Newspaper Page Text
MARCH 5, 1863.
Weekly National Intelligencer. By GALES 6c SEATON. James g. welling, associate editor. The subscription price of thia paper for a year it Two Dollars, payable in advance. A redaction of 20 percent.(one-fifth of the full charge! Will be made to any one who shall order and pay for, at one time, ten copies of the Weekly paper ; and a reduction of 85 per cent, (or one-fjurth of the Aill charge) to any one who will order and pay for, at one time, twenty or more copies. No *cc0UHtg being kept for this paper, it will not be sent to any one unless paid for in advance, nor any longer than ?he time for which it is paid. THE FUTURE. We cited a few days ago the opinion expressed by a political journal to the effaot that the present war would extend through many ysars, and would result in " the spoiling of our goods, the cessation of business, the flight of riches, the loas of friends and kindred, the sacrifice of our own lives, and of every thing but liberty and the future of this land of the whole world." This is the prospect if the war oontinues to be wsged on the theory of such extremists. . , A brilliant English statesman, and one who has been oommonly supposed to be gifted with no ordi nary sagaoity, has thus sketched the future which lies before us, as the inevitable consequence of our present struggles, should they end, as he augurs, in disunion. We quote from some remarks made by Mr. D' Israeli at the recent opening of Parlia ment : U- c!?not conoea' from myself the conviction that those in this Houae who may be yourg enough to live to witneaa the concluai< n and ultimate connequ ?rices of this civil war, will fiud that the America they can recognise when the waters have aubaidtd will be a different America from that which was known to our father*, and even to this feneration, of which they have had so much experience, t will be, I believe, an An,erica of armies, an America <f diplomacy, an America of rival fttutts and mameuvering Cabinets, an America of frequent turbulence and probablu oj frequent war." y A CHARGE SUMMARILY MET. There is a class of journals which make boister ous pretensions to "loyalty," and resent as scarcely less than treasonable any dissent from the policy of the military administration in its conduct of the war# But it is not a little singular that the few pipers which thus signalize themselves by their damaging championship of a single department of the Goyerqnment are ever ready to carp and cavil at the management of another department, the first in official dignity undtr the Administration, and filled by an inoumbent who, so far as regards his talents and his antecedents, might be supposed to merit as high a degree of confidence and considera tion at the hands of his political friends as is awarded to his colleagues in the executive branches of the Government. And it is quite true that he oontinues to have the support of his political friends, with the exoeption of a small class, of whom it is enough to say that they are more remarkable for the virulence of their political intolerance than for any other quality that gives tone and complexion to their columns. Apparently unaware that in striking at the Sec retary of State they were really aiming their blows at the President, these malcontents have affeoted to see in Mr. Seward a power extrinsic to the Ad ministration and alien to its policy. It is true there is nothing save their own fancies to support any such hypothesis, but it is known that party spleen or personal dislike rarely scruples to give to mere imaginings the consistency of facts. It seems to be the theory of these dissentients that the best way to " support the Administration" is to create, if possible, a public impression that there is a want of harmony and of cordial oo operation among the members of Mr. Linocln's Cabinet. Indeed this representation is made in express terms by the New York Tribune. The latest charge brought against Mr. Soward by this disoontentcd class?a class discontented most of all (and deservedly) with themselves?is the allegation that he has been " in the habit of sending despatches to our Ministers abroad without letting the 1 resident see them, or hear them read, or know any thing about them." In support of this statement a correspondent of the New York Tribune says: "There is intrimic evidence of this in some of the pub lished despatch*! of the Secretary. A Senator a few weeks since called upon the President, and directed bi. attention to a remsrK?b!e despatch in the laat published volume of the Secretary'. diplomatic ebullition*. The President waa aurpriaed, and declaied he had never aeen or heard of the deapatch before ,r The editcr of the New York Times having made inquiry in the proper quarter, has received from Mr. Seward, and from tho President by his assent to the following communication, a sufficient denial of the allegation, alike in substanoe and form. The denial ia as follows: i ^ahi,,k?tok, February 24.1863. (no ?k.th ' I have your telegram aak ZrT,iM,?r?1 T7 TtrRdict ,h* -tatement in the New th* Pr? S d* P?tobea m t being read by fa ? bu^von L. mlr i 7h,t Trlbune'a atatement \ 'y y 'h* **"7 despatch that wa. 5LS T _ r"rm*l that I have ever sent S?E!V J? P ^ ?nrda ?d anbatance, iiit a?? th?. inr! T .h7 hT or to hin> before it waa iSl r \ L ? th6Jwb? ? correspondence, and every word of it, between my department and Mr Davton and even this deapatch to yourself. y ' William H. Rrward. THE OBSTRUCTIONS AT CHARLESTON. The Port Royal correspondent of the New York World, writing under date of the 25th ultimo, atatea that a late guahoat reconnoisaanoe in the direction of Fort Sumter showed that the rebela bad removed their lower tier of guns and placed them en barbette, doubtlets with the in tention of destroying our iron-clada by means of plunging ?hot. I he writer adds, however, that " all these mar.onu vres foreseen and others also, to which it would not he proper to refer. Torpedoes, aunken abips, pilea, rocks, and all the nurioiu gear usfd to close harbors will be of little avail. You will discover, within the next two or three week, at farlhe.t, that thia delay in commencing operation, bas been very uaefully employed by at least one branch of the aeivioe; but thi. i. c-rtainly no reason for the delay having occurred. Charleaton any how will fall it oisght to be ia oar hands at the present moment." THE RELATIONS OF GEN. SCOTT AND GEN. McCLELLAN. We observe that (ho great majority of oar con temporaries, without distinction of party, concur with us in the view we felt it proper to take of the letter, reoently made public, addressed by Lieut. Qen. Scott to Mr. Fecrctary Cameron, in regard to oertain acts of disobedience alleged to have been committed by Gen. McClbllan, with the " encouragement" of the President and several members of the Cabinet. It seemed to us that tho publication of this let ter, after the President, the Secretary of War at that date, and the entiro Administration had prao tically ignored tho chargcs by appointing Gen. McClellan to succocd Gen. Scott in the post of General-in-Chief, was calculatcd, whether so de signed or not, to call into question the conduct of the Exeoutive, as commander-in-chief, without affording him an opportunity of explaining the cir cumstances under which he had " encouraged" Gen. McClellan to pursue the course of which Gen. Scott oomplaincd. One of our Republican contemporaries?the Cincinnati Commercial?in its number of the 27th February, undertakes to throw some light on the subject. It says: " Tbe essential fact in the case is, it was found neces sary, in order to expedite the organization of the Army of the Potomac, that Gen. McClellan should communicate directly with the War Office. Gen. Scott differed from Qen. McClellan as to the policy to be pursued. lie did uot think it iiecersary to provide artillery and cavalry arms ot the service on tbe vast scale advocated by McClel lan. His idea of crushing the rebellion was to blockade tbe rebels and starve them out. Median's proposition was to prepare a great aitny, complete in all respecWusnd invade the enemy's country. The Administration adopted McClellan's views. Gen. Scott, the nominal bead of the army, did not co-operate with bim. The embarrassments re ulting fiom ircott's position were quietly evaded. That Gen. McClellan did not suffer in the estimation of the Ad ministration because be turned Gen. Scott's position by h flunk movement is shown by the fact that when the old Geueial retired the President, with the concurrence of every member of his Cabinet, gave the ' insubordinate' the chief command. We may now expect the newt-papers which in the fall of 1861 were of the opinion that Gen. Scott'a retirement was derirable to magnify his testimony again?t McClellan. We do not see what good the publica tion of this let'.er from Gen. Scott will do." Our judicious llepublican contemporary, the Boston Daily Advertiser, comments on the topio as follows, in its number of the 27th of February : " It is not now a question whether General Scott, who is known to have been up< n t< rms of most cordial friend ship with his successor, and to have retained full confidence in his capacity, is plea-ed or shocked at this publication. The old tero has become inured by experience, recent as wt II as remote, to the uutiiuely disclosure of his corre spondence. " We need not explain to our readers the reasons which no doubt led at one tiim to tbe irregular method of trans acting military busiu> ss, which tyucbed tho sensitive feel ings of the venerable General-in-Chief Tbose reasons a e indicated in part by the reference which General Scot himself makes in his lr tter to some of the causes which incapacitated him for duty, while it is well understood by all bow desirable it was at the m ment to reta il tbe prtstigc of bis name in the conduct of affairs which he had one administered with such surpassing ability. A gen-rous mind would have suffered such a chapter in tbe seoret h s tory of tbe war to remain covered by tbe veil of seciesy ; but its disclosure cannot prevent the public io general from approving the conduct ot tbe Pres dent, in arranging the transfer of the general charge of affairs to tbe hands of a young officer, in tbe prime of bis years. " Mr Htevens, however, by the u?e which he makes of this letter, seems to ignore the peculiar relations of tbe two officers, and tbe fact that in tbe view of the Govern ment and for well comidered reasons the nominal supeiior in rank was ceasing to be tbe superior iu authority. He treats the sfl'air as a genuine case of insubordioa'ion. But does be uot know that tbe President himself must have ap proved, if be bad not even ordered, the very acts wbich are complained of as insubordinate ? General Scott states that at the date of his complaint General McClellan was addressing communications in writing to the Secretary of War and the President, and that oral communications were a'so of frequent occurrence between the same parties. When this complaint is renewed as a serious aff-iir by Mr Stevens, is not tbe charge made in fact against the Presi dent himself, who thus presumed to d scuss confidentially the plans of the war w ith a junior officer ? If it is insist ed that there was real insubordination in the case, i? not tbis a vir ual sccu-ation agxitist the President of having promet d, eticouraged, and perhsps instigated the insubor d nate acts, and does not Mr. Stever s accuse the very Commander-in-Chief of subverting tbe discipline of the army in the h'ghest ranks ?" We cited a few days ago the language employed by President Lincoln in his annual message to Congress in the month of December, 1861, and which was of a nature to exclude the inference that the charges made by General Scott had operated to the prejudice of Gen. McClellan, either in the estimation of tho President or of the illus trious Lieutenant-Gcneral, by whom they were pie ferred. To these frank words of the President we may add the following language held by Mr. Se cretary Cameron in his report of that year: " Lieut. Gen. Winfield Scott voluntarily relinquished his high command as Genoral-in-Chiet of tbe American army. He bad faithfully and gallantly served his country fur upwaids ot half a century, and tbe glory of his achieve men's has given additii nal lustre to the brightest pi-ges of our national annals. Tbe affoctious of a grateful people followed him into his retirement. The President imme diately conferred the c'ommand of tbe army upon the officer next in rank. " Fortunately for the country, Major Gene al McClellan had proved himself equal to every situation in which his great talents had been called into exercise H s brilliant achievements in Western Virginia, the untiring energy and consummate abiliy he displayed in tbe organ zttioo apd discipline of an entirely new army, have juet'y win fir him the confidence and applause of the troops and of the nation.' KENTUCKY RESOLVES ON NATIONAL AFFAIRS. Frankfort, (Ky.) February 27, 1863. The HonM of R? presontatives to-day voted on the re port of the Committee on Federal Relations. Tbey rejected the report by a dec (led vote, but accepted the res< lu ions, thirteen in number. The first, ofter stating that Kentucky i* as*niled by arm?d rebellion < n one Ride nnd unconstiiutioiihl uttirpa tion on the other, rec< mtuend* calmness and invoke* the aid of patriotic men. The second leoffirm* her loyal'y to the Government. 'lhetbiid recognises a marked difference between the Government and the Admini?tra'ion, The fourth solemnly protents Bgninst the emancipation proclamation, declaring it uncons'itut onal and void. The fifth declare* the su*pen*iou of the writ of habeas corpus unconstitutional. 1 he sixth decline* compensated emancipation. The seventh declares it would hail with delight any manifestation of a desire on the part of the Si ceded State* to return to their allegiance. 'I he eighth iidhere* to the Constitution and to the Union sa the last hope of freedom, *nd will seek redress for all wrongs, under the Constitution and in the Union, by a re soit. to the peaceful but powerful agencies of the ballot-boi. The ninth hails with pleasurable hope the reeent mani festations of conservative sentiment in the Free States. The tenth recommends a call of a National Convention for the purpose of proposing amendments to the Consti tution. The tleventh recommends a Mississippi Valley State Convent on with a view of consulting how to presetve the whole Government, and preventing one or im re States from seising the mouth of the Mis*is*ippi river. 1 tie twelf.h declares that the law* ol the State must be maintained and enforced. The Senate will probably concur to morrow. CONGRESS. EXTRACTS FROM OUR DAILY REPORTS. Thursday, February 26, 18G3. IN SENATE. Mr CHANDLER offered a joint resolution to grant a portion of Judiciary or Armory Square for a houie for des titute newsboys. Adopted Mr. SUMNER called up the bill to carry ibto effect the treaty with Peru. Pasted. Mr. LATHAM called up the bill for the sale and survey of certain Indian reservations in Calirornia. Passed. Mr. CARLILK moved to take up the bill amendatory of the act to admit the State of West Virginia. Rejected. Mr. FOSTER moved to take up the bankrupt bill. Agreed to. ? Ye as?Messrs. Arnold, Chandler, Dooliitle, Foster, Grimes, Harris. Henderson, Howe, Lane of Kansas. Latham, McDou galt, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Powell, Richardson, Suulsbury. Sumner, Ten K^ck, Wilson of Massachusetts, uud Wilson of Mies.mri?2". Ways?Messrs. Carlile, Clark, Cowan, Dixon, Fessenden, Foot, Hardin?, Harlan, Howard, Kennedy, King, Morrill, Trumbull, Wilkinson, Willey, uud Wilw-jt?16. The conscription bill was reported trom the House, and the amendment* ordered to be printed. At 2.45 P. M. the Senate went into Execative cession, after which it adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 1 he House took up and passed Senate bill to punish frauds on the Government. A LARUE INCREASE OF UENEILALS. Mr. McPHERSON, from the Committee on Military All'iirs, reported back the Senate bill to increase tlin num ber of major and brigalier generals in tbe army, with amendment* iucreasiug the uumber of additional mnjor geueruls from twenty to forty, and of brigadier generals from fifty to one hundred. Mr. McPheuhon explained tbe necessity which existed for this increase. Mr MALLORY thought there were enough generals now?a large number were not upon duty. Mr. McPHERSON said there were not now more than four or five major general* who were not performing duty of aome sort. With reference to tbe brigadiers, he said that they bad now twelve hundred regiments in service, and allowing five regiments t-> a brigade, two hundred and forty brigalier* were needed, being forty more thsn was authorized by law. Making due allowance lor those sick aud di?ab'ed and performing p< at duty, th? proposed in crease of oue hundred was essential to the efficiency of the army. If the couscription bill became a ltw the brigades would be filled to their mniuiuui standard. Mr. ROSCOE CONKL1NG favoured the proposed in crease as necessary. He derived his information as to this necessity from the best sources. Mr. COX offered a proviso, " that the President t-hall appoint no one except for gallant and meritorious services in the field." Mr. McPHERSON accepted fbe amendment. Tbe fir?t amendment, increasing the number of major generals to forty, was carried by yeas US, nsy* 53. Tbe amendment increasing the number of brigadier generals to one hundred wai agreed to by yeas 89, nays 47 '1 he amendment providing that beyond tbe number of major aud brigadier generals now an horized by law, no general shall i e appointed to any branch of the public service, was agreed to by yens 70, nay* (J7. The amendment offered by Mr. Cox was adopted by yea* 91, nays 41. On motion of Mr. MORRILL, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. Colfax in the cbair,)and resumed the confide rat ion of tbe bill to amend an act entitled "An act to provide in ternal revenue to support the Government and pay interest on ihe public debt," approved July 1st, lSii'2, and tor other purposes. The committee remained in session on amendment* un til eleven o'clock, when tbe committee rose and tbe House adjoumtd. Friday, February 27, 1863. IN 8ENATE. The CHAIR presented the memorial of the Columbia Fire Company, asking for an appropriation for a new en gine. Referred to the Committee on the District of Co lumbia. A communication was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting additional reports from collectors concerning the duties on paper. A committee of conference was appointed on the bill to limit tha number of miyor and brigadier g uerais. A SCHOOL FOR NEUROKS Mr. GRIMES then oalled up the bill to incorporate the institution of the colored children of the Diatiict of Co lumba. Mr. CARLILE wished to know if these negroes could not be educated without an act of incorporation. In his State they educated white children without any such act of Congrett; indeed he saw no reason for the Government going into this business of educating these persons any way. He took the ground that as the President had cou pled colonization with his emancipation schemes, that if the negro was to remain in this country he could only re ma n in a tubordinaie capacity, as a slave i and a Ifegi?l&> tive body h?s no right to educate the children of a State, except it may be it* duty to educate those who are to take part in the sfftira < f the Government, and he presurmd we bad not reached the point where it is proposed to ele vate the negro t ? the condition of a voter and one of the governors of the couutiy. Mr. GRIMKS said tte very crude notions of the Sena tor from Virginia on the subject of education explained some things which might otherwise not be understood. It might be the plan in the Senator's section not to educate any one only those who were to take part in gov- rning the nation, but he thankod God he came ftom a section where they entertained different ideas on the subject of education and where nobler and loftier sentiments prevailed. They believed every man should bo taught to read the laws he was to be governed by and to read the Word of God. They did not entertain any such low aud grovelling idea* on the subject of education. Mr. MORRILL said be was astonished to hear the ob jections against this bill. When the Senator from Vitgi ni? should get up and make an argument against popnlir education. . Great God, has it come to the point at this day when a Senator of the United States make* an argu ment against popular education, when every civilited na tion in the world has given it their serious attention and deemed it of the highest importance! He came from a section where they educated all the children; and if New England bad any thing to boast of it was ber system of public education, which gave every child, whether high or low born, a fair chance in life. Mr. C ARLILE asked if the Legislature of his State bad ever incorporated companies for the education of colored children T Mr. MORRILL said his State had incorporated a sys tem which educated every child, without reference to color or complexion. Tho negr* was put upon an equal tooting in I hat respect; the State knew no distinction in its duty of education. Mr. DAVIS moved to postpone the bill. Rejected. The bill then pnaued?yeas'ifl, nnys Messrs. Carlile, Davia, Harding, Kennedy, Nesmitb, Powell, Saulsbury, Wall, and Wilsoi, of Missouri. WASHINGTON AND ALEXANDRIA KAILItOAD. The bill to extend the Washington and Alexandria R?il road was next taken up. Mr. TfiN EYCK opposed the bill at some length. Mr. SUMNER offered an amendment that no person shall be excluded from the cirt ou account of color. The amendment was adopted: YEA8?Messrs. Arnold. Chandler, Clark. Fofsenden, Foot, Grimes, Harris, Howard, King, Lane of Kant as, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Tsn Kvck. rrntiibnll, Wsde, Wilkinson, Wi'mot, and Wilson of MassichnseHs?19. NAYS?Me?srs Anthony, Haya d, Carlile, Cowan, Davis, Henderson, Hicks, Howe, Kennedy, Lane of li diaua, La th?i?j, MoOonjiall, P-iwell, hich-rdtou, Saulsbury, Turpie, Willey, and Wilson of Missouri?18. Mr. CLARK opposed the bill, and icferred to a letter from the Seeretary of War sgainst this measure. Mr. McDOUGaLL said the person at the hend of the War Department wfti a bare man. He had promised the President of the United Statca, In his own h>>u*e, that he would denounce the Secretary of War. There ought to be a President of the United States Mr. MORKILL ctiled the Senator to order, a* h s re marks were not relevant The CHAIR (Mr. Anthony) decided the point well taken. Mr McDOUQALL I dee'ar-- here in my p'a< e before the Senate, on my own responsibility, that the man who is at the head of the War l)epartmont it a man who haa wronged the country. The CHAIR oalled the Henator to order. Mr. McDOUGALL. I appeal from the decision of the Chair. I want to know whether a Senator of the United Stitea is equal <o a Secretary of War. Mr. TRUMBULL appealed to the Senator to withdraw ih-< call for an appeal. Mr. McDOUGALL. Well, I will withdraw it; but I would Ike an expression of opiuion to see whether a Se nator of the United States dare speak the truth. The bill was then passed?yeas 22, nays 16. CONFISCATED PROPERTY. Mr. CHANDLER called up the bill for the collection of abandoned property, and the prevention of frauds in insur rectionary dstr iota. Mr GRIMES offered an amendment excluding all cap tuies uiude by the navy from the provisions of the bill Adop'ed?yeas 27, nays 10. Mr. HOWARD offered an amendment excluding al property wbich had been or was intended to be used against the United States, such as ships, munitions of war, &.C., from the provisions of the bill. Adopted. Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, moved to strike out the sec ion authorizing the agent of tb? Treasury Depart ment to buy cotton, rice, sugar, and tobaooo. Mr. DAVIS, in the course of some remarks on the bill, said tbat many officers had engaged in the collection of large amounts of plunder, and he understood Gen. Butler hud. through a brother of his, engaged largely in the plunder. Mr. CHANDLER said tbat Geu. Butler had accounted to the Treasury for every dollar of property he had taken. Mr. DAVIS said Butler did not act in his own name, butlis brother was his agent, and gathered up immense amounts of plunder. He saw by the Intelligencer tbat this brother aud another person were in possession of the Milligan estate, worth before the war three millions. There was a gentleman who had a large amount of plate, worth f "30,000, deposited in a safe at New Orleans, and a fine house with furniture valued at $5,000. Gen. Butler ?ent an armed force and forced open tbe safe, and took the plate, and then took possession of tbe furniture; and Gen. Butler would compel persons having property to sell it to him nt a reduced price. The people of New Orleans had denounced him as a plunderer and a tyrant. Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, referred to remarks of tha Senator fiom Kentucky concerning Gen. Butler. H& believed that Senator was entirely mistaken in his state ments. Gen. Butlct ':?d turned over to Gen. Banks nearly a million dollars won ? of property and put in the Treasury ur>arly three quarters of a million He had done more than almost any other mio to support the Goverumeat and restore order in New Orleans. General Butler had sup ported nearly thirty thousand poor people, and had levied con'ribulions on rebtls to help furnish tbe means. He thought the imputations against Geo. Butler entirely un called for and U'just. He did not believe Gen. Butler ever rereived a farthing wrongfully at New Orleans or a'tempted to do so. Mr. DAVIS repeated what he had beard, and said at the next session he would call for a committee of investiga tion into the doings of Gen Butler. Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, said those charges were made by men who hated Gen. Butler. Every man who acted with vigor and energy against the rebels had been slandered and abused. No man bad done more than Gen. Butler, and be hoped the gentleman would be true to bis promise and call for a committee to investigate the conduct of Gen. Butler, and he believed tbat these imputa tions would be found utterly unfounded in fact. Mr. DAVIS raid men who had done much for the coun-; try were aspersed ; and tbe brightest instance was tbat of Gen. McClellan. At tbe commencement of tbe war be believed tt:at Adjutant General Thomas was a traitor, and sympathized with treason ; and he (Mr. Davis) bad offer ed a icsolution to investigste bis conduct, but. the Senator from Massachusetts had objected. Mr. RICE said he believed there was no more loyal mau than Gen. Thomas, aud he never thrank from any investi gation ; aud it would have been a bright day for him if the resolution for a committee had passed. As for Geu But ler, he (Mr. Rice) was here during the dark days when Gen. Butler was our only st*y, wheu he had command at Annapolis, aud he thought it was a great mistake when Gen. Butler was taken away from New Orleans, and a dark day for the loyal people of New Orleans. He did not believe Gen Butler tver tnok a dollar from any loyal man. Mr. DAVIS asked how it was Butler's brother became rich 7 Mr. RICE sa d he knew nothing about Gen. Butler's brother, and there was not a particle of evidence before the Senate that be ever took a dollar. It was mere new* pap-r report, and be thought grave charges should not be made in this way. Semi-rebels aud sympathizers with trea sou were apt to c>mplain. Mr. DAVIS asked what the Senator thought of the gross order of Gen. Butler with regard to the women T Mr. RICE said be could not judge of the provocation for that order, but from Gen. Butler's explanation of it, it is evident it did not mean what semi-rebels tried to make it out. In icgard to tbe gentleman from St. Louis who says he lost bis plate and furniture, he would say that he was either a traitor, or else Gen. Butler never touched a dollar of his property. Mr. DAVIS said he understood this gentleman was as loyal as the Senator from Minnesota. Mr. RICE said he made no professions of loyalty. Mr. DAVIS said he bad better make none. Mr. CHANDLER raised a point of order tbat this dis cussion was eutiiely irrelevant. The CHAIR decided the point was correctly taken. Mr. POWELL spoke against the bill, declaring it to be unconstitutional and a great outrage ou the people. Mr. CHANDLER said tbe bill was to act on rebels, and he did not expect the Senator from Kentucky to sup poit it; he did not expect him to support any thing ctlcu lated to support the Government. A rebel baa sacrificed all his righu; be has no right to life, liberty, and happi ness. Even life was a boon to him. Mr. POWELL said he did not expect the Senator from Michigan to sustain any thing which bad a reasonable amount of h< uesty or constitutional law in it. He con tended that the bill bad nothing to do with rebels at all. Tbe discussion wss continued by Messrs. CLARK, MORRILL, aud others. On motion by Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, the bill was postponed. Tbe ttenate then went iuto Executive session, after which it adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Mr. HOLM AN called up tbe resolution] reported some days ?k<> the Committee on Government Contract*, and a-ked tbat it be put upon its passage, and that tbe Secre tary of the Treasury be requested to decline aoy further payment to the partie* interested in chartering tbe steamer Catiltue. Adopted. INTERNAL REVENUE HILL. The Home, on motion of Mr. MORRILL, resolved it self into Committee of tbe Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr CoLFAX in the chair,) and resumed the con sideration of the bill to amend the act entitled " An aot to provide internal revenue to support tbe Government and pay tbe interest on the pub.ic debt, and for other purposes," improved July 1, 1862. After tbe adoption of several amendments, the committee rose mid reported the bill to tbe House, with a rec.iuitnen dittinn that it do pass. THE TAX ON BA* KS. Mr. WASHBURN, from the oommktoe of conference on the disagreeing vote* of the two Houses on the bill to provide ways and means for tbe support of tbe Government, made a report recommending that the House recede from its disagreement. Mr. DAWES said the object of the Senate's amendment whs to place the Government of the United states in hos tile array Against the banking interests The hanks of New York hive loaned to the Government three dollars for ? very two they are worth, to carry on this w^r. New Eng'atid has leaned more than she is worth to the Govern ment during this war, and that at a time when the Govern ment would have gone down to perdition hud it not been for these institutions coming to its a d. Mr. WASHBURN remarked tbat when the represen tatives of the people come here and ask tbat the hanks may bear their just proportion, it is said the Government is placi"g itself in hostile array against the hanks Mr. COLFAX said he voted for the bmk bill after great deliberation. It was because the Secretary of the Treasury declared such a measure was necesmuy lor the strength of the Government. We make every branch of business in tbe country pay a tax, tbe promissory note of every citiien is taxed, and why not make tbe banks bear their proportion of tbe burden ? Mr. THOMAS, during bis remarks, s.id it is tin repre sentatives (if the people who control the revenue. It is only by gradual usurpation of power that the Government undertook t<? control the of th* country. It is Hot the intention by this tax to add to the revenue of the Government; it is the object and purpose to restrain the circulation of the local insitutions for the purpose ?>f giv ing force and effect to the bunk bill patsed by Coogreas. The question was then taken, Hhall tbe Houae recede from its disagreement to the Senate's bank tax amend ment I ..... And the question was decided in the negative by a vote of ye as 03 to naya 7f>. Mr. DAWE8 moved for another committee of confer ence, which wia agreed to. THE INDEMNITY HILL. Mr STEVENS, from the committee of conference on the disagreeing vo'es of the two Houses on the bill to in demuify the Preaideat and otber officer* of the Govern ment for tbe suspension of the privilege of the writ of babeaa corpus made a report. It authorizes the President, during the present rebel lion, and when the public safety requires it, to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in an^r State or part of the United States; and provides for discbargea by courts, and tbe parties discharged to take tbe oath of allegiauee. Mr. PENDLETON raised a point of order that this was not the report sgreed upon by the committee. Messrs. STfcVENS and BINGHAM severally explained that thia was the report as signed by the committee. The report was received by the House by a vote of 88 yeab to 42 nays. Mr. PENDLETON augge>ted that the report go over until Monday, in order that it might be printed. Mr. STEVENS demanded the previous question. Mr. PENDLETON moved to lay the bill upon the ta ble ; upon which tbe yeas and nays were ordered. Mr. NOBLE moved (it being ten o'clock) that tbe House adjourn; which was decided in tbe negative: Yeas 24, nays 90 # Tbe question recurring on the motion to lay on the table Mr. ANCONA asked to be excused from voting, which was decided in the affirmative?yeae 79, naya 75. Mr. ALLEN, of Ohio, moved to recouaider the vote by which the House excused Mr. Ancona from 7oting, and to lay that motion on the table ; agreed to?yeas 54, naya 29. At a quarter to 11 o'clock? Mr. WOOD moved that the House adjourn; disagreed to?yeas 24 to naya 68. Mr. ANCONA moved that when the Houae adjourn to day it meet on Monday next. Mr. WOOD moved to amend by inserting Tuesday in stead of Monday. The amendment was rejected : Yeas 3, nays 73. These proceedings were still in progress at midnight. Saturday, February 28, 1863. IN SENATE. Mr. GRIMES offered a resolution instructing the Sec retary of the Navy to report to the Senate whether any officer of the Government has liberated prisoners captured by any naval officer of the United States, and restored any captured property on the payment to him or them of any money or other valuable consideration, and if so, under wbat circumstances and by what authority such release has been made, and that he report thereupon to the Senate ; and whether, in his opinion, any action Ib proper or neces sary to remedy this proceeding. Adopted. THE NATIONAL MILITIA HILL. Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, called up the bill to enroll and call out the national forces Mr. BAYARD proceeded to state his objections to the bill, as an set not within the power confided by the Con stitution to Congress; and it it was, it is not only inexpe dient, but dangercus to the liberties of the people. It is a bill to allow the President to enroll into the regular army every able-bodied man in the country; it is a bill to increase tbe regular army at tbe discretion of the Pieai dent. It entirely destroyb aud obliterates the militia of the States, and thus destroys that check which the Con stitution wisely provided against the power of a central ized Government. Only despotic Governments require to be centralized; but a free Government must always de pend upon decentralized power. Such an act was never I passed in this count-y, even in our utmost need ; and Eng land, with her many wars and olteB scarcity of men, never resorted to this despotic measure. It is a inode of raising armies only used by despotisms, but never by republican Governments. This principle, if adopted, would i iduce large standing armies, which almost inevitably lead to dv,s potism. In a Government of delegated power, and which rests upon the consent of the governed, such a measure ia inexpe tieut and unnecessary. Congress has nopowtr, u .der the Constitution, to thus destroy the mili'ia of the States, which the Constitution provided fi?r as a reserve force of the Union; if this mea sure was carried <>ut there would be no check on the cen-1 tralized p?wer. He would not say that tbe President! would make a bad use of this power, but it was the prin ciple he otjected to. It waa always dangerous to central ize such immense power in any one man. Under an ambi tious man, mght not the fate of France be that of thia country t Our forefathera saw the dangers, and wisely placed these checks upon the too great centralization of power. It has been said that the life ot the nation ia at atake. He believed that the liberties of a free people were of more importance than any thiug else, aud if he was to choose between an imperial government, stretching over the whole country, including Mexico and Canada, and two or three separate republics, be would have no hesitation in choosing the latter. He had been opposed to this warlrom the beginning, and in favor of peace, aud was in favor of peace now, even if we bad to aubmit to separation. The war, if cariied on under the preaent policy of ounfl cation and emancipation, can only be successful in the entire aub jugation of the South ; and then wbat becomes of th" li berty of the people ? He was not williog to sacrifice the I liberties of the people for mere extension of territory. We existed a? a Republic and as a free and happy people when we had not two-tilths of our present territory. Under tbe present pol cy he believ. d it was midsummer madness to attempt t ? restore the Union by the aword. He moved to poatpone the bill indefinitely. Mr. TURPI E, of In liana, aaid he should vote to poat pone, not because he would decrease one jot the power to put down tbe rebellion, but because he thought tbis legis lation unnecessary and unconstitutional. 1 be bill pro poses to obliterate one atep which had always been taken to raiae troops; they have always been raised by requisi tions on tbe States. In 1HI2 certain New England States refused to furnish their quota, and in this war Kentucky and Missouri had also refuted to furnish their auota Theae were facta, the marita of which be would not d'Mr HOWARD, of Michigan, a*ked if the Senator whs willing to continue thia inconvenience, and allow Btatea, perhaps not loyal, to refuse to furnish men. Mr. TURPIE said the inconvenience was simply lack of power. He was not willing to give the national Execiv. tive the power to violate the Constitution or take any step not contemplated by those who formed the Government. The bill gives the President power to raise armies, which power is confided to Congress. Mr. HOWARD, of Michigan, a?ked him how Congress could ra:?e armies without agents. Would tk.? 8enator have a recruiling office opened in these halls of Congress ' Mr. TURPIE, of Indiana. There would be few recruits iftboydid. Mr. T. further contended that the bill would take away all power of tbe States and make the President a dictator if he chose to receive the power. There ia no provision in the bill to limit th? quota of any district, and he charged that the bill would be used f r political pur poses, to secure political victories and avenge political de feats He said we have had all sorts of bills to> put d"*B rebellion ; but the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. W il son) hid tak< ii the most ingenious and unique method of putting down rebe li. n by boasting of his own loyalty ami impugning the ls.y-.lty of olb ;rs. If the rebe lion wa. o be put down by vapid and stale vociferation of the loyalty of Massachusetts ?hen it would be put down sure y. That Senator talks about Jackson and Douglas, and about the Democrats wbo have gone into rebellion The iq .went ij man ceases to obey hihI reverence the Constitution aud lawa of the United States then he ceases to be aUemiwsrat Had the Setiat r from Massachusetts been in the Senate in the days of J?ck?on he would have opposed him, and every slander uttered against that old hero would have come from the lips of the Senator, though he might have bad at me reverence for Washington. Had he lived in the ,)nvs of the Revolution, he would have been tory and talk i ed flippantly of rebels, and offered rewards for the beads of Suiuter and Marion; and .he would have betray, d his country as Arnold did. Had be lived in the days of Lu ther, h< would have s;ded with the Pope and toasted on tbe ashes of the martyrs, and lighted the Area of Suiithfield. He might have bad some reverence for that Deity who came to save the world, and in his nan\e he would have burned Luther. Had he lived in the days of Christ, the Senator from Massachusetts Woold perhaps bRva obeyed bini?be certainly would have followed him to the garden of Gelhsemane, through the streets of Jerusalem, and to the bar of Pontius Pilate, and then his voice would have bssn beard, but he would have **id, " Release unto us liar-, rabas, but as for tbis Jesui let bim be crucified." Mr. WIL8 >N, of Massachusetts, said he bad no reply to make to tbe personal allusions of the Senator from In diana. He did not know what he might have been had he lived in former day, but he knew that now he was no tiaitor or svmpalhiz^r with tre-son His as'ociates were not those who labor day and night to fissml everv rnea"^ and every man that is supporting the jnuyry.He thought the Senator had not the right to speak for the a; UierM regards this bill. Soldiers were every day expressing their del ght at this measure, and the Senator aisf. asssilea M aachusetts for failure to respond to <h* call for troops. hM furnished 2,702 more men thaa were So/? f ',rUd^et the Se?tor come, here .od repSJSS =r?aiSr??: Mr. TUHPIK .?ill k , j ? by b" ass uilto. dier, and he would ?u?iTk for fhe We.toX?1! V *** "k'~ taw >h. ^ r'? ?H?r-J?? ZJSLtLto, ST&bS,* "* the North hostile to tbo Qovereim-nt und'h.\p*rt7 ** Mr. McDOUGALL said the evil of our tiine? ?>. ?w we were governed too much by particular and ? era! laws and the Senator from Ll,ana ha. i j? jj fit ?elf much a. to particular., finding fault with d?tffu ill a time like tbi. we .bould be governed by g'Ier"UCh P"Wer the Government a. will give it vim and force in it. action. Mr. CAKLILE .poke at length again.t the bill charac terizing it a. of a cla?. of legislation to deatroy instead of pieserve the Government. It was a bill to teke awav j?'? fr?m the and give it to the President, and to day we have a rebellion .aid to be stronger than when it fir.t commenced, and we have to day a divided North ??/< ooitod So?th. He believed tbi. XSWfiJJ? k^Xj about by the conduct of Congre.. and the Executive. He was sorry to Me tbe party io power, in prosecuting tbi. war attempting t o carry out partydogmas, and interferm* with the in.titution. of State. If thi poUcy lutf ^ of preserving strictly the righto of tbe 8tafa? unif been shown that tbi. wa. not a war a^n.t a^.TE-lJS institution, he believed there would have been counted volution, in tbe South, and if the noli? .TL ij -, ?2-*- nofc been ?banged, and the President had s.stedI the pressure again.t him. he believed there wouTd have been peace to-day. He denied that the South wu! unit, there were true and loyal men there. If it was a unit there, the Government might a. well atop the war for it could never .ubjugate that people. That QovTrn' a,e?t the be., ?hlch meet proLL the btpe^r ?to people, and this thing we call .lavery i. nothing but a form of government for a class of being, whose hannineas comfort, and well being has been promoted to a greater ex tent than the same race ha. ever enjoyed before in anv other country on the face of the globe. If we would l"? on this thing a. a mean, of christianizing thi. race, and fit ting them for christianizing and civilizing their own oeonle in their native land, there would be lesf holy horror fie thought the people .hould be alarmed when they s?w such a despatch as was in the New York Tribune about Connecticut copperhead.. He warned the Administration ihat there wu a limit to tbe forbearance of the neoDle and be was astonished when he i?w in Gen. Burwit.' testimony before the War Committee that he .aid, con cerning bis attack on J? rederick.burg, " that when be hud lost as many men a. bis orders required he au.nec.ded th? " U/hat Ravu orders how tnany^men should be killed in an attack 7 ^?D?.' ?f Michi?an> explained that it wu not Gen. Burnsides testimony, but Gen. Hooker'., and the language did not bear the construction the Senator at tempted to put on it. oenawr at hf ^ary'aud' "aid be came here at a hear er, but he thought he should not be doing hi. duty to the loyal Mtate ho represented in part if he did not .ay a word to d^H "trem",t" "u bo,h *lde? of tbe chamber, that if they did not cease this crimination and recrimination the oon pu.nces would be ruinous. The range of thi. diacuMion has been so wide as to trouble him. Here wu a party on one sirfe charging the other with being the cauae of the war, or having conducted it improperly. He knew tbe Northern extremist, had said many provoking thing, but it wu a war of words, and he would go back to the begin ning of our troubles, the repeal of the Missouri compro mise and then down to the Charleston Convention, and t e. '?w ?' l.h? traitorg left tbe Senate. The extremists of tbe South had long been trying to set up a separate Go vernment. He charged on tbe extreme Southern men that they were the cause of this war. He was not a Republi can, and, thank God, he never was a Democrat. H? be longed to no party but to the Union party, and he wanted to hrar of no other party ; but he intended to support the Government in all proper m-aaurea to put down rebellion. He had no conscientious .cruple. about holding .lave, but if it wu neceaaary let them bo. neM?a8r^TJL8BU " the 8"ulor thou?ht " wm Mr. HICKS said by no manner of mean*. He would "ght against any attempt to take hi. slave, away by force. He appealed to tbe Senators to come together to save the I Union ; he was willing to fight rebels on both aidea of the re?r^e,l at1!W!B" ,en?th u> th? ?"empt to take Maryland out of the Union, aud justified tbe arrest, made by the President at that time, and believed those arrets saved the State of Maryland?though tbe time for arrets bad gone by. -???-*? Conatilution was hi. only gu de, the Constitution be bad sworn to support. He dif fered from some of the views of bis colleague respecting Maryland. He saw no hope in tbe dark gloom thatVpread about him. He had no heart in thia contest. He looked upou this bill as tbe moat odious and despotic he had ever read. He regarded the policy now pursued a. tending to destroy all tbe bonds which bind together the Union He had opposed this policy, and be gloried in hia record. For bis course he had been denounced and misrepresented by a hired and venal press, but bis career here was almost end ed. He warned Senators that to introduce the question of emancipation into his State was to introduce revolution 1 hough by the action of this Co gress the value of slave property was destroyed io tbat State, yet there was a bill in the otber Home proposing to give ten millions to Mary land f>r her shve property. HU advioe to his State would be to spit upon tbe lu.ult. If it was attempted to turn loose thousands of th?se ignorant semi barbarians to com pete with the white citizens of bis State, it would raise an ?njurrectiou. He wantod no hypocritical, canting devil tj come to his State preaching philanthropy and equality to these people. If these negroes were tbu. to be .et free he wanted them taken away. Let them go to their near of kin?bas- in heart and deceitful in the object, for which they profess to labor He saw no bright future for the State of Maryland Deceit, hypocrisy, and polities seem to nave cmbtned to break down that Btafce. Mr. DAVIS spoke at length Again.t tbe bill, contending it was dangerous to the liberty. of a free people, though be would be willing to vote for it as a war measure, if he bad confidence in the Administration. POWELL, in the course of hi. remarks, referring to the Senator frem Maryland Justifying arrest* while he wan Governor of a State, declared that if he (Mr PowgLL) was Governor of a loyal S ate, he would resist every arrest of that kind, and no citiien should be arrested without warrant of l ?w, unless it was done over the bayonets of the militia of tbat State. asked if, as Governor of a State, tbe Senator would judge of the legsl.ty of the arrest, and t p aT 'T* re?st the Federal Government. T i, J 8*'d ^ *?ul1 Plaiui "*> "fbt to decide that the arrest of any citiien without warrant of law was again.t the Constitution. If any citizen had violated the laws, he would give tbe President all the power of the Si^te to aid in bi< arre.t Mr- SHKRMAN asked if the Senator would not justify the Government if it bad killed tbe men who burnt the bridges, thu. committing an act of war. Mr. POWELL said if they were taken in the act of conflict it would be an act uf war, and they might have been killed; but never alt-r tbey were arrested, unless tried. Mr. SHERMAN said til the complaint of the Senator ?eemoJ to be that the Government did not try and execute these men, and there he (Mr. Siikkman) agreed with him exactly. Mr- POWELL said he had hoard that tbe Senator from Midland. (Mr. Hicks,) while Governor, bad recom mended this very bridge burning 8B,<^ 'bat repoit was false; he bad often dented it. Mr. POWELL said he had a pamphlet containing a let ter wri.ten by the Senator about tbe time the rebellion broke out, referring to guns that were being bought by the State, as kiiiis to kill Lincoln men. Mr. HICKS s<id there was something of the kind in a Utter he bad written confid'-ntially, and spoke of guns in a playful joking manner; the matter bad been explained over and over again Mr POWELL "ft'd be imputed nothing wrong to the Senator, but only mentioned it to sh >w thai suspicion might have rested on the Senator, if the letter had fa len into wrong hands, H" continued his remarks at some length. Mr. KICHAKDSON, of Illinois, addressed tbe Senate st length in opposition to tbe bill. He referred to the sec tion proTitiii g for enrolling foreigners who had declared their intention of becoming o.t i us ; this, he thought would cause a gr. at deal of trouble with foreign nations' and was of no value or necessity in this bill. He also ob-' jected tu tbe so-t on regarding the punishment by oourt inartiul for certain crime* of persons connected with tbe Again, th? bul makes no limitation or qualification of the rieKideni's power for calling out tbe men of tbe oountry. The President might oall out all the eitis-ns of Illinois, and leave all the people of Maine untouched; bet m.ghtleave untouched any district where it was necesMry to [Continued on the Fourth