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Tliere is a progress downward as well as upward. There
is a progress backward as well as forward. There is Bothiug just, aud holy, aud true iuthis world that has not been sought to be crushed down by the chariot wheels of progress. Mahomet preached progress. The earth has been drenched with blood and whitened with the bones of the slain under the war-cry of progress. Napoleon slew his millions under the plea of progress. And this is pro gress! Not the progress whioh 1 appro*o. I am for that benevolent, that wholesomo progress which grows out of wise und sound policy, that great benevolence for which kind feelings und impulses were ordained, which makes every man look to his Government as his protector and '"gir! I Relieve the party with which I am associated adopt these views, and I feel a pride in believing that the incoming Administration will sustain that policy. 1 trust that throughout the length and breadth of the land there will go forth such a manifestation of Indignation at any attempt to intermeddle with or overturn the institutions of neighboring nations, as shall make it utterly odious for any man to seek popular favor by raising this war-cry of progress. I am willing to be called behind the age ; I ain willing that it should be said that I have learned nothing from progress. One thing I have learned, and that is, that the eternal principles of justice can never change, and that crime, whether nationul Or individual, must meet its re ward. No man can sin against a physical or a moral law without feeling and suffering the puuishment thereot. The fame is not less true of uatious, and whatever party may rise into power upon the principles of our own ag grandizement, or increasing our strength upon the acqui sition of the territory of others, will bring with them a curse and a calamity, let it come when it may, or under what auspicos. The common sense of mankind rises in rebellion against it. 1 cannot conclude my remarks without expressing my gratification at the opinion delivered by the Supreme Court within a few davs past. I conceive the eminent and distinguished Chief Justice (God grant him many years to live !) who presides over that tribunal has spoken authoritatively as to one law upon the subject of our interference with the concerns of adjoining nations. It was decided there by that court that a contract to sup ply American citizens with provisions owl munitions of war to aid a people not yot independent in a revolution ary movement was null and void, contrary to the laws of the United States, ond cOuld not be enforced. I shall take occasion to have that opinion printed and circulated among my people. It is one of the best documenta that I could send to them. It was a high conservative doctrine, and iuat such a* I expected of a man who had the nerve under all circumstanoes to do his dutjr, who owes his pre sent position to having always done his duty, and who has maintained, and is always ready to maintain, his po sition as a strict constructionist of the constitution. 1 say to my friends of the plantation States that con quests and territory are no compensation for war; none more interested in peace and the policy which would se cure it. And whilst war must be met when just and right, it should never be provoked. We are producers, and war destroys the sale of our productions by destroying our commercial relations. None would suffer its calamities more than the plantation States, and we of all men shoulchadopt a policy which se cures peace by doing justice, which does right at the same time that right i* demanded. No nation and no in dividual ever profited by an unjust and needless contro versy. No nation and no man but loses advantageous po sition by menace or aggression. Nations, like men, to prosper, must be just and conciliatory?must obey laws whilst they TOblcate obedience on others. I trost that in our foreign relations justice and firmness in de manding nothing but what is right, and submitting to nothing that is wrong, we may receive and retain the prosperity which such a policy uniformly produces. 1 have made these remarks, Mr. Chairman, because this deeply-interesting subject is brought to our notice by the message, and because I think it highly important that publio opinion should be properly formed of a line or po licy upon which so much depends. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, believed that flibusticring was now decidedly below par, and he did not exactly un derstand the object of the gentleman from North Carolina in making the specch ho had just delivered. He (Mr. S.) was not in favor of taking Cuba, but he was not going to declare that he would not have Cuba under any circum stances; that we did uot want that island, nor never would have it. Nor did he think it proper to say that he thought it best for Spain always to keep possession of Cuba. He wa? willing to deolare, aa he did eighteen months ago, that he had no desire now for the acquisition of Cuba; but six months hence events might happen which would make it a great national duty to obtain that island. He trusted such a day would never come. He was for peace; but if war should be forced upou us, we must be prepared for it. t The gentleman had said that the acquisition of Cuba would be dangerous to the Union, and he nad spoken of hie fearful agitation through which the country had lately passed. He had also staled with what reluctance be ; swallowed the cup which North Carolina compelled him to put to his lips?the compromise. He would say to the gentleman that if be would look to the principles of the compromise, he would not see these dangers from the ac-, quisitiunof Cuba; for the great principle of those mea sures was that territories should come into the Lnion with such institutions as they themselves chose to adopt. Let tbu christian principle, this republican principle, extern! with our flag and with our domain, and we would have an ocean-bound republic. Mr. DAILY, of Virginia, said that this was a question in which be took a va?t deal of interest, and he had just been to the Senate to ascertain what had been done with the resolution proposed by his colleague, and had f?un,j that it had passed that body this morning. He preferred to reserve what he desired to say on the subject until the correspondence called for by the resolution should be sub mitted ; and he begged leave to suggest that it would be quite as well to postpone this discussion until they should know precisely every thing that had been done by the Administration ; until they should ascertain officially the precis* condition in which our relations to Bjpain stand. He should embrnce.the earliest opportunity, after this in formation should be submitted, to gm his views on the "mtvBROWH, of Mississippi, after replying to some of the nmumenUof Mr. Viable, said that if he should go for acquisition of Cuba, or any other foreign territory in the South, he wished it to be understood that he would do so because he desired an outlet forThere was aday when slavery had existed in Rhode Island. It was known that that State boasted Jhat she emancipated her ?laves, but she did not do so until the greatbodT of them had bee? sent to the 8outh and there sold It was the same way with Pennsylvania and New \ ork. \ lrginia and Maryland, the border States, were now undergoing the same process, and the slaves ;rereleaving the border States to go farther South. Now, if they should force all the slaves into the cotton-growing States 0 and leave them no outlet, they would have that kind of disaster which wonld follow the damming up of the mouth of the Mississippi. He was not going to second any bnstiering movements against Cuba. He was forth for demanding and exacting at an times and under a circumstances a proper respect for theflig of thi. co. n try ; and if in doing this we should beoome " % war with Spain or any other country, he was for tghtinw it out. If, in a settlement of the difficulties, we could obtain nothing but land, he was willing to take lMjd. [Laughter.] He thought that the president, in the late transactions at Havana, in which the C?*owtCtar wm involved, was altogether wrong. He hoped that ilr such an occurrence should happen under the incoming istration, it would ask satisfaction, and not paas ^t over as the present Administration had done. He woul y emphatically that he did not desire to see our seeking a w?-picking a quarrel W.th Spain ^ any ?*er Oovernment He prefered peace with that and ail other nations. So long as Spain could hold the he was content that she should keep it; but he wo?W make no arguments against it* acquisitio . let t^ie world understand that If Spain should e p With the island, we would have it He would not en courage her to look to other quarters when she should choose to part with it. Therefore he would make no ar gument against it. His argument would 1>? to point out the advantages which would result from its acquisition. Mr. WILCOX trusted that the incoming Administration would be ehanirterlzed by a spirit of conservatism. He hoped that retrenchment and reform would be its motto, and that peace would l>e the ensign unfurled at its com mencement. He was not prepared to say that he was not In favor of the acquisition of Cuba in any event. At pre bcnt, however, he was opposed to its acquisition, in any shape, manner, or form whatever, because he believed th?tt'he wants and exigencies of the country did not re oolre it But he was net prepared to say that he was ?nposed to aoqniring Cuba at any time; for In the course o? human evonte a time might come when ivportion of this rnnfedoracy might be forgetful of the tie which bound them to the other portion, and it ndght then become a public neoessity to acquire Cuba, "hen that time U arrive he was in favor of its acquisition?peace !f it lie hoped the day was not far distant when in . should have an ooean-bound re iSjiTlM.., unil?r our own Oo?rnm.?t, which tad >ho?n th. remittee wee and reported itsaotion to the House. IllS then proceeded to consider the third time and passed BMALL NOTES IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Mr. FICKLIN, by consent, from the Committee ou the District of Columbia, reported a bill to suppress the cir culation of small notes a* currency in the District of Co lumbia, which was read twice. Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, moved that it be made the special order of the day for to-morrow week, 00 to continue until disposed of. lie thought that every gen tleman must admit that there was a necessity for the adoption of some such measure as the one just introduced. Objections were made to making the bill a special order. ' Mr. JONES moved to suspend the rules; which was agreed to. The question recurring ou the motion to make the bill the special order, it was put and agreed to. Mr. CHANDLER asked ?ousent to introduc? a resolu tion granting the use of the hall for the auniversary ?f the American Colonization Society, to beheld ou the 18th instant, at 7 o'clock. Objection being made? Mr. CHANDLEll moved a suspension of the rules. Pending which the House adjourned. Tuesday, January 4, 1853. IN SENATE. The following memorials and petitions were presented and appropriately referred: By Mr. JONES, of Iowa: From the children and heirs of William Van Wert, one of the capturers of Major An dre during the war of the Revolution, asking to be allow ed land and arrears of pension, to which they claim their father was entitled for his services. By Mr. WELLER: From citizens of Humboldt Bay and its vicinity, in California, asking that Humboldt Bay may be made a port of entry, representing that the commerce of that place is now quite extensive and rapidly increas ing, besides a very large lumber trade constantly carried on between that place and San Francisco. Petitions were presented by Messrs. SEWARD and STOCKTON, from citizens of Bunlo, New York, and Trenton, New Jersey, asking to be protected from the in-1 fringement of their patent rights by persons in the British provinces. Mr. SMITH moved to take up the petition laid on the , table yesterday from Charles 0. Wells, in relation to the discovery by his father of the availability of antithetic agents in surgical operations. The petition was taken up, and after discussion as to the committee it should be referred to, it was finally sent to a select committee of five, to be appointed by the Chair. REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES. Mr. BORLAND, from the Committee on Military Af fairs, asked to be discharged from the further considera tion of the memorial of physicians, surgeons, and trustees of the Massachusetts General Hospital, relative to the dis covery of the use of ether in surgical operations, and that it be referred to a select committee on that subject; which was agreed to. Mr. SHIELDS, from the Committee on Military Affairs, ' reported a bill for the relief of John Charles Fremont, 1 late lieutenant colonel in the army of the United States. Mr. S. asked that the bill might be considered at once. No objection having been made, the bill was read, and, after some debate, was amended and passed. RESOLUTIONS. Mr. UNDERWOOD alluded to some resolutions offered by his late colleague (Mr. Mehiwetueb) at the last ses sion, at whose instance, he believed, there was an appro priation made for a survey of the Falls of Ohio by a board of officers. That survey hud been nearly completed, and I he desired to have a copy of the report. He rejoiced that such a service had been rendered by his then colleague, and he thought the thanks of the country were due him as the instrument by which it was procured. Mr. U. then offered the following resolution, which was considered and agre^i to: ll?*<Uved, That the Secretary of War be and he is hereby directed to communicate to the Senate a copy of the report of the board of officers recently appointed to make a survey and examination of the variolic plans for canals around the Falls of the Ohio river, and the enlargement and extension of the present canal, as provided for by the act of Congress making appropriations for the improvement of certain harbors and rivers, approved August 30th, 1852. COLONIZATION BY EUBOPEAN POWERS. Mr. CAS8 introdnoed a joint resolution declaratory of the views of the United State; respecting colonization on the North Americ&u continent by European Powers, and respecting the Island of Cuba, viz : He it retohed, d-c. That the United States do hereby declare that " the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are hence forth not to be considered as subject* for future colonixation by any European Power." And while "existing rights, should | be respected," and will be by the United States, U?ey owe it to their own " safety and interesta" " to announce, as they now do, that no future European colony or dominion shall, with their consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American continent." And should the attempt be made, they thus delfberately declare that it will be viewed as an act originating in motives regardless of their "interests and their safety," and which will leave them free to adopt such measure# as an independent nation may justly adopt in defence of its rights and its honor. And be it farther revolted, That while the United States dis claim any designs upon the island of Cuba, inconsistent with the laws of nations and with their duties to Spain, they eon rider it due to the vast importance of the subjeet to make known in this solemn manner that they should view all efforts on the part of any other Power to procure possession, whether peaceably or forcibly, of that island, which, as a navul or military position, must, under eireumstanoes easy to be fore- ' seen, become dangerous to their Southern ooast, to the Gulf of Mexico, and to the mouth of the Mississippi, n> unfriendly ! acts, direoted against them, to be resisted by all the means in their power. Mr. C. said that the words quoted in the body of the resolution were taken from the annual messages of Presi dents Monroe and Polk. On motion by Mr. BORLAND, the Senate took up the \ bill to revive a portion of an act for the relief of the widows of deceaskl soldiers. This bill led to considerable discussion, and, after hav ing been amended, it was passed. Mr. HALE moved to take up the resolution submitted by him yesterday. Mr. RUSK opposed the motion, on the ground that it would lead to controversy and waste the time of the Senate. Mr. HALE insisted that all things enumerated in the reso'ntion had been distinctly charged by a member of the other branch in debate. Mr. SHIELDS considered the resolution a disgraceful one, nnd that a call might be made with iust as much propriety for the quantity of powder and snot expended, anl quantity and quality of wine used. Mr. HALE desired to understand what the Senator from Illinois meant by disgraceful. The Chair considered the remarks of Mr. Shields an out of order. Mr. CASS expressed the opinion that the call went in to subjects which the Senate had no right to notice, yet some of the information was proper to be called for. He hoped the subject would lie 6rer. Mr. SHIELDS saw no reason why the resolution shonld lie over. He thought the Senate should not go into the petty details brought forward. He had said the resolu tion was disgraceful, and he repeated it; bnt he did not mean thereby to say that the Senator from New Hamp shire had done a disgraceful act; his meaning was that the resolution proposed an inquiry which would be dis graceful to the Senate to engage in. Mr. MASON had known the gallant officer named in the resolution for thirty years, and, although he had heard the resolution read yesterday, he had said nothing, because ho could not condescend to notice it by objecting to it. He would nay to the Senator that the gallant and distin guished officer named would not shrink from inauiry into his official oonduct, but wonld rather court it. He would tell him further, that that officer was a gentleman and a man of honor, and will demand of the Senate, though not perhaps of the Senator, to be treated as a gentleman should be. Put the resolution in proper shape and he would vote it; but as it stood it amounted to accusation, and perhaps had some ulterior object which it sought to accomplish. * Mr. HALE said some things were conveyed by words, and others by manner. He could tell the Senator from Virginia, however, that he was not old enough, could not put on that dignity of expression or manner, or even of tone, sufficient to induoe him (Mr. Hale) to shrink the thousandth part of a hair's breadth from any thing he un dertook. It was not the first time he had heard of Sena tors not condescending "to notice his resolutionsbut that did not deter him from the discharge of his duty, whether conveyed bv words or manner. He stood there a Senator, and acte<f under all the responsibility of the Station, and was not to *>e scared from his propriety, whether Senators chose to condescend to notice his resolu tion or not. He (Mr. H.) had quite as high an apprecia tion of the honor and dignity of his position as the Sena tor, not withstanding he c*me from Virginia, the "Old Dominion," and he (Mr. Hale) wm n poor fanatic from the State of New Hampshire. The Senator had intimated that he had ulterior views in th? adoption of the resolu tion, which must have been reflected from his own heart. Such Intimations Were too ridiculous, and he Would sav that he could not condescend to notiee such an attack Upon his motives, We ft not in bad taste and bad man ners to do ao. Mr. H. then went on to defend his resolu tion and to justify the Inquiry made as eminently proper. Mr. MASONf declared 1f the Senator enttitained tlw opinion that he Intended by his remarks to have a personal allusion to him, then that senator did him Injustice. If that Senator thought that he (Mr. M.) had ever before or now courted or desired a personal discussion, ihen that Senator, he would repeat, did him injustice. R e spoke of the resolution as one that he would not fondest '?**d to notice. He imputed to the Senator no ulterior vie* '*? " any thing in his tone or Toice or manner was auch . 'k? to call forth or justify the rebuke of the Senator from 1 'i** Hampshire, he repelled it. Beyond the official inU >r* course of Senators, he had never sought nor asked an V with the Senator. In that official intercourse in tht' Senate, which was all he could hold with him, he desired on all occasions to treat lutn with the respect due to his station. No more, no less. Mr. llUSK deprecated the loss of time resulting from engaging the Senate in controversies between officers of the navy. Mr. MALLORY followed at some length, defending the navy from all assaults ; and the further consideration of the subject was postponed. COLONIZATION IN CENTRAL AMERICA. The PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a message from the President of the United Suites, in reply to the resolu tion of the Senate calling for information respecting the establishment of anew colony in Central America by Great Britain, in violation of the treaty of Washington of July, 1850; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations and ordered to be printed. The Senate then adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. APPROPRIATION BILLS?CUBA?LT. GENERALSHIP. On motion of Mr. HOUSTON, the House went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. Richabdson, of Illinois in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the bill making appropriations for the support of the military academy for the year ending the 30th of June, 1854. , Mr. POLK remarked that as he returned from the en joyment of the Christmas holydays yesterday, on entering the hall he found the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Venaule) discussing the Cuban question. He listened to him with a great deal of interest, and admired the adroit ness with whioh be applied his arguments; but at the same time it struck him that the gentleman was occupy ing the same position as Oen. Cass. He (Mr. P.) was not able to ascertain whether his friend from North.Caro lina had turned "old fogy," or whether Gen. Cass had turned fire-eater. Both of the gentlemen occupied the same position, and it might be possible that Gen. Cass, aware of the great care which the executor of the char acter of Mr. Calhoun took of it, might be using the same kind of influence to let his mantle full upon the shoulder of so worthy an executor. The gentleman from North Carolina was opposed to the acquisition of any territory at all. He (Mr. P.) could only conceive, then, that the gentleman had adopted the principle in the report of the Secretary of War, and if he was in favor of an ultra doctrine, he would go for that portion of the report which proposed to sell New Mexico to the Indians, delegate and all. The gentleman yesterday said that every one entitled to freedom enjoyed it. When did this become so ? Such a declaration of sentiment had suited better the British Parliament of 1776 than the American Congress of 1853. He would not 6top to examine the-mischief which would follow the promudging of such a doctrine, and the effect it must have upon our own institutions. Bccause we enjoyed freedom, we were for shutting down the gates una saying to the enthralled nations of the world, while jour chains are clanking we are not required to be gener ous, to raise tlie arm and break the manacles whicu now bind you. You are unworthy of freedom. How di?l the gentleman know they were unworthy of freedom ? Had they tried it? Had they had as fair an op portunity as we had had? Certainly not; and here he would dismiss his fogy friend from North Carolina. Now, he noticed that the course of Mr. Fillmore upon the Cuban question had been entirely approved by some men belonging to the Democratic party, and by newspa pers of that party scattered here and there throughout the country, and he believed that the gentleman from North Carolina did the same thing yesterday. He did not approve of it. And why ? Because he objected to the slaughter of the fifty men at Havana. The treaty of commerce, peatye, and navigation between the United States and Spain required the President to issue his pro clamation. He could not say that he admired the phrase ology, the form, or the extent of that proclamation; but when it was issued we had performed our part of the treaty. Did Spain or the Cuban authorities, when those men were taken in arms, observe the treaty ? A treaty be tween two Governments must be mutually observed or it wab null and void. The Government of the Uuited States had observed their feature of the treaty, and the Govern ment of Spain had violated theirs. Although those fifty men were taken in arms, yet by the treaty between the two Governments they had a right to a fair, impartial, public trial. This was a distinct stipulation in the treaty, and he would say that the Spanish authorities mocked it, and that those men were tried, if tried at all, in secret, and were carried out and shot down in violation of the treaty which Mr. Fillmore was trying to carry out. Now, if he was so anxious to carry out the provisions of the treaty against the flibustiers, why did he not show equal industry and equal good will in carrying out that feature of it which gave those men a fair trial ? Mr. BUOOKS wished to correct the gentleman with re gard to a matter of fact. Those persons all had trials be fore the court of Havana?before the high court of ad judicature. They were openly examined, and each and every one of them had a fair trial. Mr. POLK, resuming, said that in this country justice was an altar at which we all worshipped ; and he was as tonished to find that the gentleman from New York ap proved of Spanish justice. Would they subject the Ame rican citixen to it who was not protected by this?he had almost said pusillanimous Administration, but he would not? Did the gentleman from New York approve of and say thut the Government was correct in submitting to a mock trial of those men before a military commission, without any counsel upon the behalf of the prisoners, without an opportunity of communicating with their frieuds, and without even the poor privilege of bringing the facts to light ? This Government stood in this light. We had fifty men slaughtered at Cuba in violation of treaty obligations, and we submitted to it. And was this the only ignomi ny that branded itself upon the American character ? No; we not only submitted to that, but we broke down the American honor by agreeing to salute a returning consul in honor of the slaughter. Now, what kind of re spect could we look for from any foreign country ? What indignity would not be shown to our flag? " What wrong," nations would ask, " can we perpetrate to drive yon into a defence of your honor?" If the policy of this Admin istration should be carried out, the only question with foreign nations would be, not " will this offend," but " to what extent can we offend ?" He would not stop to number the ignominies one, two. three, and four. He would not stop to discus the Thrash er and the Crescent City cases. If the course of the Ad ministration upon the slaughter of these fifty men in Havana, upon the Crescent City ahd Thrasher cases, should be examined, it would be found that it had dis graced the Government in each instance. Was this all with regard to Cuba ? The beet way to present this question was. How stood our diplomatic agents in Europe? Were they respected ? This Admin istration had broken down the reepeetability and honor of the nation abroad by publishing a correspondence which bore upon its face the mark of privacy. Mr. P. then opposed the resolution of the Senate con ferring the title of lieutenant general upon Gen. Scott. He opposed it upon principle, and he did not think the records would show that Gen. Scott was worthy of it. He was opposed to it upon a peint of magnanimity, and assumed that Gen. Scott had never been geoerous to friend or foe. As long as he could obtain twenty-seven gentlemen to give him the yeas and nays, he would battle this measure. Mr. LANE intended to say a few words about Cube, which he held was a foregone question. He believed that the fate of Cuba was sealed, and that no power on earth could change it. It was unnecessary for the House at this time to say any tiring on this subject, for Cnba was destined to be ours. While he said this, he hoped this Government would never do wrong; would never violate our treaty stipulations; would never trespass upon the rights of other nations ; but would always maintain an honorable and upright counre towards all nations of the earth. But, while we did this, he desired the Govern ment?and he knew the incoming Administration would? to ask of all nations of the earth what was right, and submit to nothing that was wrong. Could any man upon this floor say that the massacre of American citiiens upon the island of Cuba was right and just, and that it was in accordance with our treaty stipulations, or that it was human or christian-like ? He held that the autho rities of Cuba had a heavy sin for which to atone, and it would never be wiped out until that island should be made free, and be relieved from the tyrannical Govern ment which now oppressed thousands of hearts beating with the pulse of liberty. The people of Cuba deserved to be free, and ere long they would enjoy liberty. He had no fear of sectional questions ever interfering with the peace and harmony of this oouhtry. lie held that there would be no danger in adding more territory to this Union, Our area of freedom was not extended enough. Cuba, at some future day. would com* in legally and pro perly, and enjoy the blessings which we ourselves posses sed. But the annexation of territory woul<l not stop here The day was not distant when all the Mexican States would come in, and the sooner the better for them and the rest of mankind. Mr. L. then snbmitted remarks In opposition to the joint resolution conferring the title of lieutenant general upon Gen. Scott. He vm a personal admirer of Gen. Scott; he loved him, and had served under him, but he wa? opposed to creating the office, the title, or the rank of lieutenant (central, aad he proceeded to atate the rea sons why he should vote against it. Mr. BROOKS did not propose to enter into the discus aion of the resolution to confer the title of lieutenant general; but it seemed to him nothing could be more un just, unkind1, and unpatriotic than to assail the Whigvide of the House in connexion with this subject, when the re solution itself came from the Democratic aide. Though he and those with whom he acted had no doubt that Gen. ^Scott deserved this honor, and in all probability should ?.ot? confer it, yet the whole responsibility of its in >duction rested with the Democrats, and not in the leat \ degree with the Whigs. '9 object in rising was to reply to the remarks of the gentU Mnan from Tennessee, and to correct some of the errors jDto which he hod fallen. The gentleman hod ar raigned the Administration on three charges?first, in the matter i^f the Lopez prisoners; next, in the case of Thrasher," and, third, in reference to the Crescent City affair. Th ese were the points of indictment made by the gentleman s gainst the Administration, and he proposed briefly to rep.'y to them, without uny preparation or any time to collect the necessary documents. He hoped to be able to prove that the charges made by the gentleman against the Administration were UBjust and groundless. The Lopez prisoners were guilty, first, of violating the laws of their own country in sailing from the port of New Orleans in disobedience to the custom-house laws of this country, without taking a clearance from the custom house at thut port; in the next place, they violated the neutrality laws of 1818; and in the third place, these persons violated the most holy and respected laws of na tions in fitting out and arming an expedition in a country at peaice with Spain, for the invasion of a country with which we had treaty stipulations. Mr. POLK (interrupting) was understood to acknow ledge that these persons committed the violations refer red to, but he contended that the country did not give them proper protection. The magnitude of their guilt did not justify our Government in withholding from them protection. Mr. BROOKS read the seventh article of the treaty of the 27th October, 1795, to prove that the Lopez prisoners were tried in accordance with the provisions thereof. They were tried, he said, accordiog to the proceedings usual in such cases, and in conformity with treaty stipu lations. In this connexion he referred to several in stances where the American Government had punished offences of a like character, among others mentioning the case of the arrest by Gen. Jackson of Arbutlinot and Am brister, who, he said, were only given a drumhead court matial. Mr. B. then defended the course the Administration pursued in reference to Mr. Thrasher. Mr. Thrasher had become a citizen of Cuba, and yet the gentleman in sisted that he should have had all the rights of an Ameri can citizen extended to him. He next referred to the affair of the Crescent City, and said that when the correspondence on the subject should be published, it would be found that this Government had maintained to the fullest extent all the laws, privileges, and rights which it could claim as a nation. The gentleman had indicted the Administration for publishing the correspondence in reference to the pur chase of Cuba. Now, the people had a right to know every thing the Government did ; and if there waB any thing amazing and astounding in the whole history of this country, it was that any Administration should attempt, without the consent of Congress, the disbursing power of the Government, to promise to give a foreign notion one hundred millions of dollars for an island, and the long concealment of that fact from the American people. It burst upon him with utter astonishment, and he felt that as a citizen of the United States he had been deprived of information which he had a right to know. For thirty, sixty, or ninety days, he could not say how long, that very correspondence laid upon the Speaker's table, ready for publication by the American House of Representa tives, and he had no doubt that the President, when he submitted the correspondence in accordance with the de mand of Congress, thought it would at least be paid the respect of being opened and referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs for examination. On the contrary, it was taken from the table in the closing scenes of the ses sion, and thrust, without any official examination, among the printing of Congress. He challenged all future time, he challenged coming generations, he challenged posteri ty, to examine the foreign policy of the present Adminis tration. If those who were coming into power should re verse the policy of the Administration; if they should turn the wheels of Government backward, and overthrow what had been done, and institute a new policy, it would be to prepare the way for the Whigs to come into power, with their conservative spirit, better to administer the affairs of the country. He did not believe that the gen tleman from Tennessee (Mr. Polk) or the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Brown) correctly laid down the policy of the great party to which they belonged. If we were to be enrolled among the nations of the earth as a great people, it would be by our growth in arts, com merce, and manufactures, and not by bloody war. Mr. CHANDLER replied to some of the remarks of Mr. Polk in reference to the lieutenant generatehip, and advocated the resolution of the Senate proposing to establish that grade. The bill under consideration was then laid aside to be reported to the House. THE DEFICIENCY BILL. The committee next proceeded to consider the deficien cy bilL Mr. CARTTER submitted a few remarks in opposition to the resolution to confer the title of lieutenant general, declaring that if he was going to rote for it, he would mote to amend it by inserting the word "lord" before the words "lieutenant general.'' Mr. GORMAN followed, and addressed the committee at length in furor of the resolution. Mr. FLORENCE briefly replied; when the committee rose and reported its action to the House. The Military Academy bill was then taken op and read the third time ami passed. And then the House adjourned. Wednesday, .January 5, 1853. IN SENATE. The following Message was received from the President of the United States: WaSBIHGTOX, JANt'AKT 4, 1863. In answer to the Senate's resolution of the 3d instant, calling for information relative to the proposed tripartite contention on the subject of the IsUnd of Cuba, I trans mit to the Senate a report from the Secretary of State, and the paper* which accompanied it. MILLARD FILLMORE. The documents were read and ordered to be printed. Memorials were presented by Messrs. SEWARD, BRIGHT, JONES of Iowa, SHIELD8, FELCH, and SOULE, and referred to appropriate committees. Mr. FELCH, from the Committee on the Public Lands, was discharged from the further consideration of the memorial of the Sackett's Harbor and Ellisburg Railroad Company. The bill from the House of Representatives making appropriations for the support of the Military Academy for the year ending June CO, 1864, was read and referred to the Committee on Finance. The resolution submitted by Mr. Ri sk in relation to paying Mr. Mieiwethkr his per diem and mileage up to the 20th December, 1862. was, after a brief discussion, read a third time and passed. The resolution submitted yesterday by Mr. Welles re specting the Mexican boundary was taken up and so mo dified as to read: Rn>- 'rfd, That the President of the Uaited States be re quested to inform ths Senate whether the boundary line be tween the United 8tatei aad Mexico has been fully run out and established, and if not, whether the commission has ex pired for the want of a commissioner and surveyor on the part of this Government The resolution submitted by Mr. Badger to authorize the Secretary to purchase 10,000 copies of Hickey's Con stitution for- the use of the Senate was taken up and agreed to : Yeas 29, nays 12. Mr. CASS called up the joint resolution introduced by him ia relation to European colonization on the North American continent; which was read a second time. Mr. HALE sent an amendment to the Chair which he proposed to offer when the subject cam? up for considera tion. This amendment embodies the whole of the origi ns! resolution, only making it applicable to Canada. The Senate took up the amendment of the House of Representatives to the joint resolution of /he Senate al lowing the owners of steamboats farther time to place their vessels within the provisions of the act of 30th of August, 1862, and concurred therein. On motion by Mr. SHIELDS, the Senate proceeded to consider the bill to increase the efficiency of the army by a retired list for disabled officers; which, after having been amended and the amendment concurred in, the fur ther consideration of the subject was postponed until to morrow, and the bill ordered to be printed as amended. On motion by Mr. DAVI8, the Senate took up the bill to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to issue dupli cate land warrants in certain oases : and, after having been amended, the Mil was passed. On motion by Mr. GEYER, the Senate took up the Mil to continue half-pay te oertain widows and orphans; which was read a third time and passed. On motion by Mr. DO DOR, of Iowa, the Mil for the reliof of the workfngmen on the addition to the Capitol was considered, and <vn the question, * Shall the bill be engrossed T" Mr. OH ARC moved that the 8enate adjourn. And the Senate adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. SEYMOUR, of New York, asked consent to move , to Mke up front the Speaker's table the joint resolution | of tbe Seuate allowing, in certain cases, the owners of , steamers further time to make the necessary preparation | to bring their vessels within the provisions of an act eu l titled " An act to amend an act entitled * an act to pro vide for the better security of the lives of passengers on board of vessels propelled in whole or in part by steam, and for other purposes,'" approved August30, 1852. Mr. LETCHER objected, and called for the regular or der of business. Mr. SEYMOUR had no doubt that if the gentleman from Virginia understood the case he would not object. The law of the last session went into effect on the Western waters on the first of January, and by its provisions it l was necessary lor every steamer to be provided with cer I tain apparatus. The owners of steamers hud made every i eflort to comply with the law, but some of them had not been able to obtain the necessary apparatus, and the in spectors desired to give thein ninety days to enable them to do so. Every boat was liable to be seized without this apparatus, and he therefore desired immediate action on I the subject. Mr. PRESTON did not understand the purport of the resolution of the Senate ; but, in corroboration of what had been said by the gentleman from New York, he would state that last night he received a telegraphic despatch from the principal officer of the United States at Louis ville, asking him, as the representative of that district, to advocate allowing more time to the owners of steam boats to comply with the law. He presumed that this was the intention of the resolution of the Senate, and he asked, on account of its urgency, that the House would now proceed to oonsider the subject. Mr. LETCHER withdrew his objection, and the resolu tion was read three times and passed: Ayes 103, iuoes 15. DUTIES ON RAILROAD IRON. Mr. COBR said that it would be recollected that near the close of the last session of Congress he moved to re consider the vote by which the House laid on the table the bill reported from the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads for the relief of the Memphis and Charleston, or Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, the Alabama and Tennessee River, the Coosa, the New Orleans and Jack son, the New Orleans and Opelousas, and Gre&fr Wejtern, and Raleigh and Gaston Railroad Companies. The gen tleman from New York (Mr. Jenkins) then moved to lav the motion to reconsider on the table, and he (Mr. C.) now desired to call this subject up. The bill, he explain ed, proposed to extend the time for the payment of duties upou railroad iron imported for the use of the above named companies four years, they being bound to give such security as the district courts might require, with the payment of six per cent, per annum. An amendment was also pending to the bill to extend the privileges of the act to all other railroads in the United States now in the course of construction, , or commenced within one year from the pas.-age of the act, to the adoption of which he would have no objection. The question was then taken on the motion to lay the motion to reconsider on the table, and it was decided in the affirmative by thg following vote: YEAS?Messrs. Allison, Babcock, Burrere, Bartlett, Buell, Burrows, Burt, Busby, Jos. Cable, Chandler, Chapman, Cle mens, Cleveland, Curtis, Dawson, Disney, Duncan, Eastman, Evans, Ficklin, Florence, Floyd, Thos. J. D. Fuller, Gnylord, Giddinjjs, Gilmore, Green, Isham G. Harris, Hart. Haven, Hibbard, Hillyer, Horsford, John W. Howe, ThomusM. Howe, Ingersoll, Ives, Jenkins, Andrew Johnson, John Johnson, Daniel T. Jones, Geo. W. Jones, George G. King, Preston King, Kurtz, Letcher, Martin, MeNair, Miner, Henry D. Moore, Morrison, Newton, Peaslee, Pennioian, Perkins, Rid dle, Robbins, Robie, Host, Sehermerhoni, David L. Seymour Origen S. Seymour, Skelton, Benjamin Stanton, Richard II. Stanton, Abr'm p. Stephens, Thaddeus Stevens, Stratton, Stuart, Sweetser, Thurston, Townshend, Wulbridge, Walsh, and Wivshburn?74. NAYS?Messrs. Abererombie, Averett, Bocock, Bragg, Breekenridge, Brenton, Briggs, Brooks, Albert G. Brown, Caldwell, Lewis D. Campbell, Thompson Campbell, CartU-r, ? Caskie, Chastain, Clark, Cliagman, Cobb, Conger, Cottman, Cullom, Darby, John G. Davis, Dockery, Edmundson, Freo man, Gray, Ilall, Harper, Sampson W. Harris, Hendricks, Henn, Holladay, Hunter," Jacksou, Jantes Johncon, Robert W. Johnson, Landry, Little, Loekhart, Marshall, Meade, Miller, Millson, Molony, John Moore, Morehead. Murphy, Nabers, Olds, Orr, F. W. Parker, Polk, Powell, Price, Richardson, Robinson, Scurry, Smart, Smith, F. P. Stanton, Alexander H. Stephens, Taylor, Venable, Wallace, Watkina, Welch, Addison White, Alexander White, Wilcox, Williams, Wood ward, and Yates?73. MKS. MARGARET L. WORTH. On motion of Mr. POLK, the House proceeded to con sider the report of the committee of conference on the disagreeing votes of.the two Houses on the bill for the re lief of Mrs. Margaret L. Worth, widow of the late Major General Worth, of the United States Army, which recom mends " that the House of Representatives recede from its amendment to the Senate bill, and that the bill be pass ed in tbe form in which it came flom the Senate." Mr. 1'olk moved that the House concur in the report; upon which motion a debate of considerable length en sued, in which Messrs. POLK, JONES, of New York, STUART, CAMPBELL, of Illinois, SACKETT, and DEAN advocated the report, and Messrs. ORR, HARRIS, of Tennessee, and SKELTON opposed it. Mr. DEAN demanded the previous question, which was seconded, and under its operation the report of the com mittee was adopted : Yeas 98, nays 48. DEFICIENCY BILL?LIEUTENANT OENERALBIIIP. On motion of Mr. MARSHALL, the House then went i into Committee of the Whole on the state ef the Union, (Mr. Richabdsox. of Illinois, in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the deficiency bill. Mr. SMITH, of Alabama, said that he was not here for the purpose of defending the private, political, or personal character of Oen. Scott. He merely rose to advocate the passage of the resolution creating and conferring the new title of Lieutenant-Geueral, and as it was a military ques tion. he proposed to address himself to it as such ; and what ever he might say in reference to Gen. Scott must be taken in a military view. There was no man in the country that more sincerely and ardently opposed the elfration of Hen. Scott to the Presidency than himself, but his political op position to him was tempered by his admiration of his military character. He referred to the remarks made Yesterday by Mr. Polk, and said that he had expected that that gentleman would have brought forward some substantial arguments against the passage of the resolution. He, however, was disap pointed ; perhaps it was because the gentleman's mind was directed to another and greater question; for his op position was simply merged into a personal attack upon the private character of Oen. Scott. Mr. POLK. The charge which the gentleman has made against me, that the speech 1 made yesterday was con ceived in a spirit of personal feeling, is unjust. I only relied upon the testimony of Jackson, Wilkinson, De Witt Clinton, Worth, Pillow, Duncan, Brown, and a hoet of others, who form the galaxy of the military greatness of this country, to show that Oen. Soott is unworthy of the title. Mr. SMITH. I expect to answer the gentleman in the spirit in which he made his remarks. 1 beg the gentle man to be patient; I am a patient man myself. Mr. POLK. So am I Mr. SMITH said that he proposed to show that the ar gument brought forward by the gentleman from Tennes see against this resolution, in whatever spirit it might have been conceived, at last was but an objection to Oen. Scott's private and personal character. He did not inti mate that the gentleman had any personal motive, be cause he disclaimed it at the time ; and he now proposed to reply to the gentleman according to the argument he had made ; and what was it? The charge was that Oen. Wilkinson, Gen. Jackson, De Witt Clinton, and others had quarrels with Gen. Scott, and the intimation was that because of these quarrels Oen. 8cott was a knave. Now. the spirit in which he pro posed to answer this charge was simply this: that all great men quarrelled?not once, but frequently. It was not a sign, when great men quarrelled, that they were knaves. Why did the British papers, when our candidates for the Presidency were announoed, say that the people of the United States had selected two of the greatest scamps in the country as candidates for that high office ? It was be cause our press justified such an assertion by the course they pursued. Well, it seemed that Oen. Jackson, Oen. Wilkinson, and De Witt Clinton were not friendly on a certain occasion with Gen. Scott: and what did it amount to? Nobody would pause to answer a charge made by Oen. Wilkinson, but any thing that came from Oen. Jack son should be noted and answered, and he would answer it now, and in this way: Gen. Jackson knew very well that the way in which to rise in the world was to put his foot upon his enemies. He had those qualities in an emi nent degree which rendered him the man to take advan tage of the suggestionsof hisintuitive sagacity. From the beginning of the world political leaders commenced very friendly, until they became competitors, and then they became enemies. If they would turn back to old times, they would see one great Athenian ostraoixing his friend to-day. himself ostracized to-morrow. They would see a great' Roman exiling his friend to-day, exiled himself to-morrow. They would see that Cmsar and Pompey. Brutus and Cassius, andCtosar and Cato quarrelled. Gen Jaekson quarrelled with Oen. Scott, Mr. Clay, and Mr. Calhoun, and the argument resolved itself into this, at least?that great leaders desired to got each other out ef the way. He remembered a phrase which comprised the whole doctrine in a nutshell. It was poetry, and poetry and politics did not mix always. In the quarrel between Percy and Prince Henry, when they met upon the field, Prince Hal said : " Think not, Petpy, To share with m? l? glory any more: Two stars keep not their ra?u>Q in one sphere; Nor can one England brook a double reitfn Of Harry Perey and the Prince of Walet." I Here was the doctrine complete and full, and par. ! was it an answer to the fuotthat Gen. Jacluon qua. " with lien. Scott. He would disarm tbe gentleman from Tennessee furth?. and by hi*.own witnesses, by hit own men, and by hi? bosom frienda; first beginning with the history of tin*, country und with the compliments of Congress to General*. "Scott, and then pass to the argument of the honorable and * I distinguished gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. Lakk,) to dis arm the gentleman from Teunes^ee in this attack upon Gen. Scott. Mr. S. then referred in terms of high praise to Geneial Scott's military services, to the compliment* which Con gress bad bestowed ou him, and to the testimony of Mr. Lane in his behalf. He then desired to know what be ? came of the charges of the gentleman lrom Tennessee" i They were "stale, flat, and unprofitable." i The gentleman in his speech eulogized Gen. Washing ton, and asked would they, by a solemn enactment of i Congress, make Goti. Scott equal to Gen. Washington T Now, it was true that Gen. Washington was, by an net of ' Congress, made Lieutenant General; but it was no eleva tion to him; it was positively a degradation, and so un derstood. Hut the reply he had to make was this: I Washington was not only Lieutenant General, but was also President of the United States. Would the gentle mun say that because Washington was President, there fore it was a profanation of his character to make any other man President; and because he happened to be Lieutenant General would the gentleman say that it would t>e a- profanation of his character to make any other man Lieutenant General ? He (Mr. S.) considered the logic and the answer complete. ^ Mr. S. then reviewed the history of this question, and thought that ^ie true policy of the nation was to reward merit in all its aspects. He referred to the charge that Gen. Scott could not make political speeches. If (said Mr. S.) he cannot make political speeches, he can win great battles, whioh is better. Gen. Scott was not only eminent in war, but he had enriehed the annals of the literary department by hia books of tactics, so skilfully and ably arranged. He thought that Democrats were making a small thing of this question and themselres by opposing it. He did not speak this as a spy in the camp, for he challenged any man to compare votes with him on national questions; but they should not make a political question of it. It was sustained in tbe Senate by a gal lant roll of the most glorious Democrats in the country. Mr. MARSHALL then obtained tbe floor, when The committee rose. EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS. The SPEAKER laid before the House the following Executive communications: A communication from the Acting Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting an explanatory letter from the Auditor of the Post Oifice Department in relation to the estimates submitted for his Hureau for the next fiscal year; which was referred to the Committee of Ways and Means and ordered to be printed. A communication from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a copy of a letter from the Comptroller of the Treasury on the subject of the compensation of Wil lard Richards, Esq., whilst acting as Secretary of Utah under an appointment from the Governor of said Terri tory ; which was referred to the Committee on Territories and ordered to be printed. Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, inquired of the Speaker if he had yet received the annual communication of the Sec retary of the Treasury to Congress! The SPEAKER did not think that it had yet been trans mitted to Congress. Mr. JONES thought it was high time that it should be received. ? The House then adjourned. THE FRENCH SONORIAN EXPEDITION. News ha9 been received, via Mexico, of the over throw of the French expedition under Count Boul ban, in Sonora, and the capitulation of his follow ers, who agree, for the sum of eleven thousand dol lars, to embark for California and Mazatlan. This information is substantiated by advices from Aca pulco, contained in a letter to the New York Times : " A battle taok pl&ce the first part of November, at Hermosillo, betwean two hundred and fourteen French on one aide, and seven hundred regular Mexican soldiers on the other, the French burying, after the fight, eighty three ; Mexicans having lost, at the first fire of the latter, twenty-one mey. The French at the time were marching towards Guayamas, when, as they reached Hermosillo, the Mexicans suddenly fired upon them from a large walled square, killing every on? of their officers, which staggered them for an iustunt; but they rallied, mounted the walls, and fired down into the yard upon them as they would have done upon a flock of turkeys. Thd fight was after wards continued for a short time in the atreets, with a supposed loss of about seventy-five men to the Mexicans, and none to the Count's party. The French then continu ed their way to Guayamas, but were met by a messenger from the- city, who represented that the town was desti tute of food and deserted, and that they would inevitably all perish unless they gave up the war. Count I>e Roua set at that time was being carried forward on a litter, nearly dead of the dysentery. All of his officers having been killed at Hermosillo, the men agreed to lay down their arms on condition that Blanco should pay them eleven thousand dollars with which to embark for Califor nia and Maxatlan, which he did. Rousset was taken on board for Muzatlan in almost a dying state." With the defeat of the Cdftnt, and the dispersion of his followers, is exploded, of course, the idea of the annexation of Sonora to France?an idea whick was probably never entertained by the French Gov ernment. A RESCUE FROM 8HIPWRECK Capt. Nye, of the United States mail steamer Pari/ic, has received the following complimentary notice from the London Times of the 14th ultimo, for rescuing the crew of a water-logged vessel, here tofore noticed in our columns : An act of great humanity and courage on the part of an American commander and his penmen ?u reported in our advice* from Liverpool, published yesterday. It seems that the United States mail steamship Pacific, Capt. Nje, six days before her arrival in Liverpool, fell in with the ship Janet Stephen*, of Irvipe, bound from Quebec to Glasgow. There was a very heavy sea running at the time ; it blew a perfect gale. The Jane* Stephen* was water-logged and on the point of (linking. As may be readily supposed, from the rivalry existing between the companies which are contending for supremacy in the Atlantic, it was no light matter for Capt. Nye to turn aside from his course. Of course we do not mean to My that, as a man of proper feeling, there was any alternative open to him but that of saving bis perishing fellow-crea tures at al! reasonable haiard and at whatever commer cial risk. There is, however, sueh a thing as cheerful, and such a thing as reluctant aid. There is all the dif ference in the world between assistance rendered for form's sake, and the heroic determination to rescue a number of helpless men from peril or to perish in the attempt. Capt. Nye, to his honor be it spoken, did not hesitate for a mo ment as to the course he should pursue. As soon as the ship was descried, and there was a suspicion that she might be in danger, he gave orders to steer straight to the spot, that her real position might be ascertained. Nothing, certainly, conld well be more hopeless than the situation of the Jame* Stephen* and of her crew?few things less probable, considering the state of the weather, than that any effective assistance could be rendered to them. Capt. Nye, however, had a life-boat lowered down, and the brave fellows that manned her strained every nerve to approach the wreck. The sea was running too high for them, and the fbry of the sflrm mast have been great indeed when such men as these were obliged to re turn, and confess themselves fairly beaten by the power of the elements. Still Capt. Nye wouM not be turned from his benevolent purpose; he refused to leave the crew of the sinking ship to a fate inevitable if he deserted them, but watched for hours and hours until the weather should moderate, or sotne favorable chance should turn up which would give him the opportunity of taking the crew off the wreck. Again, after a long delay, the life boat was manned, and again her crew pulled for the water-logged ship. This time their efforts were orowned with success, and they had the happiness of transferring the ship s company of the Jamet Stephen* from their own sinking vessel to the deck of the i'ec^V. We are told that the passengers by the steamer who witnessed the exertions of the men, and who were, there fore, in the best situation to appreciate their merits, in stantly entered into a subscription to reward the crew of the life-boat, and &r>00 were collected on the spot. This is as it should be, as far as the men are Concerned; but it would not be amise that Captain Nye should receive some mark of the opinion entertained in this country of his humanity and singular energy under such trying cir cumstances. It is by his resolution that so many of our countrymen have been resoned from a watery grave. A pecuniary reward to such a man. and for such an act, would of course be simply offensive ; but it is posaible in many ways to evince our gratitude to this gallant seaman for the servioe he has performed. The*number of deaths in Philadelphia during the year 1&>2 was 10,245, lees than one-half the number occur ring in New York. Aooordi?ig to the census of 1850, the population of Philadelphia is 408,762; of New York .'>15,507. The great disproportion in the mortality is to be attributed principally (says the New York Courier) to the large number of immigrants arriving at that port.