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t] ifi; Iut conciliation should come from the source l
whence the wrong sprung. The true friends of the Union have ever been right; and, based upon conservatism, their acts will seldom be far wrong. My voice is against him who is against the Union, and against the perpetuity of the institutions of his country, come he from the North 4r from the South. It cannot be doubted that the ex tremes?the Freesoilers and the Secessionists?are, to some considerable extent, united against the compromise; but in the end they will accomplish nothing bevond their own defeat. " Truth Is mighty, and will prevail." Ame rica is God's own chosen country, and he will not permit the throne of liberty to crumble beneath the blows *?f the wicked or the misguided. Mr. Chairman, I have been oalled a Scott man; and why ? Simply because I have every where deprecated all denunciation of the leading men of the party. 1 am not, Mr. Chairman, of that class of gentlemen politi cians who " Construe the times to their own necessities who believe, or aot as though they believe, that some men in their own party must be defamed and cast aside, sim ply because they stand, by virtue of their worth and pro minence, in the way of others, who are, perchance, but sectional fuvorites. I, sir, recognise no such principle. Feelings that dictate such a principle find no lodgment in my breast. I feel it my duty to speak upon this subject openly, and with a view to lessen the discord and other evils that grow out of it I have seen men, in different sections of this Union, conduct their schemes of self-aggrandizement upon this biweful and party-sacrificing principle ; and other gentle mwn in this House have, I doubt not, witnessed the same thing. 1 have seen it brought to bear in elections of the moBt unimportant character, as well as in others of much importance. I have known good and true men, warm and abiding friends of this Union and of our Constitution, slandered and beslimed with the venom of the vindictive spirit of the unholy ambition of rivals. Sir, this unscru pulous ambition, backed by the reckless adherence of such individuals as suffer themselves to be carried away, without reflection, by the dazzle of promises, or by a fair exterior?by a sort of will-o'-the-wisp light?as the moth is dazzled by the burning candle, has caused the Whig party many a defeat; and if the course be continued in, it will oause us many another overthrow. I feel that I haz ard nothing in saying that the exercise of personal or seotional feeling such as this has been for years the bane of the Whig party. It has been a great instrument in the bands of our opponents, and it has done more to destroy our party union, to defeat us in our elections, than any other?perhaps more than all other causes. It is quite time, sir, that this track were abandoned. It is time that those who have been duped come back to the ranks of their party; and it is time that scheming lead ers returned to their duty. It is time that men professing to love and support the principles of Washington?the principles that have made our country what it is, great, mighty, prosperous, and happy?unite in solid phalanx, and go forth freed of faction, unshackled, regardless of petty personalities, giving no heed to the calls of Januses, and battle for the maintenance of those principles, and for the party they believe and declare to be in the right. In union there is strength, and in strength and action there is success. The Whig party possesses ull the elements of sucoess, and whenever united it is triumphant. Its princi ples are those of liberty and true republicanism. I could not tell who would be the nominee of the Con vention. I could not say whether it would fall upon Scott, Webster, or Fillmore. With one single reservation, I have declared myself for the candidate of the Whig Con vention. That reservation was, that the nominee inuBt be unequivocally sound upon the compromise measures. Mr. Polk, (interrupting.) You say you will support no man except he be sound upon the compromise. 1 ask if you do not require a distinct pledge from the.Conven tion ? How will you find it out if there is no pledge ? Mr. Cullom. I must ascertain the fact in some way beyond all dispute, and unequivocally. Now, Mr. Chairman, I have deprecated this fraternal strife, and I do not think it very culpable in me to stay my hand from inflicting injury upon my Whig friends, with whom I expect to co-operate in the struggle which is to come off. When I have remonstrated with some gentle men, and attempted to keep them from casting firebrands into our party ranks, I have been actuated alone by a de sire to see the Whig party and its glorious principles tri umph, and not for the promotion of any particular man. With the Whig party the motto has been, "measures, not men and I, air, am not disposed to reverse the maxim. I had, Mr. Chairman, the honor if being upon the elec toral ticket of the distinguished President who now fills the Executive office with so much credit to himself and with so much benefit and glory to this Republic ; and, sir, humble as the tribute is, I stand here to award to him in my own right, and in behalf of my constituents, the fullest meed of praise my tongue can lisp for the manner in which he has discharged the arduous duties of the sta tion to which be has been elevated by the franchise of the American people. I say, too, sir, that the people in Ten nessee?I speak particularly of my own constituents, but the remark will apply to the people of the whole State, and I speak it in their voice?are undivided in their devo tion to Millard Fillmore. There is no respectable divi sion of sentiment in Tennessee upon that subject. I have always preferred his nomination, and the fact is well known. I have said, too, that if he could not get the no mination, and the Convention should present a man who is sound upon the compromise, I would support him with equal ardor, and devote to him, as I did to Mr. Fillmore in ti? ia8t campaign, whatever of zeal and ability 1 can comma**]. - ? There Webster, air; I could support him for the ; Presidency, I cotfld support him with pleasure. He I deserves the thi^g not only of the American people, but j of the world: his Junius and patriotism are transcendent, i But, sir, although i this much for those gentlemen, I shall not raise my voic* in detraction of Gen. Wiufield j Scott. I have never done so, and, Ood being my witness, [ I never will. His rivals would scorn the action, justice would rebuke it, honor and patriotism would forbid it. j He may or mavnot be nominated. If he receives the no- | initiation, he should receive, as he deserves, the support of the American people. Mr. Chairman, while I have j been sleeping upon beds of down, he has been defending j me; he has been marching and fighting gallantly, not un- | der the black flag alluded to by my honorable colleague, <Mr. Williams,) but under the flag of our own dear coun try?the stars and stripes of liberty. Yes, sir; he has been defending us and our liberties ; he has been fighting the foes of the country upon foreign and domestic soil, when the country has been wrapt in sweet, forgetful sleep; and my tongue shall never utter a slander or an imputa tion against him. His laurels have been dearly earned. A black flag, indeed! My colleague (Mr. Williams) did i not measure the force and weight of that declaration. What is a black flag ? Why, a piratical flag. Sir, is it to be said that the gallant soldier, the victorious chieftain of forty-three years, and of so many glorious battles, has inarched under a piratical flag ? Can it be possible that my honorable frieud has a remote conjecture that such could ever be the case ? Why, sir, the conjecture is an Imputation, and avows a want of patriotism. Hut, sir, General Scott, of all living men, perhaps, ha.s show* the strongest evidence that he loves his country. I will not now stop to enumerate his achievements. Gentle men say \hat they know he is sound upon the slavery question, *nd the declaration is supported by gentlemen upon my right, (Mr. Clixqman, Mr. Outlaw, and Mr. i 8tahlt,) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Cabell) j has himself b?rn? evidence to his soundness upon this uestion. The gentleman from Connecticut (Governor leveland) comes gallantly to the rescue, and makes 1 General 8cott fire-eminently responsible for the passage of the compromise measures while acting as Secretary of War. He actually lent the influence of his office to carry forward these pacific measures. Here is an extraot from Governor Clkvelahb's speech, delivered in the House of Representatives, 1st April, 1862. Amongst other tilings, he said : " It propose* to endorse the Infkmou* fugitive slave law, a purely Whig measure. and that It 1* such I will denoivtntt, no th?t no man upon this floor run deny It." Again, he says: ?' But Mr. Clay, *? 1 hare shown. had conceived the plan. Mr. Web ster, for reason* brut known to himself, had made his 7th of Marrh speech. General Taylor died, and Mr. Fillmore took command of the snip of State, discharged the old and shipped a new crew, with Mr. Webster as first officer; hoisted the compromise fleg. and started on his Southern cruise. What motive governed Mr. Fillmore In his entire change of policy of the Administration?whether It was lore of slavery and power, or hatred of his rival. Governor He ward, I am not able to say, and I believe the country Is equally unenlightened on this sub ject. General Scott was by Mr. Fillmore placed temporarily at the head of the War IVpartment, and In that position, coupled with his great military feme. was able to and did exert a powerful Influence In Ikvor of the compromise measures. Here, then, 1s every man whose name has been mentioned, or Is likely to be mentioned, as a candidate for the ''residency on the Whig aide, to wit. Clay. Webster. Fillmore, Scott, all exerting Uiemselves to the utmost In pushing through this series 1 of measures, the slave law Included And what was the position of these distinguished J* h Igs J One was at the bead of the Government, another In command of the army." Again, in the same speech, he says: " But I mast pass on: these measures were passed mainly through the Influence of Clay. Fillmore, Weheter, Scott. Cobb, and Foote; these were the men who carried them through, and every man who was In the last Congress knowa It." Thus we see that Governor Cleveland makes witnesses of every member of Congress to the fact that General Seott was one of the main supporters of those measures before and at the time they passed. And while the Free soilers in the North are holding General Scott responsi ble for the passage of those measures, with a view to render them odious, others in the South, with the same view, are endeavoring to make it appear that he is and has been opposed to them. After all this, sir, gentlemen say that he must declare that he is sonnd. They want a guaranty that he will not array himself under the black flag, with Mr. Sewa*t> at the head. [Laughter.] My stent, how Mr. Sewabd frightens the American people I Why, sir, as mueh was said of Mr. Fillmore, but I defended him upon a hun dred stumps from the oharge of abolitionism. It was my lot upon the electoral ticket to defend him, not from his 'riends, but against'the Democratic press, from Maine'to Georgia, and against orators as numerous as the locusts of Egypt Now, I understand that Mr. Seward will support the nominee of the Whig National Convention; and it is said he is a Freesoilor. 1 ain not his defender. Does his un soundness taint the candidate who receives his vote? If ?o, how utterly unworthy of trust will be the Democratic candidate who receives the votes, as he will, be he whom be may, of Giddings, King, Sumner, Rantoul, and Cleve land. While a mote is discovered in the eye of the Whigs, remember there is a beam in the eye of our Demo cratic neighbor. It is said, and the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Clivilandj proves it, that the compromise measures are not only Whig measures, but that General Scott is pre eminently responsible for them. Why, sir, he takes all the glory away from the Democrats, and says that there was not a prominent Democrut who supported the mea sures in their inception. I understand my friend (Mr. Clrvkland) to be a mighty Cass man, though a little Freesoilish. Mr. Cass never voted for the fugitive slave bill. I have the journal and the CongrtMitmal Globe, proving the fact; and I state here that, although General Cass was in the Senate of the United States on the very day that the bill passed, the very moment it was ordered to be engrossed he was missing; nor does the record show where be went; neither does he or his friends ex plain. Colonel Benton would call this riding both sides of the sapling. [Laughter.] But the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Clivkland) explains the reasons. And, sir, the distinguished Senator from Illinois, (Mr. Douglas,) Young America himself, had to dodge the vote upon the fugitive slave law. Hear what Governor Cleveland says in the speech re ferred to: " Did the dUtlnguUlied Senator from IUijiul* rote for tliU aiave law ? No! Whyf Becauae a Democratic Legislature hud instructed him otherwise. (lovernor Caiw. one of tho mont distinguished men in the nation and of hU party, did not record lit* vote In favor of this Fede ral bantling; nor, in fact, did any Democrat whose |<oeiUou in one ot mark, except those who have linre formed it coalition with Whig*. In ?lew of thene fact*, who will say that this fugitive slave law wan not ot Whig or Federal origin f" Yes, sir, he was ill. My honorable friend (Mr. Rich ardson) says he had a bile. [Laughter.] The Senator himself sayB he had a bill which fell due at New York. I think, sir, that that was an awful bill. It had no right to fall due just at the very moment the distinguished Senator was called upon to vote upon the fugitive Blave law. That was a cruel bill. I know not whether it was a bill or a biU. [Laughter.] I will be oorrected in this par ticular by what my friend from Illinois (Mr. Richardson) may say ; but I hope he and the honorable Senator will render the same excuse, for there is very little relevancy between a bile and a bill. Will the gentleman answer whether or not it was a bile that prevented the Senator from voting t Mr. Richardson. The gentleman, I trust, is a man of too much gallantry to make charges without giving an op portunity for reply. Mr. Cullom. Go on, sir. Mr. Richardson. The gentleman can make what use he pleases of the statement I shall make in this matter, and he is welcoibe to all the eclat he can derive from it. I did say that Judge Douglas was sick and unable to attend when the vote was taken upon the fugitive slave bill. I made the statement upon my own responsibility, relying upon my own memory. I was mistaken; and to me, and me only, belong!} the odium, if there is any, for all that I said. The fugitive slave bill passed late in the session, and I remembered the fact that Judge Douglas was confined for several days before the close of that ses sion to his room by indisposition. Remembering these facts, I did make the statement, and was wrong. After the statement I made, my attention was not call ed to the subject till after Judge Douglas made his own I defence in the Senate, and since no suitable opportunity has occurred to set myself right. The gentleman can make now the most of it. I will add but another word. Mr. Ccllom. Certainly; go on. Mr. Richardson. The imputation against Judge Douglas thathe,dodged the responsibility ofvotingupon the fugitive slave bill is made with but bad grace by gentlemen situ ated as the gentleman is. A bare statement of what is known to the whole country is sufficient. Judge Douglas was the first to meet the tide of public sentiment at the North, which set strongly against this measure, and to vindicate the bill. And while his Chicago speech was the first that was made for the bill, no argument in the courts, no essays in the papers, and no defence of the measure made any where up to this moment, have been as able and as satisfactory. The bill passed Congress in September, I believe. In October following the Chicago speech was made, assuming all the responsibility of an affirmative vote; and yet the American people are asked to believe that Judge Douglas dodged the vote, was afraid to vote upon the bill. I will not argue such a question, here or elsewhere. But I ask the gentleman what Whig aspirant for the Presidency, er what prominent Whig, can show that he has done as much ? What Northern man has done more ? Mr. Cullom. There were plenty more beside him. Mr. Richardson. Who were they! Mr. Cullom. Since the matter has become popular, I ean find you many who did not vote for the fugitive slave bill, but who now MM it most lustily. There is the gentleman from New York, (Mr. Brooks,) who said that we were about to destroy him in the South, and that we had erected a gallows upon which he was to be executed. My honorable friend, I understand, did not vote for the fugitive slave bill, although here; yet in the caucus he made himself the very Magnut Apollo of the compromise measures. Not only so; but it is said?and if untruth full v it should be corrected?that he not only refused to vote for the fugitive slave bill, bat advised my friend to the right (Mr. Barons) to change the vote he had cast in its favor. Notwithstanding that, sir, he has become the great oracle of the institution of slavery. We thank him for what he has done. Mr. Beooks. Rumors like the one the gentleman has stated should not be thrown out without some foundation, and there is no foundation whatever for this piece of fancy. My honorable colleague from New York, (Mr. BBiaas,) I take it for granted, votes of his own aocord and upon his own free will and principles, and will set me right in this matter. One word in reply to what the gen tleman has said in regard to my vote upon the fugitive slave law. The gentleman must not scatter his arrows right and lefX if he will not give me an opportunity of de fending myself. If the gentleman will consult the Con ffretnonal Globe and record, he will find that upon the various occasions upon which the fugitive slave bill was brought forward, I voted for it over twenty times upon divisions, and in every way facilitated action upon it. He will also find that my main Abjection to voting for it on its final pas sage was, that when it was brought forward by the chair man of the Judiciary Committee, (Mr. Thompso*, of Pennsylvania,) it was forthwith pressed, violently press ed, under the operation of the previous question, without giving the House an opportunity even to read the bill in print, or to have it printed at all. It is unfair for the gentleman to scatter his arrows right and left without af fording me and my colleague (Mr. Bilious) an opportunity to defend ourselves from the random arrows he is throwing all about. Mr. Cullom. The gentleman called on me for an ex ample of the case. Mr. Richabdsox. Will the gentleman permit me for only a moment ? Mr. Cullom. Be brief, as my time has nearly expired. Mr. Richabdsox. I will ask the gentleman but this one question: When, in the gentleman's opinion, will the fugitive slave law become popular enough at the North to permit General Scott to avow himself in its favor? Judge Douglas came out in its vindication before it was popular. Mr. Ci li.om. General Scott is known to be a compro mise man. I, sir, know him to be such ; and I would not permit myself to be deceived, nor would I be the means of deceiving others, upon this point. Gentlemen may find enough in General Scott's Castle Garden speech, in his letters to honorables Daniel Webster and Henry Clay, and in the evidence which all bear, to satisfy them, if they will be satisfied, that he espoused the compromise measures quite as early and as ardently as any man, 1 perhaps, that can be found in the country, not except ing Air. Webster or Mr. Fillmore. There are plenty of private citiiena who are informed and satisfied upon this point?better Informed and better satisfied, I might infer from their remarks, than are many gentlemen who, it is presumed, know more of such matters than the people. Notwithstanding General Scott is known here and every where to be sound upon these measures, he is assailed by the opposition press and by Democratic orators, as Whig favorites always are. He is assailed, not because he is ngainrft those measures, not because he is supposed to be in favor of their repeal or modification, but because he should, in the opinion of wiseacres, come out with a letter. Sir, who has called upon him for his opinion! ! Where are the lAters of the several Democratic aspirants upon the slavery question ? Surely there are none before the country. Yet, sir, it does seem that Democracy will go into convulsions if it cannot get to read a letter from General Soott upon the subject My judgment was that a letter should have been written long ago; but some Whigs, as if to force the nomination of another, have been?I had almost said bullying General Scott to write, since the period of his prominence for the nomination would have made it appropriate for him to have written; and I must say that, much as I admire frankness in poli tics, I do not see how General Scott oould, for months past, have written upon the subject. But, sir, should he be the Whig candidate, he should, and I know that he would, avow himself to the oountry, as he does on all oooasions in conversation, for the prompt maintenance and execution of the compromise measures. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pitch) saw proper to assail General Scott, and I believe he called him the " mum Whig candidate for the Presidency." I must review ft little the public course of the gentleman who thus assaults General Scott, who defended me whilst I was a child; and I and my country would be recreant to the promptings of patriotism not to repel the assault, come it from what quarter it may. I have the right of speech here, if General Scott has not, and I will with my voice defend him. But listen a moment to the gentle man, (Mr. Fitch :) " In 1KW Doctor Pitch pledged liiui*vlf to tlut Fromullari, when a as dlilato for their HUtfrago*. in the following language: 1 - To vote for the uiiouudltloual abolitiou of slavery in the DUlriet of Columbia. 2. "To vote for the abolition of the inter-State slave trade. 8. "To vote 6>r the Wilumt proviso Icing extern!*! over the Terri tory of California mul New Mexico, and agaiiut the law an Lho riling slaves to lie taken there a* property. "Doctor Fitch concluded his letter, contniuing the above named pledges of fidelity to freesoil principles, by tlie following explicit de claration : " Kutertaining the vluws indicated In niy answer above, I ahull not < only rote yea on all those measures, but If no older or abler member, ? wlioM! intlueuce for them would be ?niitcr than mine, can be found ' to introduce them to Congress, I shall do no myself, if 1 have the honor ' of holding a mat there. (Jrahix N. Pitch." This is the gentleman who proclaims General Scott a mum candidate, who asperses his name, and seeks to im peach his patriotism. Mr. Chairman, whether Whig or Democrat assail a pro minent Whig, I will test the cause?in this case I shall test it with the plummet. The Democratic press is down upon General Scott, as it always has been do wit upon Whig favorites. The object, sir, is to draw off the public mind from their own feuds aud enormities. The Demo cratic orators everywhere, and the gentlemun from India na (Mr. Fitch) himself, have taken the field against Gen. Scott. If it was his desire that the American people should believe, from his wanting General Scott to come out, that he himself supported that measure, he will fail of his purpose; for the journals, unfortunately for him, stand as evidence to the contrary. His votes will be found recorded on page 1,452 of the journal of the thirty-first Congress. 'Mr, Fitch. I can save the gentleman the trouble of any reference to the journal. I voted against the fugitive slave law; have so said before, and further said, as I now do, that, under similar circumstances, I should give the same vote again. The previous question prevented debate on the bill, or attempt to amend it, and no means was left of expressing dissent from any ?f its provisions, except a negative vote on its passage. But it is the law; it is one of the series of measures constituting the com promise which I sustain ; which I have declared, and I repeat it, should be sustained by all good oitixens; should be received as a final settlement of slavery issues and slaverj* agitation in Congress; should be observed, and their provisions, those of the fugitive slave law included, be faithfully executed. My vote is of little importance to the country?my opinions less; but the same declaration I have made relative to the compromise has been made by the great mass of my party, and by all its prominent candidates for the Presidency. The questions now at is sue are, will the party to which the gentleman belongs as sume the same position; a position of national importance and of vital interest to his section of the country ? And will his candidate (General Scott) make the same declara tion ? Will he decWe what will be hiB policy relative to those measures in the event of his election ? The gentle man's opinions and assumptions, though doubtless of far more importance than any I may express, are not an answer, and will not be received as such. The answer can only come from the Whig party, and from General Scott. Both are evading it, and with the gentleman's aid. Will they continue to do so ? Mr. Culloh. That will do, sir; but is General Scott to write letters upon the question when not requested so to do, when the gentleman, under solemn oath, acting with responsibility to God and his country, would not dare to record his vote for the measure ? He recorded his vote with Giddixqs, Gott, Jclian, and Preston Kino. I hope I may be excused for mentioning this matter of history. I do not wish to bring down upon my head the anathemas of the venerable gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Giddinqs.) Fine company is that in which my friend from Indiana is found; and, although denouncing upon this ioor a venerable patriot, he says he would vote so again. I have no doubt of it. The country shall see who Gen. Soott's assailant's are. On the 17th September, 1850, when the bill to repeal the slave trade in the District of Columbia was under discussion, Mr. A. G. Beown offered the follow ing amendment: " And I* it further rnattnl, That if any free person or persons within the District of Columbia shall entice or induce, by persuasion or other means, any slave or slaves to run away from liis, her, or their owner*, or lawful iMwscwilon, or shall in any manner aid, abet, or assist any slave or slaves in running away or escaping from the owner or lawful possession of such slave or slaves, or shall harbor any slave or slaves with the intent to assist liim, her, or them to escape from the service of such owner or possession, such person or persons shall be liable to indictment in the circuit court of the District of Columbia; and upon conviction, by verdict, confession, or otherwise, shall be imprisoned in the penitentiary for any time not exceeding five years." Against this amendment Q. N. Fitch voted, with Cleve land, Gott, Kino, and Thaddeus Stevens. This is the gentleman who has become the guardian of the Whig party and of Southern rights. This is the author of the dodging resolution that was intended as a platform for Secessionists, Abolitionists, and Higher-law men to stand upon; and it is he who is made the mouthpiece to denounce General Scott as a "mum candidate." Sir, the gentleman will sicken of this busi ness so sure as fate. The ethics of the gentleman make it quite admissible to steal negroes, but do not allow that it is proper to punish the perpetrator. I have said that the resolution of the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Fitch) was a resolution drawn to enable the Freesoilers and Secessionists to occupy the same platform. Any intelligent person who will read these resolutions carefully will perceive this. The resolution offered by the gentleman (Mr. Fitch) is in these words: * Rcsaieed, That we recognise the Hading efficacy of the compromises of the Constitution, ami believe it to be the intention of the ncople ge nerally, as we hereby declare It to be oars Individually. to abide such compromises, and to sustain the laws necessary to carry them out?the provision for the delivery of fugitive slaves included ; snd that we de precate all further agitation of questions growing out of that provision, of the questions embraced in the acts of the last Congress known as the Compromise, and of questions generally connected with the insti tution of slavery, as unnecessary, useless, aud dangerous." Now, almost all the Freesoilers recognise the compro mises of the Constitution?all parts of it, as they under stand it. The State Rights Freesoiler (Mr. Rantoit.) from Massachusetts, the gentlemen from Connecticut (Mr. Cleveland) and from New York, (Mr. Kino,) all recog nise these compromises. But they do not acquiesce in the compromise acts. These acts they denounce, as does the new convert from Indiana. These compromises of the Constitution require jury trials for the runaway slave, as these Freesoilers contend. This resolution does not ap prove the fugitive slave law. Well, after a consultation, the resolution was put into the hands of a gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Jacksox,) claimed to be a Secessionist. If I am not misinformed, he was told this resolution from the Indiana gentleman was worth nothing; so it was patch ed up for the gentleman from Georgia, who has to stand godfather to it. So it was, after a little Speaker-room cauous, as I believe, but after some consultation, amended and offered by the gentleman from Georgia, as follows: " Htmtrrd, That we recognise the bimMng efficacy of the compromises of the Constitution, snd believe it to be the intention of the people ge nerally, as we hereby declare It to be our* individually, to abide such compromises, and to sustain the laws necessary to carry them ont, the provision for the delivery of fugitive slaves [ami Utt art of thr UuC Omffrru fnr that purpotr] Included ; and that we deprecate all further agitntlon of questions growing out of that provision, of the question* embraced in the acts of the last Congmss known as the Oouipruotfsa, and of questions (renerally connected with the Institution of slavery, as unnecessary, useless, ami dangerous." On examination, Mr. Chairman, it will be seen that these are the Georgia words inserted, forced on the In diana Freesoil resolution, " and the aeU of the la?t Con gre?$ for that purpose." Now, sir, why was tKis inserted, if the first resolution was sufficient? The first resolution evaded the fugitive law. That was for the benefit of the Freesoilers. The second (Mr. Jackson's) inserted the fugitive act. That was for the benefit of the Seces sionists. But nothing was said of the compromise mea sures?not one word. Only the ** compromises of the constitution," which are recognised by the Calhoun Nulli fies and Secessionists, and by the Freesoilers, like Hallett and others in this House, Rantoul, Cleveland, Giddings, King, &?. Thus, then, the coalition platform was built up. Bui it still required bracing; and though the Democratic organ called on its friends to sustain the previous ques tion, moved by the gentleman from Georgia, the Union Democrats would not listen to its call. The previous question beiag voted down, another resolution was offered by a Union Democrat from Georgia, (Mr. Hillykx.) First, let me state, as the record will show, that many of the Secessionists voted for the coalition platform. Those who in caucus voted together for Speaker, to gether voted for the " compromises of the constitution some for jury trial, and some against it; some for the fugitive slave law, and some for its repeal ; but all for the " compromises of the constitution," as understood by Hallett and others in Massachusetts, and by the Seces sionists in South Carolina. The previous question was voted down ; then the gen tleman from Georgia, (Mr. Hillykr,) a Union man, offer ed the following Whig resolution?Fillmore resolution, for it was in the words of his message: << i/nerf. That the series of acts passed during the first session of the Thirty-first Congress, known as the compromise, are regarded a* a final adjustment ami permanent settlement of the questions therein embraced, and should he maintained and executed as such.** For this compromise (Fillmore) resolution, as far as I can learn from the journals, every Southern Whig voted. The only one called a Whig who voted against it was the gentleman from North Carolina, who thinks both parties are factions, and whose opinions agree with the Seoaa sionists. I believe all those known as Secessionists from Virginia, South Carolina, and other States, voted against this resolution?voted with the gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. Clinomah.) With hi* name nre those of Fowler, Preston King, Mann, Rantoul, and Tuok, with Mr. Venable and others, understood to be opposed to the compromise measures. Now, sir, why did the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Hilly eb) offer his amendment ? Because, like a patriot, he wanted a distinct endorsement of the compromise measures?all of them. He wanted no dodging-place for secession and abolition. Why did the abolitionists and secessionists (I believe all of them) vote against the com promise?the Union resolution? because it recognises the " final settlement of the compromise measures." Now, Mr. Chairman, no mitu of sense can examine the oourse of these gentlemen and not see that the Democracy are preparing, under the lead of Hallett and such men, to pass unmeaning resolutions in the Baltimore Conven tion, and to give the " go-by" to the compromise resolu tions?to allow abolitionists to agitate for jury trial aud repeal of the fugitive law, under the compromises of the constitution ; and to allow secessionists at the South to denounce the territorial bills, the bill abolishing the slave trade in this District, and the act admitting California, as doing injustice to the South. Sir, the highininded, intelligent people I represent ^ill see through this flimsy mask, and despise the hypocrisy of those men who wish to make party capital out of the slavery question, and who will not abide by the compro mise measures?ull of them?will not support and sustain them as the Whigs of the South do, as Gen. Scott does, as a final settlement of the questions therein embraced. Now, Mr. Chairman, to return to the subject of letter writing and bids for the Presidency, let me say that it is not always that a letter is the best evidence of a man's soundness. The greater guaranty is to be found in his past life and services. It has been truthfully remarked that he who is not to be trusted without pledges is not to be the more trusted though he should make them. And, sir, if the past life and services of a man afford any gua ranty for his future action, then is that guaranty to be found in the life and services of Gen. Soott. Of Southern birth and education, upright and talented, American in heart and in action, devoted from early life to his country and his country's weal, he certainly possesses all the re quisites necessary Cor the station, high as it is, with which his name is connected. Sir, if you take for example the celebrated Coleman letter of Geniral Jackson, you will fiud that it was con strued to suit each and every latitude ; and, descending to later times, if you look at the Kane letter of the late Pre sident, (Mr. P?lk,) you will find that that alBo was sub jected to simiar construction. And again, sir, if we glance at General Cass's Nicholson letter, we find that it also was oonstmed to suit every meridian of the Union. That letter, sir, has passed through many editions, and Zider numerous supervisions, to meet the exigencies of e times; and it is doubtless now undergoing a revision, and will be presented it such a form as will be most likely to strike the public mini favorably in case he should be come a candidate for the presidency. And, sir, it is pro bable that the various edtions of his life will also be re vised for a like purpose. Mr. Chairman, it has be?n said that the attempt to elect General Scott to the Presidency will, at least in the South, be a splendid failure. Sir, do not claim to speak for the South. I do not pretend to be invested with the power to look into the future. It ha: been proclaimed that Ten nessee will not sustain him. I am not here invested with authority to commit my Stat* to the support of any man. I claim no such power ; but 1 am not willing to say, nor am I prepared to admit, or brieve, that my State, one of the proudest of the Confedenuy ; one that has vindicated her devotion to the principles ?f the Whig party in every Presidential contest from 1836to the present time ; who is commissioned to say that shj will abandon her long cherished principles ? Who is luthorized to say that she will ingloriously retreat in the tpproaching contest, and permit her proud banner, that las floated in glorious tri umph over a thousand hard-foufht fields, to trail in the | dust ? Others may distrust her fiielity and devotion to the country and the principles she hat so long espoused, but, as for myself, I do not distrust he*. She has learned her principles in a school not soon to ie forgotten. She has at all times attested her devotion t? her principles, and, my word for it, she will be found faiihful among the faith less, and her banner will yet wave in triumph amidst the fiercest strife, and no blot shall stain *cr escutcheon. Her motto has ever been, and I trust will ?ver be, "fearless and faithful." Let me say to my Democratic friends that you have got no time to swap horses; you have your own feuds to ad just, instead of distressing yourselves unon the question whether the Whig party will lay down a eound platform, and whether a national candidate will be placed on it Look to your own troubles, which are tkickening upon you ; your State Conventions have nearly all given the go-by to the compromise measures; your Free-Soil wing here, who u*e numerous and influential, in warning tones give notice in their speeches, and in heated conversation, that the attempt to make the finality of the compromise measures a part of the Democratic platform in Convention will prove abortive; whilst the State Rights Secession wing refuse to acknowledge its binding efficacy. [Here the hammer fell.] CELEBRATION OF THE LANDING OF TIIE PILGRIMS. A large number of persons left Georgetown (D. C.) on Monday vorning last in the steamer Baltimore, for the purpose of celebrating the landing of the "?Founders of Maryland on the site of the ancient city of St. Mary's. The company formed and marched in procession to the boat, followed by three Bishops, fifty-eight Clergymen, the Philoiemic and Philomonesian Societies, and the stu dents of Georgetown College, numbering in all several hundred persons. We make up the following account from the Baltimore papers: The boat stopped at Piney Point during the night, and reached St. In goes about 1 o'clock next day. Here a procession was 'ormed. and marched to the church, where 1 high mass was solemnized. Among those present were the venerable Gwrge Washington Parke Custis; Col. Kear ney, U. 8. A.: Hon. Mr. Merrick, ex-Senator U. S. from Maryland; Rev. Mr. Larrian, of Chili, at present the guest of Georgetown College ; Col. Daniel Jenifer, of Ma ryland ; Rev. Messrs. Ciampi and Duddy, of Georgetown College; Rev. D. Regan, Professor of Divinity, Theologi cal Seminary of St. Louis, Missouri, and a number of the bishops and clergymen of the late Roman Catholic Council. After the religious ceremonies were over, the company re-embarked and proceeded to St. Mary's, (the place of celebration,) and, after landing, dispersed to visit the several objects which presented attractions to the patri otic Morylonders, or the true friends of religious liberty. The site of the first Governor's mansion was an especial object of interest, and few failed to bestow upon it a long and earnest gate. The signal was then given for the assemblage to form to listen to the address. Hknrv Mat, Esq., of Baltimore, had been selected as the orator of the day. The spot which had been chosen for the delivering of the address was at the old site of St Mary's. The orator's theme was the Colonial History of Maryland. He portrayed the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers upon the uncultivated shores of Maryland in glowing colors. He instanced the privations under which they labored ; their perseverance; their success; and the foundation of civil and religious liberty upon the American shores. He grew eloquent with this theme, and many a bosom heaved responsive to the magic touch of his eloquence. The company then partook of a sumptuous entertain ment which had been provided for the occasion. The procession was then reformed, and the boat started on the return, stopping at Piney Point all night, and reaching Georgetown about 5 o'clock next evening, all seemingly well pleased with the occasion. THE METHODIST GENERAL CONFERENCE. The Meth<xlist General Conference has now been in session at Boston three weeks. The new religious paper called the "California Christian Advocate" has been adopted as the organ of the denomination in our new Pa cific State. The subject of appointing a Missionary Bishop for the Republic of Liberia has been under consideration, and has elicited much discussion. The opponents of the measure proposed, instead, that the American Bishops should visit Liberia occasionally. It was finally voted that this last measure should be adopted. On Monday the Conference selected Indianapolis, Indi ana, as the place for the next General Conference in 1866. The Conference has not met in the valley of the Missis sippi since 1882. On Tuesday the Conference proceeded to the election of f four new Bishops, and made choice of the following gentle men by decided majorities: Mathrw Simpson, D.D., of the Indiana Conference ; Edward R. Amis, of do.; L?ri 8cott, D.D., of the Philadelphia Conference: and Prof. > Osmon C. B aku*, of the New Hampshire Conference. Dr. Thomas E. Bokd\ of Baltimore, was elected Editor of the Christian Advocate and Journal, and the Rev. J. P. Dvr- j bis re-elected Missionary Secretary. In the afternoon there was an animated discussion on a | resolution recommending the publication by the New York Book Agents of a monthly magazine of religion and litera ture. The project was warmly opposed by the delegates from the West, who seemed to regard it only in the light of a movement which might curtail the circulation of the peri- i odical published atCincinnati. The resolution was never theless adopted, In terms which left the time of commenc ing the publication to the discretion of the Book Agents at New York. At the close of this discussion a resolution was adopted instructing the Book Agents to publish, with the journals of the Conference from 1800 to 1886, any they can pro cure prior to 1800. The Rev. Cnarlrs Elliot, D.D. was elected editor of the Western ('hristian Advocate, the late editor, the Rev. | Dr. Simpson, having been elected Bishop. On Wednesday the Rev. Thom. Carlton was chosen j Book Agent for New York, nnd Rev. Lirov Sworhstbdt Book Agent for Cincinnati. WASHINGTON. " Liberty and Ifuiou, imm ud forever, oue and Inseparable." SATURDAY, MAY 29, 1852. Much of the space in this day's paper is given up to a Speecji iu the House of Representatives, on one side, and to an article from a Tennessee paper on the other, embracing a very limited portion of what has been lately said, within the Capitol and out of it, on the relative claims and prospects of the Whigs spoken of for the Presidency, and especially their position in regard to measures which, being now the Law of the Land, are to be obeyed and executed rather than to be newly brought in ques tion in debates upon topics to which they have no proper relation. These Debates we have all along regretted, because, in the first place, they are out of time and out of order?diverting the attention of Members of Congress from the path of legitimate duty, and preventing them from attending to business of real interest to their constituents?and, in the second place, because they have served to stir up, among the friends of the several gentlemen whose names are mention ed in connexion with the Presidency, jealousies, if not animosities, unfavorable to that calm and candid consideration, in selecting the Whig candidate, of what is due, not so much to the claims of particular gentlemen as to the general welfare of the country. We have hitherto refrained from publishing these things, as far as we could, for the reason, in part, that we would not willingly be in any way instru mental in fomenting discords among those who, in the present emergency, ought to stand together as a band of brothers. It will require the united strength of the friends of all the persons now in nomination to carry into the Presidency the regu larly nominated Whig candidate. Whether the breach between them is not already too much widen ed by angry altercations before the People, there is too much reason to doubt. The Editors of this paper will, in the event of de feat at the ensuing National -Election, have at least the consolation of knowing that they have had no agency in bringing about that disaster. We do not say that we have no doubt, but we have almost | none, that the Whigs could elect their candidate for President at the coming election, were they them selves united upon any one, or if, after the nomina tion by the Convention, they would then unite. The Whigs would constitute the majority of the People in any general election, did they not fritter away their strength in immaterial issues, as whether this or that ought or ought not to be a part of the Con stitution, when their duty on such occasions is to stand by the Constitution A8 IT 18, and not as it is not, and cannot be, without the consent of the Peo ple, obtained in the mode prescribed in the Consti tution itself. Though having, for the reasons assigned, gener ally excluded from this paper such discussions as those we have alluded to, we do, in giving place to the two articles in the preceding columns, yield for the nonce our own judgment to the urgent instances ot gentlemen in Congress, whose personal requests we cannot refuse without giving ourselves, in doing so, more pain than we choose to incur. We take pleasure in announcing that the Senate has at length ordered to a third reading what is called the Deficiency Bill?that is, a bill to supply the- deficiency in the appropriations made by Con gress for the present fiscal year, which expires on the 30th June next. This bill, however, having received various amendments in the Senate, will, when it has passed that body, have to be returned to the House of Representatives for its further consideration. The Supreme Court of the United States brought its session to a close on Thursday last, by an ad journment to the first Monday in December next. THE WHEELING BRIDGE CASE. In the Supreme Court on Thursday Judge McLean delivered the opinion of the Court in the Wheeling Bridge case, (Judge Taney and Judge Daniels dissenting,) as follows: That the Wheeling suspension bridge is an obstruction and nuisance; that it should either be abated, or so elerated that it will cease to be an obstruction ; that such elevation shall be at least one hundred and eleven feet' above low-water mark; or, if ?n unobstructed navi gation can be opened through the western channel so as to avoid the obstructions caused by the bridge complained of, that defendants have leave to do so, and report the same to this Court at its next term; that the said bridge be so abaUd or elevated, or the western channel so im proved, on or before the 1st day of February next, and that the costs in the case be paid by the defendants. Mr. McAlpin, the engineer to whom the Court referred the question whether a drawbridge could be erected on the Wheeling Bridge so an to obviate the necessity of taking down that structure, report ed eight or ten days ago? 1. That no "draw" can be placed on the Wheeling suspension bridge so-as .to sufficiently accommodate the travel passing up and down the river. 2. That no "draw" oan be placed on either bridge which will remove obstruction* to the uninterrupted na vigation of the Ohio by steamboats at all times. 8. That the removal of the WssTtas bridge will not open an unobstructed channel at all times, unless the bar at the head of Zane's Island is removed. The Ijegislaturc of New Hampshire meets on Wednesday of next week. A part of its duty will be the re-districting of the State so as to provide for three Representatives in Congress instead of four, as at present, and the election of a United States Senator to take his seat in March, 1858. The Democrats have majorities in both Houses. We observe by a Telegraphic note published in some of our papers that doubt is thrown on the po litical character of the delegate chosen in Worcester district, Massachusetts, to the Whig National Con vention. We therefore give the reported remarks of the delegate, (Hon. Ira W. Barton,) delivered before the District Convention after his appoint ment : " Judge Ba*toh addressed the Convention. He alluded to previous campaigns of the Whig party, and said that in his opinion the next contest wonld show that the United States were still Whig. He also paid an eloquent tribute to the Worth and genius of Mr. Webster. Of his deeds in the Cabinet he spoke in terms of unqualified praise, allud ing to the important treaties he had negotiated, and said he believed that, in a great measure, his eminent states manship had preserved the peace of the country. lie en vied not him who would seek to defame the character of that great man. He should vote for the man who would command the largest vote. In conolusion, he hoped that' whoever was nominated, h? would receive the unanimous support of the Whigs of the Pifth District." Mr. JostPR OaiNSKLi,, N? P. Wmis, and W. Sinxiv Smith, British Consul at Havana, left New Orleans for i York on the 19th instant, by way of St. Louis. 8IX DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE. The steamer Cambria arrived at Halifax yester day morning, bringing dates from Liverpool to the evening of the 15tb instant. The French fete of the 10th of May passed off brilliantly, without any demonstration being made in favor of Nai?olkon's assuming the title of Emperor. A body of sixty thousand troops were reviewed by him, in the presence of hundreds of thousands of spec tators. At the head of a brilliant staff, he presented to the colonels of regiments standards surmounted by the Imperial eagle. In his address to the army he said that the Roman eagle adopted by the Em peror Napoleon was the last striking emblem of the regeneration and grandeur of France; and having disappeared with her misfortunes, it ought to return when Franoe has recovered from her defeats, andr being mistress of herself, seems no longer to repu diate her own glory. Kesume, then, soldiers, these eagles, (said he,) not as a menac# against foreign ers, but as a symbol of independence, as a souvenir of an heroic epoch, and as a mark to each regiment's nobility and pledge to die, if need be, in defence of the emblems so often led by our fathers to victory. The address was immediately placarded throughout the city; and the Clergy, headed by the Archbishop of Paris, numbering eight hundred, mustered around a gorgeous altar on the field, and bestowed bless ings on the standards. The troops then defiled, and the ceremony concluded. Two thousand crosses and medals were distri buted. The President was well received by the sol diers, the infantry crying " Vive Napoleon," and the cavalry " Vive l'Empereur." The operatives of the faubourg St. Antoine remained at work rather than be present at the fete. The festivities were continued in-doors during three days. On the 11th fifteen thousand persons attended the grand ball at the Tuileries, and at the banquet given on the 12th there were present eight hundred generals and supe rior officers. The British Parliament had rejected the resolu tion to abolish the duty on paper and the stamp tax on newspapers and advertisements. The militia bill was still under discussion. A motion in the House of Commons to inquire into the system of education pursued at Maynooth College had been amended by a motion to consider the propriety of repealing the endowment for that college and all other grants for religious instruction. The Crystal Palace, which was purchased for ?70,000, is to be re-erected at Sydenham as an ex otic garden. LIVERPOOL MARKETS, May 15. Cotton.?The market has been most active throughout the week, with sales of 112,000 bales, of which exporters took 18,700, and speculators 41,700 bales. The arrivals of the week were 144,000. The quotations are: New Orleans fair OJd., middling 5]; Upland fair 6Jd, middling 6d. The market closed at 8 o'clock on the 15th with prices stiffer, with an advance of Jd. during the week. Breadstpffs.?The market continues dull, with sales of Western Canal flour at 20s. and Ohio at 21s. Corn? Sales of yellow at 29s. 6d., and white at 28s. Gd. By the New York " dimes'' of Thursday we find that the Socialist# of the Empire City ate wide awake to the progress of the bill before Congress for giving away the lands which belong to the United States, and inalienable for any such purposes as those pretended by that bill. The following paragraph of the Times is quite significant of the designs and ob jects of a considerable portion of those who are en deavoring to force that measure through Congress: "The Laud Reform Meeting.?The committee having charge of the Park Gathering have given out that they will urge upon their constituents in the Senate the urgent ne cessity of giving hornet to the landless; and should the wea ther proTe unppopitious this afternoon, they will gather at Tammany Hall. Hon. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, the father of the present Homestead bill, now before the Sen ate, ha* come from Washington to take part in the proceed ing!. James T. Buckley. Esq., Theodore E. Tomliwson, John Van Blres, Horace Greeley, L. B. Shrpard, and other excellent speakers will address the meeting." The Committee of the Socialists seem to have very confused notions of the constitution of the Sen ate of the United States. We should like to know from what chapter of their book of " National Re form" the distinguished gentlemen of that committee have derived information that the Senators of the United States are " constituents" of theirt. We have always understood that the constituents of the Senate were the several States, who appoint them through their respective Legislatures. But it will be very well for themselves, and for the country, too, if these Socialist gentlemen make < no worse mistakes than this. North Carolina.?The Governor and Council of this State have agreed to call an extra session of the Legislature on the first Monday of October, to re-arrange the Congressional districts according to the new apportionment. The Norfolk Beacon, in referring to the extent of the Strawberry crop in that vicinity, makes the fallowing statement: " From the farm of Mrs. Allen there were put onboard the Baltimore boat, on Monday evening, thirty-five chests of strawberries, containing sixty quarts each. Eighteen acres of land are devoted to the growth of that fruit, and as many as eighty hands are at times employed in gather ing it." BY TELEGRAPH. Escape1 of Meagher, the Irish Patriot. New York, Mat 28.?Thomas Meagher, the Irish pa triot, whose escape was announced some tine since, but afterwards denied, arrived in this city last night from Van Dieman's land. He is receiving a most cordial wel come from his countrymen, and our citiiens generally. Late from Bwnos Ayrts. Boston, May 28.?The steamer Cambria brings Buenos dates to April 3d. Gen. Urqi ixa remained at Palermo, near Buenos Ayres, entertaining considerable distrust as to the use the inhabitants might make of their liberty. The ultimate Intentions of Urquisa were involved in doubt; but it was generally believed that he aspired to the Presidency. The state of the province was far from satisfactory. Destructive Fire at Savannah. Savannah, Mat 26.?A fire broke out here last night, which has laid in total ruins the entire block of buildings bounded by York and South and Broad streets on one side, and Abercorn and Lincoln streets on the other. Nearly every building within these limits is in ashes. It is im possible at this time to estimate the loss, which is very heavy. The amount of goods destroyed is immense. A Steamboat Burnt. Cincinnati, Mat 28.?The steamer Cotton Plant was totally destroyed by fire on the 23d instant near Napoleon, on the Mississippi river. She had on board at the time a cargo valued at one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, nearly all of which whs burnt. The steamer Texas was also partially destroyed a few days ago below Cannelton. The flames spread to the steamer Indiana, which sustain ed considerable damage. Fortunately no lives were lost by these disasters. The Baltimore Market. Ba i.timor*, Mat 28.?Business continues steady, but not active. Flour is selling at $4 12J. Red wheat 96 a <IR, white do. 98 a 103; white com o7 a 68, and yellow 00 a 62 ; oats 38 a 42; rye 76. Provisions have declined, with large sales. Sales of 4,500 bags Rio ooffee during the week at 9J a 9| cts. The tobacco market is active, and holders are firm. Sales of some 600 hhds. Maryland ordinary to middling at $3 60 to $6 per ewt. Small sales of Ohio at previous prices. Holders are very firm, and buyers more disposed to purchase. There is no change to note in the general range of prices from last week, though the tendenoy is rather upward. The week's inspections are 1,136 hhds. Maryland, 194 Ohio, and 103 Kentucky, making, in all, 1,488 hhds. Our money market remains very easy; banks dis counting freely. Good paper is negotiated on the s treat at 1 to 1 per cent, a month. All sound stocks are firm, I and prices gradually tending upward.