the bold mate vanished in the bottomless deep. For him who had saved all the others there was now no rescue. Captain Janson thanked Providcnce for his own deliverance ; but he felt what a price had been paid for it. On reaching New York he learned that Mr. Clark had left a family without any means of support, and was now bitterly sensible of his own want of means. But he did what he could. He wrote to Jenny Lind, telling the cir cumstances simply as they occurred. But before he could receive an answer an opportunity offered of his returning home, and he embraced it, arriving last spring. He now sent in a description of his rescue to the College of Com - merce in Stockholm, hoping they would grant some reward or distinction to the American crew, and if possible some support to the widow and children of the unfortunate Clark. But he did not succeed. Last autumn he received command of another vessel, arrived again at New York, and his first business was to visit Mr. Clark's widow. But judge of his delight when he learned that she had In the mean time received the gift of five hundred American dob lars from the celebrated Swedish singer. The Fredericksburg News mentions the death in the poor-house of that place on the 1st instant of David AL mand, in the 03d year ?f his age. There have been few men who witnessed greater vicissitudes of fortune. More than fifty years ago he went to Fredericksburg. The larger portion of this time he possessed the comforts of life and the confidence of the community. As a member of the Council (which post he held for many years) he was esteemed both for soundness of judgment nnd up rightness of character. He was once elected Mayor of the town, when an officc of trust without emolument. But in old age the hand of misfortune reached him, and suddenly he was despoiled of the hard earnings of a long life. For fifteen years he lived the inmate of a poor house, and by the contributions of charity was conveyed to the last resting place of the dead. What a theme for moraliting, and how it speaks to the proud and haughty ones of this world ! The citizens of Philadelphia are taking measures to consolidate the different municipalities into one city. Hon. Horac* Clark, late a prominent Democratic poli tician of Vermont, and delegate to the Baltimore Conven tion, died at West Poultney on the 28d ultimo. The late Michael Allen, of Pittsburgh, at his decease left $45,000 to benevolent institutions. The largest be quest was $10,000 to the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions?half of the sum to aid the Jews. Mr. Hill, a pork packer, of Mt. Tabor, Iowa, having offered a premium for the heaviest hog killed at hi? received five hogs in competition. The lightest weighed 719, and the heaviest 791 pounds. < There are one hundred and thirty-three German news papers published in the United States; the oldest of which, published in Pennsylvania, has been estaMishe< sixty-three years. An act legalising Christmas day, Fourth of -'"ly- Thanks giving day, and fast days, either National or State, ??' New Year's day, as holt/dat/s, and making all busin paper falling due on any of those days paja > e on next previous day, has been passed by the Logis a " Rhode Island. CourtiNO Distinction.?The Cuban made the North American Hotel, in the o .? headquarter* They held a meeUng ftt_ solved "that each member wear a small bine n ? Uehod to . pkr. of M?k OW, breast of his coat, in memory of their 'jfj prisoners." to distinguish them as members of the Co CL-. Well, there i? no accounting for taste ?*?