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Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, March 05, 1863, Image 3

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The Thirty-seventh Congress of the United States
yesterday came to an end by constitutional limita
tion, and adjourned without day.
Never before in the history of the Government
has a Congress assembled under oiroumstanoes so
diffioult and momentous. The exactions made on its
intelligence, its business'capacity, and its patriotism
have been great beyond all precedent, and it is not
too much to say that the measures it has adopted
are unexampled for the magnitude of the issues they
That in some respects a Congress thus called to
aot should have fallen below the height of its mis
lion was perhaps to have been expected from the
infirmity which attaches as to all men, so also to
legislators, when we consider the limitations of
human wisdom and virtue. It was the misfortune
of the present Congress that its members were
summoned to duties of which there was no foresight
on the part of the people when they were chosen
to transact business for the nation. The course of
events thrust upon men who had been selected with
paramount reference to issues of a political agita
tion the tremendous rcf ponsibilitks of a gigantic
war arising between States bound to a common
allegiance under a common Constitution?a war
plusquam civile. For a time the spirit of party
seemed to have been abashed in the presence of
events so novel, affecting, and momentous, but in
the latter terms of its sessions this spirit resumed
an unhappy prevalence over its discussions, its de
liberations, and its decisions. Party received the
homage and the devotion which were due only to
oountry, and, at a time when the undivided energies
of the nation should have been conocntrated on the
work before it, we have seen measure upon measure
pressed with untimely zeal to a hurried consumma
tion, and sometimes with the indirection belonging
to the "cankers of peace," rather than with the
singleness of eye which, incumbent at all times,
became the highest of duties at the present critical
period of the Republic.
But it is no pait of our present purpose to write
the epitaph of the Congress which has just expired
Impartial history will sum up and appreciate the
results of its labors, and record with pride that in
a day of surpassing trial there were some at least
of its members who "understood their epoch,"
however little their counsels may have weighed in
determining the form and the complexion of some
among the measures finally adopted.
When questions of prerogative arise in Mon
archies, there are often found persons who pride
themselves on being more royal than the king, and
even in some Republics the temporary Chief Ma
gistrate has been known to hav8 friends who were
more jealous of his rights and dignities than he
seemed to be himself. For instance, it has been oom
mon among a certain class of modern "loyalists" to
exact on the part of all connected in any way with
the Government or tho army in the present crisis
an entiro and implicit concurrence with the Presi
dent in whatever proclamations he may make or
" war measures" he may adopt. This oorfformity
to the Presidential mind, if the prime duty of
every loyal citieen, is deemed absolutely indis
pensable in the case of all who hold oiBoe,
whether in civil or military stations.
It is very suggestive to mark that the President
himself does not so understand the duty either of
eitizens or offioials. He has just nominated for re
appointment as our Minister to Russia the Hor.
Cassius M. Clay, who had the hardihood at one
time to decline a Major Generalship because he did
not agree with Mr. Lincoln in the policy then pur
sued by the Administration; and Mr. Clay,while
his nomination is yet pending before the Senate,
has so little respect for this late theory of offioial
submission that he has just published a letter in
which he not only signifies the liberty he had taken
to dissent from tho President's original war poli
cy, but actually prcHumes to stigmatize the Gene
ral -in-Chief, Mr. Lincoln's chosen military adviser,
as " intensely pro-slavery j" and, as if to show that
the force of independence oould no farther go, he
winds up with a " fling" at the Secretary of State,
his own official chief after he t>hall have been duly
confirmed by the Senate.
But to the letter which contains this instructive
exposition of "loyalty" to tho Administration, as
Mr. CUy understands it. We should add, perhaps,
that this letter, after being originally published in
the paper to whose editor it was addressed, has been
subsequently printed by somebody in the shape of
a plaoard, (surmounted by a huge spread eagle,)
and pasted on the street corners, tho blind alleys,
the theatre boards, and tho tree boxes of Washing
ton, muoh to the wonderment of gaping urchins
and "intelligent contrabands," who arc seen to
pause long before it with a puzzled expression, as
though they did not fullj comprehctd tho species
of entertainment to which its perusal invites the
Washington public :
Washington, Friday, Feb. 24,1863.
To the Edi'oref the New York Timet :
In tho Tlmea of yca'erday jouh^e an artie'e styled
" Kuasia Made Happy," to wbteh I (Wire to say hut a
word in ioply I h*ve nothing to ?ay about the apirit of
that editorial toward trr; it ia the as mo, with all tbe rest
you have written in reference to me, while at home and
abroad. I do not hold my wlf above Juat or even unfriend
ly criticism a* a puhlie amvant In ihnt I Mb ill endeavor
to defend myself by my life-art*, not by words. But when
you venture the insinuation that (I)''he can aerv? the
Uovernmrnt consistently with hi* private sentiment*" only
in a foreign mixtion, you misrepreaent my " centim-nU'
and injure the cauae of the country. /told Pretidemt Lin
coln that I could not and ironld not enter the field erc>pt iKn
policy tea* adopted of liberating the rlavet of rehch. Ho
?oon a* the President ivaued hia proclamation of the 22d
September I offend iny aervicea at once to Gen. Halleck.
I waa received in aurh manner that Secretary Cbraae, who
waa present, and who bad urged me to take a command
by tho moat presairig arguments, waa aatiaAed, as well aa
myaelf, that I could not aeive tho country or my own repm
lotion hy entering the icrtic*. .Tuatice to the country and
iny own character tor Ira kueas demand of me to aay that
I regard Gtn llalliekat too intenfily pro nlare.ry to do jnt
tree to any man of myjrirw* of the great political t*smet
pending. I have d< lie what I could, and I ahall do what
I can, to induce tbe Preaident to put Gen Hei j. F. Hutler
In hia place I belitve th?%t such a change wuld aave the
R public mill ona of men and money. Nothing ah< rt of
that can give the vigor atrd effect to our arma which the
?riaW? and the publ-c ren'imcnt demand.
How far "Ruasia shall be made happy" will appear
I wkra your W?ad W H. Seward shall pUet mors of my
I correspondence and Uss of his own before the. public.
I aui, your obedient aeivant, (J. M. CLAlf.
What audacity in hero! "I told Pro&ideut Liu
I cola that I could Dot and would not eoter the field
I exoept the policy was adopted of liberating the
I slaves of rebels." Who can tell what influenoe
this imperious language addressed to the President
may have had iu precipitating the proclamation of
I list September 22d f It was neoessary to secure Mr.
Clay's services " in the field," and those services,
the Pre&ident was flatly told, could be had only on
the condition of " liberating the slaves of rebels."
Hence, perhaps, the first emancipation edict which
so surprised the country. If any body has a better
explanation let him candidly impart it or use tbis
which is now for the first time brought to light.
After the " Proclamation of Freedom" had been
promulgtd we suppose that the President flattered
I himself the way was open to the entrance of Major I
General Clay on his military career. But in this
Mr. Lincoln was disappointed. Gen. Halleck was
now the lion in Gen. Cla/s path to glory. So far
from manifesting a due alacrity at the bare idea of
having Gen. Clay in the field, it aeems that the
General-in-ohief, " too pro-slavery to do justice to
any man of Mr. Clay's views of the great political
issues pending," actually received tho eloquent
orator from Kentucky in tuch a way as to convince
not only himself, but Mr. Secretary Chase, that he
oould not serve the country or hh.oion rej)ulation I
by entering tho service This certainly was very
bad for the " country," and worse for Gen Clay's
military " reputation," but the President seems to
have been singularly insensible to both, as Gen.
I Halleck, in spite of the mischief done by his "pro-1
slavery" blindness to military merit, still blocks
the way to men of Mr. Clay's 11 views on the great
political issues now pending."
Unable to enter the army because of the unac
oeptablc political opinions of the General-in-Chief,
Mr. Clay reluctantly returns to the peaceful walks
of diplomacy. In these walks it seems that, in
order to serve one's " country" or one's " reputa
tion," it is not absolutely nccessary to be on the best
possible terms with the Secretary of State. Declin
ing to enter the military scrvioe because of the cold
ness with which Gen. Halleck received him when
he went to offer his sword to the cause of emanci
pation, Mr. Clay is willing to return to Russia,
notwithstanding the conceived ipjustioe done him
by " W. II. Seward" in publishing so few despatches
dating from the Court of St. Petersburgh. j
Wc remember that the despatches of Mr Clay,
aa published by Mr. Seward, are very profusely in
J terpolated with " stars." This is a source of much I
regret to us, considering the interesting quality
I of what the Secretary thought it proper to commu-1
nicate to tho public. But we do not perceive the
entire justice of the ]>reoiso chargc which Mr.
Clay makes against " W. H. Seward" when he
I intimates that the latter has suppressed any cor- I
respondencc because wishing to concral " how
far Russia shall be made happy" by Mr. Clay's
return to St. Petersburgh. This latter point
has been placed beyond doubt or controversy by
a despatch of Mr. Clay contained in the first
volume of tho Diplomatic Correspondence commu- I
nicated to Congress more than a year ago by the
Secretary of State. As this seems to be a matter
of considerable importance in the eyes of Mr. Clay,
we beg to recall to his recollection and that of our
readers the following portion of one of his de
spatches, very conspicuously published by " W. H.
Seward," and which sufficiently indicates how hap
py Russia will be to see him back again at his di
plomatic post: I
i The Emperor received me standing, advancing and I
saying he icat planted to see me. I then went through,
v?-ry brit fly, the uaual forma of auch speeches, ridding, that I
I ventured, by the or?'e a of my Government, to a .y further
to him that the President of the Uu t'd State* and'the
Ameiiean people looked with profound aympathy and admi
ration upon the great reform a which he was attempting in
I bia empire, which, without considering the philanthropic I
view of the movement, by building up a middle class, he
wi uld add more to the physical power of hit country than
I did Peter the Great by consolidation and extensiou; and
that the success of hia enterpiae would, iu the estimation of I
ti e western nations place him even ab.ive that great ruler. I
The Emperor teemed muck grutified and really moted by
this list remark, which he a*w wu from m a real appre- I
I ciation of hia great undertaking, and nol an unmeaning
compliment" I
" He wanted to know if I thought England would inter
fere. I told him we did not care what ^h* did ; that her
I interference would tend to unite ua the more; that we I
I fought the 8on:h with reluctance; we were much in'er- I
untried, and of a common hiatory ; but that the coume of
England had aroused our aenaibilitie* toward* her in no
very pleasant manner. The Emperor seemed to like my
I HKKMIKG defiance of old 1 John Hull' very much lie winted I
to know if I waa a relative of Henry Clay, and vhat teas
my military rank. I told him I was on'y a distant relation
I ol ( lay, arid that I wore the uniform of au American I
colonel, which rank I had filled in my own country The
Emperor then wished that our p rtonal relations would
advance the national friendship, as our former ministers
had ao succeeded ; inquired aflar Mr. Appletou'a health ;
I regretted that he had not seen him before bia departure; I
shook hands with me; when I accompanied him info the I
ante chamber, and introduced to him my three attach/*?,
to whom he made pleasant remarks, when, shaking hands
once more, he ditmiaaed ua." I
; If such was the warm rcccption awarded by the 1
Czar to (?olontl Clay, who shall fancy Alexander's
happiness at receiving him in the uniform of a
Major General, which he will hivo tho right to
wear on tho oooasion of his next presentation ? j
Wo trust wc have thus made it plain that Mr.
Seward has not injured Major Goncral Clay in the
matter specified. Much as wc may deploro tho other
omissions in the despatches from St Petersburgh,
there is evidently no attempt to hido thestrongand
favorable impression wliieh Mr. Clay made (or sup
poses himself to have made) on tho Russian Km
peror. W e hopo that this fact may be reckoned to I
the credit of "W. II. Ssward." j
As to the omissions which the Soorctary has I
thought it proper to make in certain portions of
Mr. Clay's corresp mdenoe we have n. thing to ray.
| Hut it has occurred to us that Mr. Seward pub
lishes his foreign correspondence more with refer
ence to the enlightenment of the country, on topici
posseting poeuliar interest t) the American peo
plo, than in order to pres< nt an exhaustive tran
?oript of all that our Ministers write from abroad.
This latter would be likely to moke his annual expo
sition a little too bulky for ordinary reading, not to
?ay that most Ministers are supposed sometimes to
write despatches more for tho private instruction
of tho Secretary of State or President than for the
purpose of impressing the people with an idea of
the distinguished consideration in which they are
held by the Court to which they are acorcditcd.
hen Mr. Clay reoalla these faots wo hope ho will
not too seriously resent the aptc.isks which, wher
ever they occur in his despatches, mark no less for
us than for him a hiatus void* drftendnn.
A? it is, wc hope the Senate will immediately
proofed to his confirmation, if for do other reaaon
becausc of the signal illustration it will ufford in
rebuke of the mistaken servility of those who havo
thought to please the President by always insisting
on an " unquestioning" concurrence with him in
his war policy. We have here a candidate fcr the
highest diplomatic honors who takes the liberty of
dissenting from the policy of the President until
that policy is altered to suit him, who is ready to
serve his oountry " in the field" when he can at
the same time serve his reputation, who carps at
fche_ General in-Chief whom the President has
chosen to carry out his military ideft?, and who
ends by mocking at the Preuiior of the Adminis
tration under whioh he has constantly held, and
proposes still to hold, high and lucrative appoint
We are the more anxious that tho Senate should
proceed to oonfirm the President's nomination in
the case of Major Gen. Clay with all dispatch, be
cause we are not without an apprehension that, if
suffered to remain much longer at large in Wash
ington, his great influenc3 with the President
(especially if the proclamation of last September
22d was issued for the reason we havo surmised)
may lead to the summary dismissal of Gen. Hal
leek and the appointment of Gen. Benjamin F.
Butler in his stead. Wo frankly confess that we
do not favor any such ohange in the office of Gene
ral-in-Chief, notwithstanding the ' high military
qualities asoribed to Gen. Butler by the distin
guished phrenologist, Prof. Fowler, who has re
cently subjected that officer's bumps to a scientific
manipulation which attest a vast quantity of unde
veloped capacity, sufficient to secure success in al
most any profession, (unless we except the clerical,
because of his imputed lack in the organ of reve
rence, whioh Mr. Fowler found to be a hollow in
stead of protuberance.) Wo hope we shall not be
suspected of intending any disrespect to Gen. But
ler or to tho science of phrenology if we avow a
preference for Qen. Halleck's retention in the
place he now holds, though we could wish that he
might conquer his " pro-slavery" prejudices where
they stand in the way of the military advancement
of such eloquent speakers and complete letter
writers ae Mr. Clay.
The Bank Circulation of the State of Maine,
reported officially on the 1st of January, 1&G3, was
80,488,000, and on the 1st of January, 1^62,
$4,048,000, showing an inorease of 82,410,000, or
about sixty-five per cent., with an aggregate bai k
capital in the State of $7,983,000. This propor
tion of bank circulation to bank capital in the State
of Maine is larger thau in other States, being about
eighty per oent. of capital.
In New Hampshire tho proportion of bank cir
culation to bank capital is about sixty per cent.;
in Vermont, sixty per cent.; in Massachusetts,
thirty-three per cent.; in Rhode Island, twenty
per cent.; in Connecticut, thirty-three per cent.;
in New York State, thirty-three per cent ; in all
New England combined it is about thirty-five per
cent.; in the Middle States, forty per cent.
In no State whatever does the bank circulation
exceed the capital, and in few does it reach sixty
per cent.; so that by the eliding scale, as proposed
in the finance bill now before Congress, the tax
would yield nothing to the G-overnment, and the
banks oould go further without reaching the pro
posed limits for taxation.
Secretary Chase presided at the meeting of the Chris
tian Commission in the Representatives' Hall, Washington,
on the 22d instant; and H<n Mr. Mnynard, M. C., of Ten
nessee ; Gov. Pollock, of Pennsylvania; Rev. Dr. Taylor
and Rev. Mr. Duryea, of New York ; Gen. Howard, U. S.
army, Admiral Foote, fciid others, made enthusiastic ad
dresses. The addieas of Mr. Duryea is thus tpoken of by
a correspondent: " Distinguished ktatefinen express-d the
opinion that Mr. Duryea'a speech has never been Furpa<?
ed in Washington, and but once or twice equalled " We
have only space for the noble letter from the President,
read by Mr. Chsse at tke opening of the meeting, as fol
lows :
Executive Mansion, Feb 22. 18(53.
Mv Deak Sir: Your note by which you, as General
Fuperintrudcnt of the United States Christian Coiunji*
s on, invite me to preside at a meeting to be held thii day,
at the hall of the Houte of Representatives in this city, is'
While, for reas< ns wh'ch I deem sufficient, I must de
cline to preside, I cannot withhold my appr >vmI of the
meeting and it* won by objects V* hat-ver ?hall be, sin
cerely and in God's name, devistd for t*.e gcod of the sol
diers and seamen in their hard spheres of duty, can scarcely
fbil to be bleated. And whatever shall tend to turn our
thoughts from th* unreasoning and uncharitable passions,
I rejiidiccs, and jealousies incident to a great national trou
b'e such as ours, and to fix them upon the vast and long
endming consequences, for weal or for woe, which are to
result from the struggle, and especially to stre' gthen our
reliance upon the Supreme B?*ing for the final triumph of
the right, cannot but be well for us all.
The birthday of Washington and the Christian Sab
bath coincding this year, and suggesting together the
highest interests of this life and of that to come, is moat
propitious for tke meeting proposed.
Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN.
Rev. Alexander Rekd.
It is known to our readers that the bill for the enrol*,
ment and drafiing of the militia, to be employed at the
discretion of the President in the pending war, includes
on'y those who are within the ages of twenty and forty-five
among the persi ns subject to its operation. It has been
usual to take the term of eighteen years as the initial point
of the military age in drawing up similar bills. But the
framers of the pending measure seem to have thought that
persons between tho sge of eighteen and twenty years have
not attained such a degree of physical vigor as would en
able them to endure the hardships of the service equally
with those of a slightly more advanced period in lifa. In
thia they ?em, however, to have miscalculated, in the
greater activity of the vital fore a in the period embraced
between the eighteenth and twentieth year affords a better
prophylactic against the disea?es and hardships incident to
the soldier's life than is found in the more matured strength
of the period embraced between twenty-one and forty-five
years of age. This fact has been brought to our attention
by Mr. E. B. ELLIOTT, the able Actuary of the United
State* Sanitary Commission, who, in the hop? thit Con
gress may still, ill the closing hours of the session, am '(id
the bill in this regard, has submitted to us for publication
the following table, prt pared frotn the best attainable data,
"showing the ratio of mortality per 1,000 of th* strength
at the under-mentioned periods of life among tho non-coui
missioned officers and privates ol certain portions of the
British armies, for the ten years from 1st April, 1837, to
31st March, 1847:"
mate of MORTALITY pkr 1000.
i a
a ?
1 sl I 6 \1*
S3 O m c: *
? W ^ ao ^ 5 ?
a Q 2 & (2
Under 20 - -
20 to 25 - -
?.'? to 3<> - *
30 to 35 - -
3T? to 40 ? -
40 and upwards
7 5 83 i 13.1 11 2 12 2
11.7 12 4 17.8 '91 (i 17 0
10 3 14.3 1 10 8 21 1 18 3
13 3 14.8 19.8 19 5 18.4
8.4 15 3 21.0 22 4 19.3
13 4 18 3 23.4 2<5 2 21.0
Tottl ... - I 11.0 13.31 187 204 17.5
We stated iu our paper of the 14th instant, on
the authority of a New York contemporary whioh
we have generally found to be aoourate in its infor
mation from different departments of the armyf
that on the arrival of Gen. Foster, late of North
Caroliua, within the military jurisdiction of Gen.
Hunter in South Carolina, some misunderstand
ing arose between these two commanders as to
their respective jurisdictions. Assuming the intel
ligence to be true, we expressed our regret at the
occurrence, and at the same time avowed the oon
viction that it furnished a new illustration in sup
port of the argument wo had then recently made in
favor of confiding to the General-in-Chief the active
direction of all military movements. It was impos
tib!e for us to supposo that suoh a contretemps
could have arisen under the administration of a
single presiding mind, especially if that mind were
imbued with proper views of military discipline and
subordination, as is supposed to be the case with
Gen. llalleck, from the nature and rank of the pofct
he nominally holds.
A doy or two after we had made this repre
sentation, wc learned from a leading officer con
nected with the military branch of the Government
that the alleged dissension between Gen. Foster
and Gen. Hunter was wholly without foundation.
We accordingly made an announcement to this
effect, correcting tho statement we had copied from
tho New York journal. We have since been led
to suppose, however, that there was more founda.
tion for the allegation made by our New York
contemporary than for the denial it reoeived at the
hands of a military officer, who, from his connection
with tho Government, was presumed by us to speak
of his own knowledge.
Hut, whatever may have been the facts of the
case as thev existed two weeks ago, it would seem
that somo dissension has lately occurred in South
Carolina between the staff of Gen. Foster and Gen.
Hunter, insomuch that the latter has proceeded to
the harsh step of expelling the former from his
military department. Such at least is the an
nouncement made by the " Morning Chroniole"
of yesterday, in giving publicity to the following
" Lreut ThotnaB J. Stevens, of Massachusetts, was ar
retted by Gen. IIunt? r < n the J6tL instant for publicly de
claring thut ' he would rather be beaten by the rebels than
fight with negroes.' Lieut. Stevens whs recently pro
moted for bravery in North Carolina
" (Un. Hunter peremptorily o drred all the staff of Gen
FnsUr out of the Department of the Soulh for the utterance
of statements tending to create disaffection, insubordina
tion, and mutiny."
These dissensions in the army are a source of
great regret, bccausc of the weakness they must
introduce iuto cur military operations. Doubtless,
as men arc, such dissensions are inseparable from
all combinations which require the cooperation of
co ordinate and previously independent commands
within the same sphere of duty. But we must still
bo permitted to think that if the General-in-Chief
could have supreme and uncontrolled conduct
of all our active military operations, a part at least
of this confusion and disagreement might be avoid
ed. For instance, we find the following explana
tion of the circumstances under which Gen. bher
man was recently charged with the operations set
on foot for the reduction of Yicksburg. The state
ment is copicd from the Chicago Tribune, a lead
ing or^an of the Administration in Illinois, and
which, from the particularity of its dates, would
seem to speak by authority. We quote from its
number of the 23d instant:
" We Lave noticed several paragraphs in different public
journals charging Gen. McClernand with the responsibility
of the failure of the Federal attick upon the enemy's works
near Vickaburg. It is true that the Secretary of War had
assigned to him the command of the Mississippi expedi
tion, and thit the Pre#ident had signified to the General
in-Chief h's dei-ire that Gen. McClernand should have com
mand of that expedition. Hut it is equally true that while
Gen. McClernand was on duty at Springfield, Illinois, in
for*aiding troops from Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa for the
expedition, Gen. llalleck save tbe command of the expe
dition to Geu Grant. Thin was as far back as the 8th of
December last; and Gen. Oiant gave the immediate com
mand to Gen Sherman.
"On the lH:b of Drcember, the Pre*ident, coming to
know this f?ct, caused Gen. llalleck to diiect Gen. Grant
lo place (i n. McClernand in immediate command; but
the latter was uot notified of this until th? 22<1, by a de
? pitch dated on the 21st. In the mean time Gen. Sherman
hud desc nded the Mississippi at the head of tbe expedi
tion, and when Gen. McClernand r. ached Memphis and
ivpored to (Jen. Grant for orders, the expedition had been
already reputed near Vicksburg.
" This conflict of authority and orders is mysterious. It
is e'ear, however, that the President designed and hnd
ord. r< d that Gen. McClernand should have Command, and
that Gen. llalleck frustrated the design. The responsi
bility , f the failure of the expedition attaches to others
than Gen. McClernand.
"Gen. McClernand assumed direction of the expedition
after it had returned to Milliken's Bend, and on tbe same
day sailed for the Post of Arkansas, and reduced that place,
capturing mure than lifty-five hundred piisoners and all
the enemy's material of wsr found there. This blow pro
bably would have been followed by another upon Litt'e
liock, and the enemy would have been driven south of the
Arkansas river, but was arrested by an order from Gen.
Grant to return to Milliken's B?nd, who censured Gen.
McClernand for hi< operations in Arkansas. The country,
howtver. lully sustains him. It wants results, and this
wu? one which came upon it as suddenly as agreeably.
" Reluming to the vicinity of Vicksburg, Gen. McCler
nand diaeuibaiked his forces and took up positions opposite,
above and be'ow tbe city, cut off the enemy's communica
tions by water below the city, by planting Latteries on the
liver bank, and in this position wa? awaiting the co opera,
tion of Geu. Hanks when Gen. Grant arrived, and on the
^i?th asruuied control of the expedition and reduced Gen.
MrCleruai d to the command of the 13th army corps, and
chirged it with garrisoning the west bank of the Missis
lippi river from Helena south.
" It is understood that General McClernand protested
against thia measure as contrary to tbe order of the Pre
?i lent and Secretary of War, and unjust to him a* the
projictorof the expedition. It remains to be seen what
ihe authorities at Waahington will do in the cose. What
Gen. McClernand has undertaken to do he has done well.
We hope Gen. Grant will be more successful in conduct
ing this great enterprise than he was in conducting the en
terprise against Grenada."
When such representations are made by an in
fluential It publican journal, assum^R to speak
from certain knowledge of the facts recited, it must
be admitted that tho Military Administration is
grievously traduced by its best friends, or that
there is a want of pystem in tho conduct of our
military operations whioh calls for speedy correc
tion in tho interest of the country. Wc may
be permitted, wo hope without disrespect, to ro
call to tho President a dictum under this head
contained in his annual message o'j|'>ooember,
1801, as cited by us a day or two ago, .vbon refer
ring to tho appointment of Gen. McOlellan as
General-in-Chief :
" It has been said that one bad General i? better than
two good ones; and the saying is true, if ttken to mean no
more than that an army is bitter direr ted by a single mind,
though inferior, than by ttro superior on*s at variance anil
cross purposes vith each oihtr."
The negro crew of Ihe ship Lucy Thompson mut nied as
the ship was about to sail from the harbor of New \ork
on Wednesday. A ?harp struggle occurred, in wh ch the
mate, Mr. Hlack*'ork, was knocked down and struck with
a belaying pin. Capt. Crocker, seeing hi* danger, fired his
pistol and wounded one of the mutineers, when the whole
gang wai driven forward. Th ? harbor police then arrosted
tbe mutineers, sixteen in number.
It is known to our readers that Congress, by its
recent legislation, has perfected the policy neces
sary for the inauguration of the National Bunking
system recommended by Mr. Secretary Chakk.
And it would seem that the new hanking law, if it
goes into operation, will at once be subjected to ju
dicial interpretation. The New York Journal of
Commerce quotes the following from the annual
report of Mr. H. H. Van Dyck, the present super
intendent of the Banking Department of New York,
made to the Legislature and just published:
" Whatever may be the action of Congress in the pre
mines, I have full faith that the Legislature of New York
will protect its honor and the interest* of a common con
stituency with diguity and firmness Under ths exstiog
laws no association or person c<tn issue, witbin this State,
notes to circulate as money without depositing the required
securities in this department. Without legislative instruc
tion to the contrary, it will In my duty, during mv con
tinuance in office, to enforce this provision against all a*so
ciations or individuals claiming authority troin any other
source If occasion require. 1 shall not hesitate to bring
the question to the test of judicial decision, that we may
learn authoritatively what powers over local institutions
are still left to the States."
There would perhaps be some advantage result
ing from such a question as Mr. Van Dybk threat
ens to bring up, for it would lead to a re-examina
tion of somo very important disputed paints as to
the respective powers of the General and State Go
vernments in the matter of currency. Several
questions under this head have been previously de
I cided by the highest judicial tribunal in the coun
try, but it may be doubted whether definitive con
clusions have been reached on all branches of this
delicate and important subject.
In the year 1819, in the ease of McCul och vs.
the Slate of Mart/land, it was decided that the
States had no right to tax the issues of the Bank
of the United States. Judge Story did not over
estimate the bearing of this important decision
when he held that " in a political point of vi&w
it was of the deepest consequence to the nation, be
cause it tended " to establish the Constitution upon
its great original principles" in respcct to the na
tional currency.
It is known that Judge Story was clear in the
opinion that, under the Constitution, the States
have no right to " issue bills of oredit" in the shape
of bank bills uttered by State authority. In the
case of Hri&coc vs. the Bank of the Commonwealth
of Kentucky, the question was raised whether the
act of the Legislature of Kentucky, establishing
this State Bank and authorizing it to issue bank
notes in the usual form, was unconstitutional, be
cause infringing the clause of the Constitution
which declares that no State shall " emit bills of
credit" or " make any thing but gold and silver
coin a tender in payment of debts."
It is known that in this case the court held (Mr.
Justice McLean delivering the opinion) that the
act of incorporation was constitutional, and that to
constitute a " bill of credit," in the sense excluded
by the Constitution, it must be issued directly by
I a State in its own name, and contain a pledge of
its faith and be designed to circulate as money.
In this case Judge Story delivered a separate
opinion, dissenting from the decision of the court
In the course of his argument he went into a his
torical review of the origin and significance of the
term "bill of credit," as it was known in colonial
times and during the period of the Revolutionary
war, for the purpose of "proving that a " bill of
credit," as the term is employed by the framers of
the Constitution, "signifies a paper medium in
tended to circulate between individuals and be
tween Government and individuals for the ordinary
purposes of society." According to the definition
of the term given by Chief Justice Marshall in the
case of Craig vs. the Slate of Missouri, Judge Sto
ry maintained it was not essential that such bank
bills should be a legal tender, nor that they should
contain any express promise by the Stato to pay
them, on which credit is given, nor that they should
be issued directly by the State in its own name.
He, therefore, held that the issues of the Bank of
the Commonwealth of Kentucky, under the chartcr
it had received from the State, were "bills of cre
dit," and, as such, unconstitutional.
We do not know how far the same constitutional
questions as to the respective powers of the State
and Federal Governments over the currency of the
oountry will oomc up for review under the recent
acts of Congress, but whatever shape they may as
sume they will be exceedingly important and
The bill for the re-organization of the Court of
Claims, by providing for tho finality of its deci
sions, (with an appeal to the Supreme Court in all
cases involving a larger sum than three thousand
dollars,) and also authorizing the appointment of
two judges in addition to the number which now
compose the bench, was yesterday passed by both
Iloufcs of Congress, having been reported from a
oommittcc of conference on the disagreeing votes
of the two branches of tho National Legislature on
tho question cf appointing the two additional
judges. The bill was finally passed with a provi-.
sion for their appointment.
We congratulate the Government and the publio
on the passage of this importint act, providing for
the establishment of a tribunal by which the just
rights of claimants may be more surely secured,
and the interests of the Treasury moro effectually
guarded khan has heretofore been the case under
the custom of referring private claims to tho con
sideration and adjudication of Congress.
The present iucumbents of this Court, which is
hereafter destined to form an important part of tho
judicial power of the country, are tho Hon. Edward
Q. Lorinu, Hon James HuuiiK8,and Hon. JoftiPH
Casey. The bill just passed, in providing for thq
two additional Judges, authorizes tho Prenident to
designato and appoint a presiding Justice of tho
new Court.
In the firat brunch of the City Council of Baltimore on
Monday evening, Mr. Hoopkh, from the joint ?pt<cial run.,
mittee appninto I to extend tho hoapitalitiet of the city to
Major Urn UtoRUK B. McClki.i.av, reported the follow
ing as bie anawer:
" Washington, Ff.hkiary 28, 1861.
" Hon. D. II. HOGPKft, Chairman, ?fcc.:
" Sir : 1 have the honor to acknowled||e tho receipt of
your kind letter <>{ the iifith intUftt) enclosing the renolu
tion of the tirat and aeeonU branchea of the City Council
of Baltimore, tendering t> me the hoapitalitiea of the city.
I fully appr oiate the high compliment offered me by the
City Council, but am unable to avail myaelfof tho honor,
a* I have already declined all auoh public dfmonatrationa.
Ple??e convey to the City Coancil my leartfelt thai.ka for
the kind feeling which prompted the reaolution, and be
lieve me, ryith high re*p?ct. your ob* dient aervaut,
"Gcorok B. McCi.km.^n,
"Major General U. S Army."
By the President of the United State, ?/America.
WuaaitAH objects of interest to the United
States require that the Senate should be oooTened
at twelve o'clock on the fourth of March next, to
receive and act upon such communications as may
be made to it on the part of the Executive:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi
dent of tbe United States, have considered it to be
my duty to issue this my proclamation, declaring
that an extraordinary occasion requires the Senate
of the United States to convene for the transaetion
of business at the Capitol, in the city of Washing
ton, on the fourth day of March next, at twelve
o'clock at noon on that day, of which all who shall
at that time be entitled to aot as members of that
body are hereby required to take notioe.
Given under my hand and the teal of the United
States, at Washington, the tweuty-eighth day of
[L. a.] February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
buudred and sixty-three, and of the independent
of the United States of Auierica the eighty-seventh
B, tie President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN. '
William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
The following resolutions, reported to the Senate on
Saturday last by Mr. 8umner, from the Committee on
Foreign Relations, to which was referred the " message of
the President of the United States, communicating, in
answer to a resolution of the Senate, correspondenee on
the subj-ct of mediation, arbitration, or other measure*
looking to the termination of the present rebellion," have
passed both Houses of Congress :
Whereas it appears from the diplomatic correspondence
submitted to Congress that a proposition, friendly in form
looking to pacification through foreign mediation, has been
made to the United ^ates by the Emptor ofthi French
and promptly declined by the President; and whereas the
idea of mediation cr intervention in some shape mav be
regarded by foreign Governments as practicable, and such
Governments, through this misunderstanding, may be led
to proceedings tending to embarrass the friendly relations
which now exist between them and the UnitedStatea- and
whereas, in order to remove for the future all chance of
misunderstanding on this subject, and to secure for the
United Slates the full enjoyment of that freedom from
foreign interference which is one of the highest rights of
independent States, it seems fit that Congress should de
clare its convictions thereon : Therefore
Resolved, (the House of Representatives concurrina 1
That while in times past the United States have sought
and accepted the friendly mediation or arbitration of for
eign Powers (or the pacific adjustment of international
questions, where the United 8tare? were the party of tha
one part and some other sovereign Power the party of the
other part; and while they are not disposed to miscon
strue the natural and humane desire of to reign Powers to
aid in arresting domestic troubles, which widening ?
their influence, have afflicted other countries especially
in view of the circumstance, deeply regretted by the Ame
rican people. that the blow aimed by the rebellion at the
national life has fallen heavily upon the laboring population
of Europe; yet, notwithstanding these things, Con*r?i?
cannot hesitate to regard every proposition of foreign in
terference in the present contest as so far unreasonable
and inadmissible that its only explanation will ba found in
a misunderstanding of tbe true state of tbe question and
engaged*11 rRcter of war 10 wh'ch the Republic ia
Resolved, 1 hat the United States are now grapplinr
w.lh an unprovoked and wicked rebellion, which is taking
the destruction of the Republic, that it may build a new
P?^r,wh.r corner-stone, according to the confession of
its chief*, shall be slavery ; that for the suppression of tbia
rebellion, and thus to save the Republic and to prevent the
establ.shment of such a Power, the National Government
is now employing armies land fleets in full faith that
through these efforts all the purposes of conspirator* and
rebels will be crushed; that while engaged in thiastruggle
on which so much depends, any proposition from a foreign
Power, whatever form it may take, having for its object
the arrest of these eflorts, is, just iu proportion to its in
fluence, an encouragement to the rebellion, and to its de
clared principles, and, on this account, ia calculated to pro
long and embitter the confl.ct, to cau,e increased expendi
ture of blood ar.d treasure, and to postpone the much de
sired day of peace; that, with these convictions, and not
doubting that every such proposition, although made with
good intent, is injurious to the National interests, Comrrea.
will be obliged to look upon any further attempt in the
same direction as an unfriendly act whieb it earnestly depre
cates, to the end that nothing may occur abroad to strength
en the rebellion, or to wee ken those relations of good-will
?mvateeifn 6r* Which ,hd Uu'ted'StAtes are happy k>
Resolved That the rebellion, from its beginning, and far
back even In the conspiracy which preceded its outbreak
was encouraged by the hope of support from foreign
Powers ; tint its chiefs frequently boasted that the people
of hurope were so far dependent upon regular supplies of
the great Southern staple that, sooner or later, their Gov
ernments would be constia nrd to take side with the re
bellion in some effective form, even to the eitentof forci
ble intervention, if the mi der form did not prevail; that
the rebellion is now sustained by this hope, which every
proooeition of foreign interference quickens anew, and tha?
without this life-giving support, it must soon yield to the
Ka:,d?pfrnalr,h,;:t^ ?f the <wlment!
that, considering these things, which are aggrava'ed by the
mot've of the resistance thus encouraged, tbe United States
regret tha foreign Powers have not Irankly told tbe chiefs
hitefu|ri!t ,r?thHt th6 W"rk Which the* are engaged ia
hateful, and tbat a new government, such as they seek to
with n Wnth 7*7 ""I ltr acknowle,J?ed comer-stone, and
with no other declared object of separate ex stonee, is so
? and the moral aense of man
I kind that it must not expect weloome or recognition iu the
Commonwealth of Nations
T"at United States, confident in the ju
of oapae wh.ch is the cau-e. also, of oood ??
ernroent and of human rights every wherJ
anxious for the speedy restoration of
secure tranquillity at home and remove all o^ion^f
complaint abroad; and awaiting with well assur^d Just
?upprcBiion uf the rebellion, through which il
these things, rescued from present danger will be ?er-.ir?,i
forever. end .he Republic. He
mankind TT'" W Continue to example to
msnkind, herthy announce, as th-ir unalterable purpose
th?h^WlirW > f vl?oro",|y posecuted, according to'
the humane principles of Christian Statea, until the rebel
lion shuil be suppressed ; and they reverently invoke udoii
their cause the blessirgs of Almighty God.
Resolved, 1 hat tbe President b? requested to transmit
a copy of tbe,e resolution*, through the Secretary of Slate
5h.f u i " 'hB V?'ted ,n eoaate^*
that the declaration ai.d protest herein set font mar
? ESS ' """" "" -hieb ie.
We hear and mil humiliating report*, (my* the Boston
Journal,) from our own correspondent and from otb?r
sources, of the conduct of some of the troops which were
landed at St. Helena Inland,(S. C.) under Qeo. Foster. The
mildest statement of th? affair we find in a let'er published
in tbo Traveller, written by a soldier in one of the two
Massachusetts reg'msnts which form part of the oorpa.
who says:
" The day after we landed the troops catne in collision
with the blacks?the soldiers rapnciou*, the negroes inde
Sendrnt and uncivil; the result was that the blacka were
riven ? ff to the < thor end of the island, and their houses
burned and their contents destro)ed. It was a most dis
graceful affair, and Gen. Hu'iter. jimtly indignant at the
outrage, has put the most rig d camp restrictions on both
officers ai d men on this island.
" (Jen. Naglee is at pre??nt in command of the forces on
this island. He has issued a special order censuring the
recent acts of vandalism of the soldiers, and ordering com
manding officers to cause the arrest of alPoffioers and men
known to be privy to the outrngo. Groans were given in
the various e-imps for Oen. Hunter at the closoof the even
ing dress-psrade on Sunday
"Much ill-feeling ha* been shown hy the soldier# oo tbe
is'and, and there has been serious talk in some regiment*
about laying down their arms. (Jen. Foster is expected
b^ck from Newberu in a day or two, when we expect thing*
will be straightened out."
? For the third time in the history of Canada, the Niagara
river at its junction with Lake Ontario has been bridged
with ice. The third bridging of the riTer commenced at 2
o'clock on Monday afternoon, and yesterday morning n
party of seventeen or eighteen, half of whom were ladies,
came over from Yonnfstown to Niagnra. Tbe river ia
bridged with ice from its mouth up to the farm of Mr.
('scroll, a distance of about two and a half miles. Tb? sight
is reported as being one of surpassing besnty and grandeur,
and well worth a journey to ?ee. The cause of the "jam"
was a prev?ience of south winds for a few days and then
a *?*ddeu change to the north j the first (oroing the ice
down the upper l.ake* Into ihe river, which is prevented
i by the u>rth winds from getting into Lske Ontario.
I [St. Cathmmrs Jr*A.

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