OCR Interpretation

Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, January 08, 1853, Image 7

Image and text provided by Library of Congress, Washington, DC

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045784/1853-01-08/ed-1/seq-7/

What is OCR?

Thumbnail for

Tliere is a progress downward as well as upward. There
is a progress backward as well as forward. There is
Bothiug just, aud holy, aud true iuthis world that has not
been sought to be crushed down by the chariot wheels of
progress. Mahomet preached progress. The earth has
been drenched with blood and whitened with the bones of
the slain under the war-cry of progress. Napoleon slew
his millions under the plea of progress. And this is pro
gress! Not the progress whioh 1 appro*o. I am for that
benevolent, that wholesomo progress which grows out of
wise und sound policy, that great benevolence for which
kind feelings und impulses were ordained, which makes
every man look to his Government as his protector and
'"gir! I Relieve the party with which I am associated
adopt these views, and I feel a pride in believing that the
incoming Administration will sustain that policy. 1 trust
that throughout the length and breadth of the land there
will go forth such a manifestation of Indignation at any
attempt to intermeddle with or overturn the institutions
of neighboring nations, as shall make it utterly odious for
any man to seek popular favor by raising this war-cry of
I am willing to be called behind the age ; I ain willing
that it should be said that I have learned nothing from
progress. One thing I have learned, and that is, that the
eternal principles of justice can never change, and that
crime, whether nationul Or individual, must meet its re
ward. No man can sin against a physical or a moral law
without feeling and suffering the puuishment thereot.
The fame is not less true of uatious, and whatever party
may rise into power upon the principles of our own ag
grandizement, or increasing our strength upon the acqui
sition of the territory of others, will bring with them a
curse and a calamity, let it come when it may, or under
what auspicos. The common sense of mankind rises in
rebellion against it.
1 cannot conclude my remarks without expressing my
gratification at the opinion delivered by the Supreme
Court within a few davs past. I conceive the eminent
and distinguished Chief Justice (God grant him many
years to live !) who presides over that tribunal has
spoken authoritatively as to one law upon the subject of
our interference with the concerns of adjoining nations.
It was decided there by that court that a contract to sup
ply American citizens with provisions owl munitions of
war to aid a people not yot independent in a revolution
ary movement was null and void, contrary to the laws of
the United States, ond cOuld not be enforced. I shall
take occasion to have that opinion printed and circulated
among my people. It is one of the best documenta that I
could send to them. It was a high conservative doctrine,
and iuat such a* I expected of a man who had the nerve
under all circumstanoes to do his dutjr, who owes his pre
sent position to having always done his duty, and who
has maintained, and is always ready to maintain, his po
sition as a strict constructionist of the constitution.
1 say to my friends of the plantation States that con
quests and territory are no compensation for war; none
more interested in peace and the policy which would se
cure it. And whilst war must be met when just and right,
it should never be provoked.
We are producers, and war destroys the sale of our
productions by destroying our commercial relations.
None would suffer its calamities more than the plantation
States, and we of all men shoulchadopt a policy which se
cures peace by doing justice, which does right at the
same time that right i* demanded. No nation and no in
dividual ever profited by an unjust and needless contro
versy. No nation and no man but loses advantageous po
sition by menace or aggression. Nations, like men, to
prosper, must be just and conciliatory?must obey laws
whilst they TOblcate obedience on others. I trost that
in our foreign relations justice and firmness in de
manding nothing but what is right, and submitting to
nothing that is wrong, we may receive and retain the
prosperity which such a policy uniformly produces. 1
have made these remarks, Mr. Chairman, because this
deeply-interesting subject is brought to our notice by the
message, and because I think it highly important that
publio opinion should be properly formed of a line or po
licy upon which so much depends.
Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia, believed that flibusticring
was now decidedly below par, and he did not exactly un
derstand the object of the gentleman from North Carolina
in making the specch ho had just delivered. He (Mr. S.)
was not in favor of taking Cuba, but he was not going to
declare that he would not have Cuba under any circum
stances; that we did uot want that island, nor never
would have it. Nor did he think it proper to say that he
thought it best for Spain always to keep possession of
Cuba. He wa? willing to deolare, aa he did eighteen
months ago, that he had no desire now for the acquisition
of Cuba; but six months hence events might happen
which would make it a great national duty to obtain that
island. He trusted such a day would never come. He
was for peace; but if war should be forced upou us, we
must be prepared for it. t
The gentleman had said that the acquisition of Cuba
would be dangerous to the Union, and he nad spoken of
hie fearful agitation through which the country had lately
passed. He had also staled with what reluctance be ;
swallowed the cup which North Carolina compelled him
to put to his lips?the compromise. He would say to the
gentleman that if be would look to the principles of the
compromise, he would not see these dangers from the ac-,
quisitiunof Cuba; for the great principle of those mea
sures was that territories should come into the Lnion with
such institutions as they themselves chose to adopt. Let
tbu christian principle, this republican principle, extern!
with our flag and with our domain, and we would have an
ocean-bound republic.
Mr. DAILY, of Virginia, said that this was a question
in which be took a va?t deal of interest, and he had just
been to the Senate to ascertain what had been done with
the resolution proposed by his colleague, and had f?un,j
that it had passed that body this morning. He preferred
to reserve what he desired to say on the subject until the
correspondence called for by the resolution should be sub
mitted ; and he begged leave to suggest that it would be
quite as well to postpone this discussion until they should
know precisely every thing that had been done by the
Administration ; until they should ascertain officially the
precis* condition in which our relations to Bjpain stand.
He should embrnce.the earliest opportunity, after this in
formation should be submitted, to gm his views on the
"mtvBROWH, of Mississippi, after replying to some of
the nmumenUof Mr. Viable, said that if he should go
for acquisition of Cuba, or any other foreign territory
in the South, he wished it to be understood that he would
do so because he desired an outlet forThere
was aday when slavery had existed in Rhode Island. It was
known that that State boasted Jhat she emancipated her
?laves, but she did not do so until the greatbodT of them
had bee? sent to the 8outh and there sold It was the
same way with Pennsylvania and New \ ork. \ lrginia
and Maryland, the border States, were now undergoing
the same process, and the slaves ;rereleaving the border
States to go farther South. Now, if they should force all
the slaves into the cotton-growing States 0
and leave them no outlet, they would have that kind of
disaster which wonld follow the damming up of the mouth
of the Mississippi. He was not going to second any
bnstiering movements against Cuba. He was forth
for demanding and exacting at an times and under a
circumstances a proper respect for theflig of thi. co. n
try ; and if in doing this we should beoome " %
war with Spain or any other country, he was for tghtinw
it out. If, in a settlement of the difficulties, we could
obtain nothing but land, he was willing to take lMjd.
[Laughter.] He thought that the president, in the late
transactions at Havana, in which the C?*owtCtar wm
involved, was altogether wrong. He hoped that ilr such
an occurrence should happen under the incoming
istration, it would ask satisfaction, and not paas ^t over
as the present Administration had done. He woul y
emphatically that he did not desire to see our
seeking a w?-picking a quarrel W.th Spain ^ any ?*er
Oovernment He prefered peace with that and ail other
nations. So long as Spain could hold the
he was content that she should keep it; but he wo?W
make no arguments against it* acquisitio .
let t^ie world understand that If Spain should e p
With the island, we would have it He would not en
courage her to look to other quarters when she should
choose to part with it. Therefore he would make no ar
gument against it. His argument would 1>? to point out
the advantages which would result from its acquisition.
Mr. WILCOX trusted that the incoming Administration
would be ehanirterlzed by a spirit of conservatism. He
hoped that retrenchment and reform would be its motto,
and that peace would l>e the ensign unfurled at its com
mencement. He was not prepared to say that he was not
In favor of the acquisition of Cuba in any event. At pre
bcnt, however, he was opposed to its acquisition, in any
shape, manner, or form whatever, because he believed
th?tt'he wants and exigencies of the country did not re
oolre it But he was net prepared to say that he was
?nposed to aoqniring Cuba at any time; for In the course
o? human evonte a time might come when ivportion of this
rnnfedoracy might be forgetful of the tie which bound
them to the other portion, and it ndght then become
a public neoessity to acquire Cuba, "hen that time
U arrive he was in favor of its acquisition?peace
!f it lie hoped the day was not far distant when in
. should have an ooean-bound re
iSjiTlM.., unil?r our own Oo?rnm.?t, which tad >ho?n
th. remittee wee and reported itsaotion to the House.
IllS then proceeded to consider the
third time and passed
Mr. FICKLIN, by consent, from the Committee ou the
District of Columbia, reported a bill to suppress the cir
culation of small notes a* currency in the District of Co
lumbia, which was read twice.
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, moved that it be made the
special order of the day for to-morrow week, 00 to
continue until disposed of. lie thought that every gen
tleman must admit that there was a necessity for the
adoption of some such measure as the one just introduced.
Objections were made to making the bill a special
order. '
Mr. JONES moved to suspend the rules; which was
agreed to.
The question recurring ou the motion to make the bill
the special order, it was put and agreed to.
Mr. CHANDLER asked ?ousent to introduc? a resolu
tion granting the use of the hall for the auniversary ?f
the American Colonization Society, to beheld ou the 18th
instant, at 7 o'clock.
Objection being made?
Mr. CHANDLEll moved a suspension of the rules.
Pending which the House adjourned.
Tuesday, January 4, 1853.
The following memorials and petitions were presented
and appropriately referred:
By Mr. JONES, of Iowa: From the children and heirs
of William Van Wert, one of the capturers of Major An
dre during the war of the Revolution, asking to be allow
ed land and arrears of pension, to which they claim their
father was entitled for his services.
By Mr. WELLER: From citizens of Humboldt Bay and
its vicinity, in California, asking that Humboldt Bay may
be made a port of entry, representing that the commerce
of that place is now quite extensive and rapidly increas
ing, besides a very large lumber trade constantly carried
on between that place and San Francisco.
Petitions were presented by Messrs. SEWARD and
STOCKTON, from citizens of Bunlo, New York, and
Trenton, New Jersey, asking to be protected from the in-1
fringement of their patent rights by persons in the British
Mr. SMITH moved to take up the petition laid on the ,
table yesterday from Charles 0. Wells, in relation to the
discovery by his father of the availability of antithetic
agents in surgical operations.
The petition was taken up, and after discussion as to
the committee it should be referred to, it was finally sent
to a select committee of five, to be appointed by the Chair.
Mr. BORLAND, from the Committee on Military Af
fairs, asked to be discharged from the further considera
tion of the memorial of physicians, surgeons, and trustees
of the Massachusetts General Hospital, relative to the dis
covery of the use of ether in surgical operations, and that
it be referred to a select committee on that subject; which
was agreed to.
Mr. SHIELDS, from the Committee on Military Affairs, '
reported a bill for the relief of John Charles Fremont, 1
late lieutenant colonel in the army of the United States.
Mr. S. asked that the bill might be considered at once.
No objection having been made, the bill was read, and,
after some debate, was amended and passed.
Mr. UNDERWOOD alluded to some resolutions offered
by his late colleague (Mr. Mehiwetueb) at the last ses
sion, at whose instance, he believed, there was an appro
priation made for a survey of the Falls of Ohio by a board
of officers. That survey hud been nearly completed, and I
he desired to have a copy of the report. He rejoiced that
such a service had been rendered by his then colleague,
and he thought the thanks of the country were due him
as the instrument by which it was procured.
Mr. U. then offered the following resolution, which was
considered and agre^i to:
ll?*<Uved, That the Secretary of War be and he is hereby
directed to communicate to the Senate a copy of the report of
the board of officers recently appointed to make a survey and
examination of the variolic plans for canals around the Falls
of the Ohio river, and the enlargement and extension of the
present canal, as provided for by the act of Congress making
appropriations for the improvement of certain harbors and
rivers, approved August 30th, 1852.
Mr. CAS8 introdnoed a joint resolution declaratory of
the views of the United State; respecting colonization on
the North Americ&u continent by European Powers, and
respecting the Island of Cuba, viz :
He it retohed, d-c. That the United States do hereby declare
that " the American continents, by the free and independent
condition which they have assumed and maintain, are hence
forth not to be considered as subject* for future colonixation
by any European Power." And while "existing rights, should |
be respected," and will be by the United States, U?ey owe it
to their own " safety and interesta" " to announce, as they
now do, that no future European colony or dominion shall,
with their consent, be planted or established on any part of
the North American continent." And should the attempt be
made, they thus delfberately declare that it will be viewed as
an act originating in motives regardless of their "interests
and their safety," and which will leave them free to adopt
such measure# as an independent nation may justly adopt in
defence of its rights and its honor.
And be it farther revolted, That while the United States dis
claim any designs upon the island of Cuba, inconsistent with
the laws of nations and with their duties to Spain, they eon
rider it due to the vast importance of the subjeet to make
known in this solemn manner that they should view all efforts
on the part of any other Power to procure possession, whether
peaceably or forcibly, of that island, which, as a navul or
military position, must, under eireumstanoes easy to be fore- '
seen, become dangerous to their Southern ooast, to the Gulf
of Mexico, and to the mouth of the Mississippi, n> unfriendly !
acts, direoted against them, to be resisted by all the means in
their power.
Mr. C. said that the words quoted in the body of the
resolution were taken from the annual messages of Presi
dents Monroe and Polk.
On motion by Mr. BORLAND, the Senate took up the \
bill to revive a portion of an act for the relief of the
widows of deceaskl soldiers.
This bill led to considerable discussion, and, after hav
ing been amended, it was passed.
Mr. HALE moved to take up the resolution submitted
by him yesterday.
Mr. RUSK opposed the motion, on the ground that it
would lead to controversy and waste the time of the
Mr. HALE insisted that all things enumerated in the
reso'ntion had been distinctly charged by a member of
the other branch in debate.
Mr. SHIELDS considered the resolution a disgraceful
one, nnd that a call might be made with iust as much
propriety for the quantity of powder and snot expended,
anl quantity and quality of wine used.
Mr. HALE desired to understand what the Senator
from Illinois meant by disgraceful.
The Chair considered the remarks of Mr. Shields an
out of order.
Mr. CASS expressed the opinion that the call went in
to subjects which the Senate had no right to notice, yet
some of the information was proper to be called for. He
hoped the subject would lie 6rer.
Mr. SHIELDS saw no reason why the resolution shonld
lie over. He thought the Senate should not go into the
petty details brought forward. He had said the resolu
tion was disgraceful, and he repeated it; bnt he did not
mean thereby to say that the Senator from New Hamp
shire had done a disgraceful act; his meaning was that
the resolution proposed an inquiry which would be dis
graceful to the Senate to engage in.
Mr. MASON had known the gallant officer named in the
resolution for thirty years, and, although he had heard the
resolution read yesterday, he had said nothing, because
ho could not condescend to notice it by objecting to it.
He would nay to the Senator that the gallant and distin
guished officer named would not shrink from inauiry into
his official oonduct, but wonld rather court it. He would
tell him further, that that officer was a gentleman and a
man of honor, and will demand of the Senate, though not
perhaps of the Senator, to be treated as a gentleman
should be. Put the resolution in proper shape and he
would vote it; but as it stood it amounted to accusation,
and perhaps had some ulterior object which it sought to
accomplish. *
Mr. HALE said some things were conveyed by words,
and others by manner. He could tell the Senator from
Virginia, however, that he was not old enough, could not
put on that dignity of expression or manner, or even of
tone, sufficient to induoe him (Mr. Hale) to shrink the
thousandth part of a hair's breadth from any thing he un
dertook. It was not the first time he had heard of Sena
tors not condescending "to notice his resolutionsbut
that did not deter him from the discharge of his duty,
whether conveyed bv words or manner. He stood there
a Senator, and acte<f under all the responsibility of the
Station, and was not to *>e scared from his propriety,
whether Senators chose to condescend to notice his resolu
tion or not. He (Mr. H.) had quite as high an apprecia
tion of the honor and dignity of his position as the Sena
tor, not withstanding he c*me from Virginia, the "Old
Dominion," and he (Mr. Hale) wm n poor fanatic from
the State of New Hampshire. The Senator had intimated
that he had ulterior views in th? adoption of the resolu
tion, which must have been reflected from his own heart.
Such Intimations Were too ridiculous, and he Would sav
that he could not condescend to notiee such an attack
Upon his motives, We ft not in bad taste and bad man
ners to do ao. Mr. H. then went on to defend his resolu
tion and to justify the Inquiry made as eminently proper.
Mr. MASONf declared 1f the Senator enttitained tlw
opinion that he Intended by his remarks to have a personal
allusion to him, then that senator did him Injustice. If
that Senator thought that he (Mr. M.) had ever before or
now courted or desired a personal discussion, ihen that
Senator, he would repeat, did him injustice. R e spoke
of the resolution as one that he would not fondest '?**d to
notice. He imputed to the Senator no ulterior vie* '*? "
any thing in his tone or Toice or manner was auch . 'k? to
call forth or justify the rebuke of the Senator from 1 'i**
Hampshire, he repelled it. Beyond the official inU >r*
course of Senators, he had never sought nor asked an V
with the Senator. In that official intercourse in tht'
Senate, which was all he could hold with him, he desired
on all occasions to treat lutn with the respect due to his
station. No more, no less.
Mr. llUSK deprecated the loss of time resulting from
engaging the Senate in controversies between officers of
the navy.
Mr. MALLORY followed at some length, defending the
navy from all assaults ; and the further consideration of
the subject was postponed.
The PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a message from
the President of the United Suites, in reply to the resolu
tion of the Senate calling for information respecting the
establishment of anew colony in Central America by Great
Britain, in violation of the treaty of Washington of July,
1850; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign
Relations and ordered to be printed.
The Senate then adjourned.
On motion of Mr. HOUSTON, the House went into
Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr.
Richabdson, of Illinois in the chair,) and resumed the
consideration of the bill making appropriations for the
support of the military academy for the year ending the
30th of June, 1854. ,
Mr. POLK remarked that as he returned from the en
joyment of the Christmas holydays yesterday, on entering
the hall he found the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr.
Venaule) discussing the Cuban question. He listened to
him with a great deal of interest, and admired the adroit
ness with whioh be applied his arguments; but at the
same time it struck him that the gentleman was occupy
ing the same position as Oen. Cass. He (Mr. P.) was
not able to ascertain whether his friend from North.Caro
lina had turned "old fogy," or whether Gen. Cass had
turned fire-eater. Both of the gentlemen occupied the
same position, and it might be possible that Gen. Cass,
aware of the great care which the executor of the char
acter of Mr. Calhoun took of it, might be using the same
kind of influence to let his mantle full upon the shoulder
of so worthy an executor.
The gentleman from North Carolina was opposed to the
acquisition of any territory at all. He (Mr. P.) could
only conceive, then, that the gentleman had adopted the
principle in the report of the Secretary of War, and if he
was in favor of an ultra doctrine, he would go for that
portion of the report which proposed to sell New Mexico
to the Indians, delegate and all.
The gentleman yesterday said that every one entitled
to freedom enjoyed it. When did this become so ? Such
a declaration of sentiment had suited better the British
Parliament of 1776 than the American Congress of 1853.
He would not 6top to examine the-mischief which would
follow the promudging of such a doctrine, and the effect
it must have upon our own institutions. Bccause we
enjoyed freedom, we were for shutting down the gates
una saying to the enthralled nations of the world, while
jour chains are clanking we are not required to be gener
ous, to raise tlie arm and break the manacles whicu now
bind you. You are unworthy of freedom.
How di?l the gentleman know they were unworthy of
freedom ? Had they tried it? Had they had as fair an op
portunity as we had had? Certainly not; and here he
would dismiss his fogy friend from North Carolina.
Now, he noticed that the course of Mr. Fillmore upon
the Cuban question had been entirely approved by some
men belonging to the Democratic party, and by newspa
pers of that party scattered here and there throughout
the country, and he believed that the gentleman from
North Carolina did the same thing yesterday. He did
not approve of it. And why ? Because he objected to
the slaughter of the fifty men at Havana. The treaty of
commerce, peatye, and navigation between the United
States and Spain required the President to issue his pro
clamation. He could not say that he admired the phrase
ology, the form, or the extent of that proclamation; but
when it was issued we had performed our part of the
treaty. Did Spain or the Cuban authorities, when those
men were taken in arms, observe the treaty ? A treaty be
tween two Governments must be mutually observed or it
wab null and void. The Government of the Uuited States
had observed their feature of the treaty, and the Govern
ment of Spain had violated theirs. Although those fifty
men were taken in arms, yet by the treaty between the
two Governments they had a right to a fair, impartial,
public trial. This was a distinct stipulation in the treaty,
and he would say that the Spanish authorities mocked
it, and that those men were tried, if tried at all, in secret,
and were carried out and shot down in violation of the
treaty which Mr. Fillmore was trying to carry out. Now,
if he was so anxious to carry out the provisions of the
treaty against the flibustiers, why did he not show equal
industry and equal good will in carrying out that feature
of it which gave those men a fair trial ?
Mr. BUOOKS wished to correct the gentleman with re
gard to a matter of fact. Those persons all had trials be
fore the court of Havana?before the high court of ad
judicature. They were openly examined, and each and
every one of them had a fair trial.
Mr. POLK, resuming, said that in this country justice
was an altar at which we all worshipped ; and he was as
tonished to find that the gentleman from New York ap
proved of Spanish justice. Would they subject the Ame
rican citixen to it who was not protected by this?he had
almost said pusillanimous Administration, but he would
not? Did the gentleman from New York approve of and
say thut the Government was correct in submitting to a
mock trial of those men before a military commission,
without any counsel upon the behalf of the prisoners,
without an opportunity of communicating with their
frieuds, and without even the poor privilege of bringing
the facts to light ?
This Government stood in this light. We had fifty men
slaughtered at Cuba in violation of treaty obligations,
and we submitted to it. And was this the only ignomi
ny that branded itself upon the American character ?
No; we not only submitted to that, but we broke down
the American honor by agreeing to salute a returning
consul in honor of the slaughter. Now, what kind of re
spect could we look for from any foreign country ? What
indignity would not be shown to our flag? " What wrong,"
nations would ask, " can we perpetrate to drive yon into
a defence of your honor?" If the policy of this Admin
istration should be carried out, the only question with
foreign nations would be, not " will this offend," but " to
what extent can we offend ?"
He would not stop to number the ignominies one, two.
three, and four. He would not stop to discus the Thrash
er and the Crescent City cases. If the course of the Ad
ministration upon the slaughter of these fifty men in
Havana, upon the Crescent City ahd Thrasher cases,
should be examined, it would be found that it had dis
graced the Government in each instance.
Was this all with regard to Cuba ? The beet way to
present this question was. How stood our diplomatic
agents in Europe? Were they respected ? This Admin
istration had broken down the reepeetability and honor
of the nation abroad by publishing a correspondence
which bore upon its face the mark of privacy.
Mr. P. then opposed the resolution of the Senate con
ferring the title of lieutenant general upon Gen. Scott.
He opposed it upon principle, and he did not think the
records would show that Gen. Scott was worthy of it.
He was opposed to it upon a peint of magnanimity, and
assumed that Gen. Scott had never been geoerous to
friend or foe. As long as he could obtain twenty-seven
gentlemen to give him the yeas and nays, he would battle
this measure.
Mr. LANE intended to say a few words about Cube,
which he held was a foregone question. He believed that
the fate of Cuba was sealed, and that no power on earth
could change it. It was unnecessary for the House at
this time to say any tiring on this subject, for Cnba was
destined to be ours. While he said this, he hoped this
Government would never do wrong; would never violate
our treaty stipulations; would never trespass upon the
rights of other nations ; but would always maintain an
honorable and upright counre towards all nations of the
earth. But, while we did this, he desired the Govern
ment?and he knew the incoming Administration would?
to ask of all nations of the earth what was right, and
submit to nothing that was wrong. Could any man upon
this floor say that the massacre of American citiiens
upon the island of Cuba was right and just, and that it
was in accordance with our treaty stipulations, or that it
was human or christian-like ? He held that the autho
rities of Cuba had a heavy sin for which to atone, and it
would never be wiped out until that island should be
made free, and be relieved from the tyrannical Govern
ment which now oppressed thousands of hearts beating
with the pulse of liberty. The people of Cuba deserved
to be free, and ere long they would enjoy liberty. He
had no fear of sectional questions ever interfering with
the peace and harmony of this oouhtry. lie held that
there would be no danger in adding more territory to this
Union, Our area of freedom was not extended enough.
Cuba, at some future day. would com* in legally and pro
perly, and enjoy the blessings which we ourselves posses
sed. But the annexation of territory woul<l not stop here
The day was not distant when all the Mexican States
would come in, and the sooner the better for them and
the rest of mankind.
Mr. L. then snbmitted remarks In opposition to the
joint resolution conferring the title of lieutenant general
upon Gen. Scott. He vm a personal admirer of Gen.
Scott; he loved him, and had served under him, but he
wa? opposed to creating the office, the title, or the rank
of lieutenant (central, aad he proceeded to atate the rea
sons why he should vote against it.
Mr. BROOKS did not propose to enter into the discus
aion of the resolution to confer the title of lieutenant
general; but it seemed to him nothing could be more un
just, unkind1, and unpatriotic than to assail the Whigvide
of the House in connexion with this subject, when the re
solution itself came from the Democratic aide. Though
he and those with whom he acted had no doubt that Gen.
^Scott deserved this honor, and in all probability should
?.ot? confer it, yet the whole responsibility of its in
>duction rested with the Democrats, and not in the
leat \ degree with the Whigs.
'9 object in rising was to reply to the remarks of the
gentU Mnan from Tennessee, and to correct some of the
errors jDto which he hod fallen. The gentleman hod ar
raigned the Administration on three charges?first, in the
matter i^f the Lopez prisoners; next, in the case of
Thrasher," and, third, in reference to the Crescent City
affair. Th ese were the points of indictment made by the
gentleman s gainst the Administration, and he proposed
briefly to rep.'y to them, without uny preparation or any
time to collect the necessary documents. He hoped to
be able to prove that the charges made by the gentleman
against the Administration were UBjust and groundless.
The Lopez prisoners were guilty, first, of violating the
laws of their own country in sailing from the port of New
Orleans in disobedience to the custom-house laws of this
country, without taking a clearance from the custom
house at thut port; in the next place, they violated the
neutrality laws of 1818; and in the third place, these
persons violated the most holy and respected laws of na
tions in fitting out and arming an expedition in a country
at peaice with Spain, for the invasion of a country with
which we had treaty stipulations.
Mr. POLK (interrupting) was understood to acknow
ledge that these persons committed the violations refer
red to, but he contended that the country did not give
them proper protection. The magnitude of their guilt
did not justify our Government in withholding from them
Mr. BROOKS read the seventh article of the treaty of
the 27th October, 1795, to prove that the Lopez prisoners
were tried in accordance with the provisions thereof.
They were tried, he said, accordiog to the proceedings
usual in such cases, and in conformity with treaty stipu
lations. In this connexion he referred to several in
stances where the American Government had punished
offences of a like character, among others mentioning the
case of the arrest by Gen. Jackson of Arbutlinot and Am
brister, who, he said, were only given a drumhead court
Mr. B. then defended the course the Administration
pursued in reference to Mr. Thrasher. Mr. Thrasher
had become a citizen of Cuba, and yet the gentleman in
sisted that he should have had all the rights of an Ameri
can citizen extended to him.
He next referred to the affair of the Crescent City, and
said that when the correspondence on the subject should
be published, it would be found that this Government had
maintained to the fullest extent all the laws, privileges,
and rights which it could claim as a nation.
The gentleman had indicted the Administration for
publishing the correspondence in reference to the pur
chase of Cuba. Now, the people had a right to know
every thing the Government did ; and if there waB any
thing amazing and astounding in the whole history of this
country, it was that any Administration should attempt,
without the consent of Congress, the disbursing power of
the Government, to promise to give a foreign notion one
hundred millions of dollars for an island, and the long
concealment of that fact from the American people. It
burst upon him with utter astonishment, and he felt that
as a citizen of the United States he had been deprived of
information which he had a right to know. For thirty,
sixty, or ninety days, he could not say how long, that
very correspondence laid upon the Speaker's table, ready
for publication by the American House of Representa
tives, and he had no doubt that the President, when he
submitted the correspondence in accordance with the de
mand of Congress, thought it would at least be paid the
respect of being opened and referred to the Committee
on Foreign Affairs for examination. On the contrary, it
was taken from the table in the closing scenes of the ses
sion, and thrust, without any official examination, among
the printing of Congress. He challenged all future time,
he challenged coming generations, he challenged posteri
ty, to examine the foreign policy of the present Adminis
tration. If those who were coming into power should re
verse the policy of the Administration; if they should
turn the wheels of Government backward, and overthrow
what had been done, and institute a new policy, it would
be to prepare the way for the Whigs to come into power,
with their conservative spirit, better to administer the
affairs of the country. He did not believe that the gen
tleman from Tennessee (Mr. Polk) or the gentleman
from Mississippi (Mr. Brown) correctly laid down the
policy of the great party to which they belonged. If we
were to be enrolled among the nations of the earth as a
great people, it would be by our growth in arts, com
merce, and manufactures, and not by bloody war.
Mr. CHANDLER replied to some of the remarks
of Mr. Polk in reference to the lieutenant generatehip,
and advocated the resolution of the Senate proposing to
establish that grade.
The bill under consideration was then laid aside to be
reported to the House.
The committee next proceeded to consider the deficien
cy bilL
Mr. CARTTER submitted a few remarks in opposition
to the resolution to confer the title of lieutenant general,
declaring that if he was going to rote for it, he would
mote to amend it by inserting the word "lord" before
the words "lieutenant general.''
Mr. GORMAN followed, and addressed the committee
at length in furor of the resolution.
Mr. FLORENCE briefly replied; when the committee
rose and reported its action to the House.
The Military Academy bill was then taken op and read
the third time ami passed.
And then the House adjourned.
Wednesday, .January 5, 1853.
The following Message was received from the President
of the United States:
In answer to the Senate's resolution of the 3d instant,
calling for information relative to the proposed tripartite
contention on the subject of the IsUnd of Cuba, I trans
mit to the Senate a report from the Secretary of State,
and the paper* which accompanied it.
The documents were read and ordered to be printed.
Memorials were presented by Messrs. SEWARD,
SOULE, and referred to appropriate committees.
Mr. FELCH, from the Committee on the Public Lands,
was discharged from the further consideration of the
memorial of the Sackett's Harbor and Ellisburg Railroad
The bill from the House of Representatives making
appropriations for the support of the Military Academy
for the year ending June CO, 1864, was read and referred
to the Committee on Finance.
The resolution submitted by Mr. Ri sk in relation to
paying Mr. Mieiwethkr his per diem and mileage up to
the 20th December, 1862. was, after a brief discussion,
read a third time and passed.
The resolution submitted yesterday by Mr. Welles re
specting the Mexican boundary was taken up and so mo
dified as to read:
Rn>- 'rfd, That the President of the Uaited States be re
quested to inform ths Senate whether the boundary line be
tween the United 8tatei aad Mexico has been fully run out
and established, and if not, whether the commission has ex
pired for the want of a commissioner and surveyor on the part
of this Government
The resolution submitted by Mr. Badger to authorize
the Secretary to purchase 10,000 copies of Hickey's Con
stitution for- the use of the Senate was taken up and
agreed to : Yeas 29, nays 12.
Mr. CASS called up the joint resolution introduced by
him ia relation to European colonization on the North
American continent; which was read a second time.
Mr. HALE sent an amendment to the Chair which he
proposed to offer when the subject cam? up for considera
tion. This amendment embodies the whole of the origi
ns! resolution, only making it applicable to Canada.
The Senate took up the amendment of the House of
Representatives to the joint resolution of /he Senate al
lowing the owners of steamboats farther time to place
their vessels within the provisions of the act of 30th of
August, 1862, and concurred therein.
On motion by Mr. SHIELDS, the Senate proceeded to
consider the bill to increase the efficiency of the army by
a retired list for disabled officers; which, after having
been amended and the amendment concurred in, the fur
ther consideration of the subject was postponed until to
morrow, and the bill ordered to be printed as amended.
On motion by Mr. DAVI8, the Senate took up the bill
to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to issue dupli
cate land warrants in certain oases : and, after having
been amended, the Mil was passed.
On motion by Mr. GEYER, the Senate took up the Mil
to continue half-pay te oertain widows and orphans;
which was read a third time and passed.
On motion by Mr. DO DOR, of Iowa, the Mil for the
reliof of the workfngmen on the addition to the Capitol
was considered, and <vn the question, * Shall the bill be
engrossed T" Mr. OH ARC moved that the 8enate adjourn.
And the Senate adjourned.
Mr. SEYMOUR, of New York, asked consent to move
, to Mke up front the Speaker's table the joint resolution
| of tbe Seuate allowing, in certain cases, the owners of
, steamers further time to make the necessary preparation
| to bring their vessels within the provisions of an act eu
l titled " An act to amend an act entitled * an act to pro
vide for the better security of the lives of passengers on
board of vessels propelled in whole or in part by steam,
and for other purposes,'" approved August30, 1852.
Mr. LETCHER objected, and called for the regular or
der of business.
Mr. SEYMOUR had no doubt that if the gentleman
from Virginia understood the case he would not object.
The law of the last session went into effect on the Western
waters on the first of January, and by its provisions it
l was necessary lor every steamer to be provided with cer
I tain apparatus. The owners of steamers hud made every
i eflort to comply with the law, but some of them had not
been able to obtain the necessary apparatus, and the in
spectors desired to give thein ninety days to enable them
to do so. Every boat was liable to be seized without this
apparatus, and he therefore desired immediate action on
I the subject.
Mr. PRESTON did not understand the purport of the
resolution of the Senate ; but, in corroboration of what
had been said by the gentleman from New York, he would
state that last night he received a telegraphic despatch
from the principal officer of the United States at Louis
ville, asking him, as the representative of that district,
to advocate allowing more time to the owners of steam
boats to comply with the law. He presumed that this
was the intention of the resolution of the Senate, and he
asked, on account of its urgency, that the House would
now proceed to oonsider the subject.
Mr. LETCHER withdrew his objection, and the resolu
tion was read three times and passed: Ayes 103, iuoes 15.
Mr. COBR said that it would be recollected that near
the close of the last session of Congress he moved to re
consider the vote by which the House laid on the table the
bill reported from the Committee on the Post Office and
Post Roads for the relief of the Memphis and Charleston,
or Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, the Alabama and
Tennessee River, the Coosa, the New Orleans and Jack
son, the New Orleans and Opelousas, and Gre&fr Wejtern,
and Raleigh and Gaston Railroad Companies. The gen
tleman from New York (Mr. Jenkins) then moved to lav
the motion to reconsider on the table, and he (Mr. C.)
now desired to call this subject up. The bill, he explain
ed, proposed to extend the time for the payment of duties
upou railroad iron imported for the use of the above
named companies four years, they being bound to give
such security as the district courts might require, with
the payment of six per cent, per annum. An amendment
was also pending to the bill to extend the privileges of
the act to all other railroads in the United States now in
the course of construction, , or commenced within one year
from the pas.-age of the act, to the adoption of which he
would have no objection.
The question was then taken on the motion to lay the
motion to reconsider on the table, and it was decided in
the affirmative by thg following vote:
YEAS?Messrs. Allison, Babcock, Burrere, Bartlett, Buell,
Burrows, Burt, Busby, Jos. Cable, Chandler, Chapman, Cle
mens, Cleveland, Curtis, Dawson, Disney, Duncan, Eastman,
Evans, Ficklin, Florence, Floyd, Thos. J. D. Fuller, Gnylord,
Giddinjjs, Gilmore, Green, Isham G. Harris, Hart. Haven,
Hibbard, Hillyer, Horsford, John W. Howe, ThomusM. Howe,
Ingersoll, Ives, Jenkins, Andrew Johnson, John Johnson,
Daniel T. Jones, Geo. W. Jones, George G. King, Preston
King, Kurtz, Letcher, Martin, MeNair, Miner, Henry D.
Moore, Morrison, Newton, Peaslee, Pennioian, Perkins, Rid
dle, Robbins, Robie, Host, Sehermerhoni, David L. Seymour
Origen S. Seymour, Skelton, Benjamin Stanton, Richard II.
Stanton, Abr'm p. Stephens, Thaddeus Stevens, Stratton,
Stuart, Sweetser, Thurston, Townshend, Wulbridge, Walsh,
and Wivshburn?74.
NAYS?Messrs. Abererombie, Averett, Bocock, Bragg,
Breekenridge, Brenton, Briggs, Brooks, Albert G. Brown,
Caldwell, Lewis D. Campbell, Thompson Campbell, CartU-r, ?
Caskie, Chastain, Clark, Cliagman, Cobb, Conger, Cottman,
Cullom, Darby, John G. Davis, Dockery, Edmundson, Freo
man, Gray, Ilall, Harper, Sampson W. Harris, Hendricks,
Henn, Holladay, Hunter," Jacksou, Jantes Johncon, Robert W.
Johnson, Landry, Little, Loekhart, Marshall, Meade, Miller,
Millson, Molony, John Moore, Morehead. Murphy, Nabers,
Olds, Orr, F. W. Parker, Polk, Powell, Price, Richardson,
Robinson, Scurry, Smart, Smith, F. P. Stanton, Alexander
H. Stephens, Taylor, Venable, Wallace, Watkina, Welch,
Addison White, Alexander White, Wilcox, Williams, Wood
ward, and Yates?73.
On motion of Mr. POLK, the House proceeded to con
sider the report of the committee of conference on the
disagreeing votes of.the two Houses on the bill for the re
lief of Mrs. Margaret L. Worth, widow of the late Major
General Worth, of the United States Army, which recom
mends " that the House of Representatives recede from
its amendment to the Senate bill, and that the bill be pass
ed in tbe form in which it came flom the Senate."
Mr. 1'olk moved that the House concur in the report;
upon which motion a debate of considerable length en
sued, in which Messrs. POLK, JONES, of New York,
DEAN advocated the report, and Messrs. ORR, HARRIS,
of Tennessee, and SKELTON opposed it.
Mr. DEAN demanded the previous question, which was
seconded, and under its operation the report of the com
mittee was adopted : Yeas 98, nays 48.
On motion of Mr. MARSHALL, the House then went
i into Committee of the Whole on the state ef the Union,
(Mr. Richabdsox. of Illinois, in the chair,) and resumed
the consideration of the deficiency bill.
Mr. SMITH, of Alabama, said that he was not here for
the purpose of defending the private, political, or personal
character of Oen. Scott. He merely rose to advocate the
passage of the resolution creating and conferring the new
title of Lieutenant-Geueral, and as it was a military ques
tion. he proposed to address himself to it as such ; and what
ever he might say in reference to Gen. Scott must be taken
in a military view. There was no man in the country that
more sincerely and ardently opposed the elfration of Hen.
Scott to the Presidency than himself, but his political op
position to him was tempered by his admiration of his
military character.
He referred to the remarks made Yesterday by Mr. Polk,
and said that he had expected that that gentleman would
have brought forward some substantial arguments against
the passage of the resolution. He, however, was disap
pointed ; perhaps it was because the gentleman's mind
was directed to another and greater question; for his op
position was simply merged into a personal attack upon
the private character of Oen. Scott.
Mr. POLK. The charge which the gentleman has made
against me, that the speech 1 made yesterday was con
ceived in a spirit of personal feeling, is unjust. I only
relied upon the testimony of Jackson, Wilkinson, De Witt
Clinton, Worth, Pillow, Duncan, Brown, and a hoet of
others, who form the galaxy of the military greatness of
this country, to show that Oen. Soott is unworthy of the
Mr. SMITH. I expect to answer the gentleman in the
spirit in which he made his remarks. 1 beg the gentle
man to be patient; I am a patient man myself.
Mr. POLK. So am I
Mr. SMITH said that he proposed to show that the ar
gument brought forward by the gentleman from Tennes
see against this resolution, in whatever spirit it might
have been conceived, at last was but an objection to Oen.
Scott's private and personal character. He did not inti
mate that the gentleman had any personal motive, be
cause he disclaimed it at the time ; and he now proposed
to reply to the gentleman according to the argument he
had made ; and what was it?
The charge was that Oen. Wilkinson, Gen. Jackson, De
Witt Clinton, and others had quarrels with Gen. Scott,
and the intimation was that because of these quarrels
Oen. 8cott was a knave. Now. the spirit in which he pro
posed to answer this charge was simply this: that all
great men quarrelled?not once, but frequently. It was not
a sign, when great men quarrelled, that they were knaves.
Why did the British papers, when our candidates for the
Presidency were announoed, say that the people of the
United States had selected two of the greatest scamps in
the country as candidates for that high office ? It was be
cause our press justified such an assertion by the course
they pursued. Well, it seemed that Oen. Jackson, Oen.
Wilkinson, and De Witt Clinton were not friendly on a
certain occasion with Gen. Scott: and what did it amount
to? Nobody would pause to answer a charge made by
Oen. Wilkinson, but any thing that came from Oen. Jack
son should be noted and answered, and he would answer
it now, and in this way: Gen. Jackson knew very well
that the way in which to rise in the world was to put his
foot upon his enemies. He had those qualities in an emi
nent degree which rendered him the man to take advan
tage of the suggestionsof hisintuitive sagacity. From the
beginning of the world political leaders commenced very
friendly, until they became competitors, and then they
became enemies. If they would turn back to old times,
they would see one great Athenian ostraoixing his friend
to-day. himself ostracized to-morrow. They would see a
great' Roman exiling his friend to-day, exiled himself
to-morrow. They would see that Cmsar and Pompey.
Brutus and Cassius, andCtosar and Cato quarrelled. Gen
Jaekson quarrelled with Oen. Scott, Mr. Clay, and Mr.
Calhoun, and the argument resolved itself into this, at
least?that great leaders desired to got each other out ef
the way. He remembered a phrase which comprised the
whole doctrine in a nutshell. It was poetry, and poetry
and politics did not mix always. In the quarrel between
Percy and Prince Henry, when they met upon the field,
Prince Hal said :
" Think not, Petpy,
To share with m? l? glory any more:
Two stars keep not their ra?u>Q in one sphere;
Nor can one England brook a double reitfn
Of Harry Perey and the Prince of Walet."
I Here was the doctrine complete and full, and par.
! was it an answer to the fuotthat Gen. Jacluon qua. "
with lien. Scott.
He would disarm tbe gentleman from Tennessee furth?.
and by hi*.own witnesses, by hit own men, and by hi?
bosom frienda; first beginning with the history of tin*,
country und with the compliments of Congress to General*.
"Scott, and then pass to the argument of the honorable and *
I distinguished gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. Lakk,) to dis
arm the gentleman from Teunes^ee in this attack upon
Gen. Scott.
Mr. S. then referred in terms of high praise to Geneial
Scott's military services, to the compliment* which Con
gress bad bestowed ou him, and to the testimony of Mr.
Lane in his behalf. He then desired to know what be
? came of the charges of the gentleman lrom Tennessee"
i They were "stale, flat, and unprofitable."
i The gentleman in his speech eulogized Gen. Washing
ton, and asked would they, by a solemn enactment of
i Congress, make Goti. Scott equal to Gen. Washington T
Now, it was true that Gen. Washington was, by an net of
' Congress, made Lieutenant General; but it was no eleva
tion to him; it was positively a degradation, and so un
derstood. Hut the reply he had to make was this:
I Washington was not only Lieutenant General, but was
also President of the United States. Would the gentle
mun say that because Washington was President, there
fore it was a profanation of his character to make any
other man President; and because he happened to be
Lieutenant General would the gentleman say that it would
t>e a- profanation of his character to make any other man
Lieutenant General ? He (Mr. S.) considered the logic
and the answer complete. ^
Mr. S. then reviewed the history of this question, and
thought that ^ie true policy of the nation was to reward
merit in all its aspects. He referred to the charge that
Gen. Scott could not make political speeches. If (said
Mr. S.) he cannot make political speeches, he can win
great battles, whioh is better. Gen. Scott was not only
eminent in war, but he had enriehed the annals of the
literary department by hia books of tactics, so skilfully
and ably arranged. He thought that Democrats were
making a small thing of this question and themselres by
opposing it. He did not speak this as a spy in the camp,
for he challenged any man to compare votes with him on
national questions; but they should not make a political
question of it. It was sustained in tbe Senate by a gal
lant roll of the most glorious Democrats in the country.
Mr. MARSHALL then obtained tbe floor, when
The committee rose.
The SPEAKER laid before the House the following
Executive communications:
A communication from the Acting Secretary of the
Treasury, transmitting an explanatory letter from the
Auditor of the Post Oifice Department in relation to the
estimates submitted for his Hureau for the next fiscal
year; which was referred to the Committee of Ways and
Means and ordered to be printed.
A communication from the Secretary of the Treasury,
transmitting a copy of a letter from the Comptroller of
the Treasury on the subject of the compensation of Wil
lard Richards, Esq., whilst acting as Secretary of Utah
under an appointment from the Governor of said Terri
tory ; which was referred to the Committee on Territories
and ordered to be printed.
Mr. JONES, of Tennessee, inquired of the Speaker if
he had yet received the annual communication of the Sec
retary of the Treasury to Congress!
The SPEAKER did not think that it had yet been trans
mitted to Congress.
Mr. JONES thought it was high time that it should be
received. ?
The House then adjourned.
News ha9 been received, via Mexico, of the over
throw of the French expedition under Count Boul
ban, in Sonora, and the capitulation of his follow
ers, who agree, for the sum of eleven thousand dol
lars, to embark for California and Mazatlan. This
information is substantiated by advices from Aca
pulco, contained in a letter to the New York Times :
" A battle taok pl&ce the first part of November, at
Hermosillo, betwean two hundred and fourteen French on
one aide, and seven hundred regular Mexican soldiers on
the other, the French burying, after the fight, eighty
three ; Mexicans having lost, at the first fire of the latter,
twenty-one mey. The French at the time were marching
towards Guayamas, when, as they reached Hermosillo, the
Mexicans suddenly fired upon them from a large walled
square, killing every on? of their officers, which staggered
them for an iustunt; but they rallied, mounted the walls,
and fired down into the yard upon them as they would
have done upon a flock of turkeys. Thd fight was after
wards continued for a short time in the atreets, with a
supposed loss of about seventy-five men to the Mexicans,
and none to the Count's party. The French then continu
ed their way to Guayamas, but were met by a messenger
from the- city, who represented that the town was desti
tute of food and deserted, and that they would inevitably
all perish unless they gave up the war. Count I>e Roua
set at that time was being carried forward on a litter,
nearly dead of the dysentery. All of his officers having
been killed at Hermosillo, the men agreed to lay down
their arms on condition that Blanco should pay them
eleven thousand dollars with which to embark for Califor
nia and Maxatlan, which he did. Rousset was taken on
board for Muzatlan in almost a dying state."
With the defeat of the Cdftnt, and the dispersion
of his followers, is exploded, of course, the idea of
the annexation of Sonora to France?an idea whick
was probably never entertained by the French Gov
Capt. Nye, of the United States mail steamer
Pari/ic, has received the following complimentary
notice from the London Times of the 14th ultimo,
for rescuing the crew of a water-logged vessel, here
tofore noticed in our columns :
An act of great humanity and courage on the part of
an American commander and his penmen ?u reported in
our advice* from Liverpool, published yesterday. It seems
that the United States mail steamship Pacific, Capt. Nje,
six days before her arrival in Liverpool, fell in with the
ship Janet Stephen*, of Irvipe, bound from Quebec to
Glasgow. There was a very heavy sea running at the
time ; it blew a perfect gale. The Jane* Stephen* was
water-logged and on the point of (linking. As may be
readily supposed, from the rivalry existing between the
companies which are contending for supremacy in the
Atlantic, it was no light matter for Capt. Nye to turn
aside from his course. Of course we do not mean to My
that, as a man of proper feeling, there was any alternative
open to him but that of saving bis perishing fellow-crea
tures at al! reasonable haiard and at whatever commer
cial risk. There is, however, sueh a thing as cheerful,
and such a thing as reluctant aid. There is all the dif
ference in the world between assistance rendered for form's
sake, and the heroic determination to rescue a number of
helpless men from peril or to perish in the attempt. Capt.
Nye, to his honor be it spoken, did not hesitate for a mo
ment as to the course he should pursue. As soon as the
ship was descried, and there was a suspicion that she
might be in danger, he gave orders to steer straight to
the spot, that her real position might be ascertained.
Nothing, certainly, conld well be more hopeless than
the situation of the Jame* Stephen* and of her crew?few
things less probable, considering the state of the weather,
than that any effective assistance could be rendered to
them. Capt. Nye, however, had a life-boat lowered down,
and the brave fellows that manned her strained every
nerve to approach the wreck. The sea was running too
high for them, and the fbry of the sflrm mast have been
great indeed when such men as these were obliged to re
turn, and confess themselves fairly beaten by the power
of the elements. Still Capt. Nye wouM not be turned
from his benevolent purpose; he refused to leave the
crew of the sinking ship to a fate inevitable if he deserted
them, but watched for hours and hours until the weather
should moderate, or sotne favorable chance should turn
up which would give him the opportunity of taking the
crew off the wreck. Again, after a long delay, the life
boat was manned, and again her crew pulled for the
water-logged ship. This time their efforts were orowned
with success, and they had the happiness of transferring
the ship s company of the Jamet Stephen* from their own
sinking vessel to the deck of the i'ec^V.
We are told that the passengers by the steamer who
witnessed the exertions of the men, and who were, there
fore, in the best situation to appreciate their merits, in
stantly entered into a subscription to reward the crew of
the life-boat, and &r>00 were collected on the spot. This
is as it should be, as far as the men are Concerned; but
it would not be amise that Captain Nye should receive
some mark of the opinion entertained in this country of
his humanity and singular energy under such trying cir
cumstances. It is by his resolution that so many of our
countrymen have been resoned from a watery grave. A
pecuniary reward to such a man. and for such an act,
would of course be simply offensive ; but it is posaible in
many ways to evince our gratitude to this gallant seaman
for the servioe he has performed.
The*number of deaths in Philadelphia during the year
1&>2 was 10,245, lees than one-half the number occur
ring in New York. Aooordi?ig to the census of 1850, the
population of Philadelphia is 408,762; of New York
.'>15,507. The great disproportion in the mortality is to
be attributed principally (says the New York Courier) to
the large number of immigrants arriving at that port.

xml | txt