Newspaper Page Text
DIPLOMATIC COKKESI'ONDKNCi: The subjoined papers comprise tin cirrf.-w >a? dence which has rcccntly taken place between our Government and that of France on tlii^ pending troubles in Poland. They arc here published for the first time in a complete and authentic ?hapo. Mr, S> ward to Mr. Dayton. Department of State, Washington, M?y II, I William L. Davtoh, ?kc. &c. Ac. Sin: Mr Mercier has read 1?? me,and at my request has left with me, a copy of an instruction under the date of the 23d of April last, which he bun received from Mr. Dronyn de l'Huys, and which relates to exciting and interesting events in Poland that are now engaging tho serious atten tion of the principal States in Western Europe. Mr. Mercier has, at tho sanifj time, favored mo with a copy of au instruction relating to the same events which has been transmitted by Mr. Drouyn de l'lluys to tho Am bassador of France at St. Petersburgh. We learn from the first of those papers that tho pro ceeding which has thus been adopted at Paris with a view to the exercise of a moral influence with th<? Emperor of Russia, has received the approbation and concurrence of the Court of Vienna and the Cabinet at London, and that the Emperor of tho French, justly appreciating at one and the same lime our historical sympathy with the Poles, and our ancient friendship with Russia, would be gratified with a co-operation in that important proceeding by tho Gov eminent of the United States. ? Having taken tho instructions of tho President, I am now to communicate our views upon the subject, for the information of Mr. Drouyn de 1'IIuys. This Government is profoundly and agreeably impressed with the consideration which the Emperor has manifested towards the United States by inviting their concurrence in a proceeding having for its object the Rouble interests of public order and humanity. Nor is it Ices favorably im pressed with the sentiments and the prudential considera tions which the Emperor has in so becoming a n^nner ex pressed to the Court of St. Petersburg. They are such only as appeal to the just emotions and best sympathies of mankind. The enlightened aud humane character of the Emperor of Russia, so recently illustrated by the 'enfran chisement of a large mass of the Russian people from in herited bondage, and the establishment of au impartial and effective administration of justice throughout his dominions, warrants a belief that the appeal will be received and re sponded to by him with all the favor that is consistent with the geueral welfare of the great State over which h? pre sides with such eminent wisdom and moderation. Notwithstanding, however, the favor with which we thus regard the suggestion of the Emperor of the French, this Government fiuds an insurmountable difficulty in the way of any active co-operation with the Government of France, Austria, and Great Britain, to which it i- thus nvited. Founding our institutions upon the basis of the rights of man, the builders of our Republic Vianw all at once to be regarded as political reformers, and it soon became manifest that revolutionists in every country hailed them in that character, and looked to the Unit.nl States for effective sympathy if not for active support ar.d patronage. Our in valuable Constitution had hardly been established when it became necessary for the Government of the United States to consider to what extent we could, with propriety, safety, and beneficence, intervene either by alliance or concerted action with friendly Powers or otherwise in the politic t! affairs of foreign States. An urgent appeal for sueli aid and sympathy was made in behalf of France, and the appeal was sanctioned and enforced by the treaty th it existing of mutual alliance and defence, a treaty without, which it may even now be confessed to the honor of France our own sovereignty and independence could not have been so early secured. So deeply did this appeal touch the heart of the American people that only the deference they cherished to the couus.-ls of the Father of our Country, who then was at the fullness of his unapproachable in r.il greatness reconciled them to the stern decision that invi w of the location of this Republic, the characters, hab;t?. and sentiments of its constituent parts, and especially it complex yet unique and very popular Constitution, the American people must be content to recommend the cause of human progress by the wisdom w;th which they sht ul.l exercise the powers of self-government, forbearing at all times, and in every way, from foreign alliances, inter vention, and interference. It is true that Washington thought a time might come when, our institutions being firmly consolidated and work ing with complete success, we might safely and perhaps beneficially take' part in the consultations held by foreign States for the common advautage of the nations. Since that period occasions have frequently happened which pre sented seductions to a departure from what, superficially viewed, seemed a course of isolation and indifference It is scarcely necessary to recur to them. One was an invi tation to a Congress of newly emancipated Spanish Ameri can States; another an urgent appeal to aid Hungary in a revolution aiming at the restoration of her ancient and illustrious independence : another, the project of a joint guaranty of Cuba to Spain in concurrence with France and Great Britain, and more recently an invitation t > a co operative demonstration with Spain, France, and Great Britain in Mexico; and, later still, suggestions by some of the Spanish American States for a common council of the Republican States situated upon the American conti nent. These suggestions were successfully disallowed by the Government, and its decision was approved in each case by the deliberate judgment of the American people. Our policy of non-intervention, straight, absolute, and pe culiar as it may seem to other nations, has thus become a traditional one, which could not be abandoned without the most urgent occasion, amounting to a manifest necessity. Certaiuly it could not be wisely departed from at this uue ment, when the existence of a local, although as we trust only a transient disturbance, deprives the Government of the counsel of a portion of the American people, to whom so wide a departure from the settled policy of the country must in any case be deeply interesting The President will not allow himself to think for a sin gle moment that the Emperor of the French will see any thing but respect and friendship for himself and the people of France, with good wishes for the preservation of peace and order, and the progress of humanity in Europe, in the adherence of the United States on this occasion to th" policy which they have thus far pursued with safety, arid uot without advautage, m they think, to the interests of mankind. ? I am sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM II. SEWARD Mr. Drrji'i/n ilr L'Uvyt to Mr. M<rci< r [Translation.] Drpartrntnl J>f t'uriign Affairt, I'alitiral Diriswn, Parih, Ai'kil ??2'.'., Will. Sir: Events in Poland have awakened pre orcupat,< common to all the Cabinets. Whether in fact the strife which ha* burst < u be lo< k>-d upon from the st m l-point of humanity, or from that of po litical interests, it most fix the solicitude of the Powers. The disturbance* which are periodically renewed attest the permanence of difficulties which time has not smooth ed away, and demonstrate once again the dangers they in volve. Alike involved with these considerations, the Courts of France, of England, and of Austria hare opened C"n ferences with the view of pre entiim in ?? n ? rt to th < Ca binet of St. Peter*burgh the r. Action ' which this state of things suggests; and they have at o ice agreed to address to their representatives near h'n M i t> Emperor Alexander despatches which they have s multai eon-ly re mitted to the Russian Government. _ You will find herewith a copy of our column initio i. Those of England and Austria are conceive 1 in tli<" nine sense. In prepsring this document our aim Las been to mak ourselves as much as possible the faithful interpreters of general opinion. We have refrained from every order of ideas which had been peculiar to us; we have not offered any observation which the other Courts could riot appro priate as theirs We btheve, th< refore, that we have rea son to hope that the views developed by the Emperor's Government will obtain the <,f ?1! the Cabinets, arid that they will voluntarily support the manifestation near the Court of St Petersburg. I request vou. therefore, to give n rending of the present despatch to Mr. Seward, and lenvinu at li.e Mime time in his hands a copy of that which I send j.,u annexed We call for the official adhesion of the different Cov.rnmcnts. and we like to be persuaded that they will w iilir t?ly defer to the wish which we express to theui, either by oddit es in? to the Court of Russia a communication litmUr to ours; or by presenting t? it analogous consideration >?. I he . < ,i relations which exist between the Government of the United States and the Court of Russia cannot but give greater weight to counsels presented in a friendly form ; and we rely entirely on the Cabinet of Washington to ap predate the measure in which it will be able Aiosi aatislac torily to open its views to the Russian Government. Accept, eir, the assurance of my hijjh consideration. DKOUYN DE L'HUYS. Mr. Mkrcikk, Uiaister of the Emperor at Washington. Tin: Minister J<>r Jorci;/u Affairs to the Duke <>J MontobcUo, Ambassador of t'rancc at St. I'ctersburgh. Di ke : Toe insurrection of which the Kingdom of Po land is at this moment the theatre has awakened in Eu rope lively preoccupations iu the midst of a repose which no near event seemed likely to disturb. The deplorable effusion ol? blood of which this strife is the occasion, and the melancholy incidents which -characterizes it, excite at the same time ail emotion as general as it is profouud. The Government of his Majesty obeys, therefore, a duty in expressing to the Court of Russia the reflection which this state of things is of a nature to suggest, and in culling its solicitude to the inconveniences and the delays which it draws along with it. That which characterizes the agitations of Poland, Mous. le Due, which causes their exceptional importance, is that they are not the results of a passing crisis?ellects which are reproduced, almost invariably in each generation, can not be attributed to causes purely accidental. Convul sions that aro become periodical are symptoms of an in veterate disease; they attest the powerlessuess of the com binations thus Jar imagined to reconcile Poland to the situatiou made for it. On the other hand, these too frequent perturbations are, every time they break out, a subject of uneasiness and alarm. Poland, which oc cupies a central position on the continent, cannot be agitated without the various States situated in the neighborhood of its frontiers suffering an agitation the re coil of which makes itself felt throughout Europe. This has happeued at every epoch when the Poles have resort ed to arms. These conflicts, as may be jadged by that of which we are at this moment witnesses, have not only as their consequence the excitements of mind in a disquieting manner; in their prolongation they disturb the relations of Cabinets, and provoke the most regretable complications. It is the common interest of ail Powers to see definitively sot aside dangers which are constantly reviving. We like to hope, Hons. le Due, that the Court of Rus sia will receive, in the feeling which has dictated them to us, considerations so worthy of its attention. It will provo itself to be animated, we trust, by liberal dispositions, of which the reigu of his Majesty the Emperor Alexander has already given such striking testimonials, and will re cognise, iu its wisdom, the opportunity to devise means for placing Poland in conditions of lasting peace. You will please to remit a copy of this despatch to his excellency the Prince Gortschabofl. Accept, &c. DHOUYN DE L'HUYS. 'HIE CONSERVATIVE PLATFORM. The following aro the resolutions adopted at a meeting of the conservative members of the House of Representatives, held on the 28th of June last. They were promulgated at the time as the expres sion of the views which then obtained among their authors with regard to the origin and objects of the " war for the Union:" These resolutions were published in the Intelligencer of July 1st, 1862, and arc reproduced at the request of a subscriber in the State of Kentucky. Till; RESOLUTIONS. Feeling the great weight of our responsibility as mem bers of Congress, we have met in no party spirit nor for any party purpose, but for the purpose of deliberating and consulting together how we may best perform our Con gressional duties in the present great and perilous crisis of our country's fate, and we hava come to the following conclusions, namely : J. Kcsvlrcd, That the Constitution and the Union and the laws must be preserved and maintained in all their pro per and rightful supremacy, and that the rebellion now in arms against th>'m must be suppressed and put down, and that it is our duty to vote for all measures necessary and proper to that end. ' 2. Hcsolrid, That the true interests of the country, as Well as the dictates of humanity, require that no more war or acts of war should be prosecuted or done than are neces sary and propel* for the prompt and complete suppression of the rebellion. Resolved, That the States are component and essen -ti it parts of the Union, bound together inseparably by the Constitution of the United States ; that noue of them can ct-Kse to exist as such so long as that Constitution sur vives, aud that it is the exclusive sphere and duty of the states to order hnl direct their own domestic affair's. While the rebellion,'therefore, has not annulled or de stroyed the constitutional relations of the so-called " Seced ing States " to the Federa^ Government, neither has it divested those States of any" rights or powers, municipal or otherwise, properly belonging to them as members of the Federal Union. The actual exercise of those rights and powers may for a time be interrupted or obstructed by rebellion, and some illegitimate authority maybe substi tuted in its place, but as soon as that rebellion is suppress ed, these States will be entitled, as of right, to resume the exercise of all the rights and powers, dignities and immunities which properly belong to them as States of this Union. 1. Resolved, That the present war, as avowed by the President and Congress, aud understood by the people, was commenced and prosecuted for the purpose of sup pressing Ihe rebellion, and preserving and vindicating the Constitution, the Union, and the laws, and for that purpose only It was a great and noble purpose, high above any mere sectional or party objects, and at once it inspired and united in its support all loyal men of every creed, party, and section. At the call of the Government a mighty army, the most patriotic, sprung at once into the field, and is bleeding and conquering in the defence of its Government. Under theke circumstances it would, in our opinion, be most unjust and ungenerous to give any now character or direction to the war for the accomplishment ol any other than its great first purpose, and especially for the accomplishment of any mere party or sectional scheme. f? Resoletd, That the many and great victories lately achieved by our armies and navies, whilst they ought to convince the world of the vast military power of our Gov ernment, girt- us the pleasing assurance that our deplo rable civil war will soon be brought to a close, should the proper objects of the war, as herein before defined be kept .teaUily in view. When that is done, and when such punishment is inflicted on such of the guilty leaders as will satisfy public justice, and upon such others as have made themselves conspicuous for crimes committed in the prosecution of the rebellion, it is our opiniou that our ?overnment should adopt such w ise measures of clemency as will tend to bring back cordial reconciliation and peace to the whole country. ' l^*tthe docti ines of the secessionists and of the abolitionists, as the latter are uow represented in Congress, are^.i.k* false to the Constitution and irrecon enable with the unity and peace of the country. The first have already involved us in a cruel civil war, and the others (the abolitionists) will leave to the country but little hope of the speedy restoration of union or peace, if the schemes of confiscation, emancipation, and other unconstitutional measures which they have lately carried, and attempted to carry, through the House of Representatives, shall be en acted into the form of laws, and remain unrebuked by the people. ' 7. Resoletd, That. Congress has no power to deprive any person of his property for any criminal offence, unless that porson has been first duly convicted of the offence by the verd.ct of a jury. And that all acts of Congress like those lately pacsed by the House of Representatives which as sume to forfeit or confiscate the estates of men for offences of which tr?y have not been convicted upon due trial by Jury U'-c.<ristitqtimial, and lead to oppression and tyrn ?y. It m no justification for such acts that the euuies committed in the prosecution of the rebellion are o iine.xamp!"d atrocity, nor is thero any such justification fcB N'firl* f*' L... a ^ -it) known to our Government or laws. 11. "i' going resolutions ar? in explanation and re a iiii'i ".-n o( the i ,, lution passed at the extra session of , ? known the " Crittenden resolu tion, and which declared "that this war is not waged on oni p.,it m anj M n,t oppression, nor for any purpose ; conrie* or subjugate,n nor for the purpose ffov^ tliiown g or interfering with the rights or established in. s itutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the , supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Fni.m with all the dignity, equality, and riffTtbesever2 States unimpaired, and that as soon as the- . hWt. ? accomplished the war ought to cease." J Ct" "re NEW PLAN FOR FILLING UP THE ARMY. A Washington letter says that the Government has determined to adopt a plan for recruiting the army which has been long under consideration, and that measures will b<^ immediately taken to carry it into effect. Ry this p|?n it is hoped that a very large proportion of the two years and r iie months' men, just discharged, may be induced to reirihst for Ihe war. These veterans are to be offered in addition to the one hundred dollar bounty and pay which all the national soldiers receive, a bounty of three hundred dollars, and are to form a special corps, distinguished both from conscripts and from other three years men. The Government is to be reimbursed, man for man, for this three hundred dollars from the substitute fund to be raised under the draft, and whirl), by the terms of the act, must be devoted to this purpose. These advantages are to be forfeited in case the men to whom they appeal do not avail them solves of them within a fixed time, which will prob ably be pixty days. The large bounty offered is to be paid m instalments, to suit the convenience of the Government and the wishes of the soldier. THE DEMOCRACY OF ILLINOIS. We make roofai to-day for the resolution, adopted at the great Ma?s Convention of the Democrat, of Illinois held at Springfield on the 17th instant. It wa* as our reader, were .-ally informed by a telegraphic despatch, one "I t e largest political meeting, ever held in that State, or proba bly iu any other State. Notwithstanding the iuiineu?e crowd the undoubted enthu.ia.rn, and the consequent con fusion incident to such numbers, there was no disorfer. no outbreaks, and no trouble. The amount contributed to the soldiers' aid fund was heaily fifty thousand dollars. K (-.SOLUTIONS. The Democracy of Illinois, in Mass Convention assem bled, in view of the alarming encroachment, on popular and individual rights, by the Federal and State Adminis trations, 1)0 declare: 1 That the Constitution of the United States is th 1. 1 nai me tun0 of wur ag in t,me supreme law of the land ^ ^ ^ occasion., and in that ol peace. W flieroUe all the privileges and claim iVftmmunitio. guarantied by that m.trnment. Promo -k : J'hertahtoftko '?"? ??- and *. par. BO" N?o nerson Sail 5 held to answer for a capital or other forces,f or'in'the militia when in actual service in time of war ?r.Pln alldcrimTnal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the the' mme mUted*which district shall have been previously ascertained ^Which guarantees have each been repeatedly violated ana ?u HnPa<?h and has assumed to limit ita e^re? W tbc.?e only wbo'wonld .lavi.hly land it. policy ?1e;,a?^^u"ST?.tr?in freedom of the pre., by makine use of the military power to suppress the Pu]?lic* Son of public journals in loyal States, for the only offence of differing from the Administration on measures of public I r:^^h^;;ri?e7rte?'Tlanco and enforce ment of military order, preventing the people of the loyal Statu IT ffi^SSyal State., wherecoort-f iustice were in full and unobstructed operalLl1onfl. J"? seized without warrant of law, and, for pretended offences, transported out of the State and beyond the district whereiu euch offences wero charged to have been com M r^It has caused citizens who were not in the land and naval forces, or the militia when in actual service, to be held to answer for pretended offences, without or presentment of a grand jury, and denied them the nght to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the offences were charg d to "7 iniaB,?MidM pretence of military neceaity, a.??med the power, and ...erted the right to pr,cl.,m aad oxt..;d martial law over States where war does not ex.st. and 1 suspended the writ of habeas corpus in direct v olation^ot the Constitution. It has in loyal States pursued, in f;en ral a policy the direct tendency of which is to render the civil subordinate to the military power. , !?. In condemnation of these several acts of usurpation we adopt the language of the Ohio State l^nu.c.iatic C in vention, and declare that the arrest impn.onment pre tended trial, and actual banishment of Clement L Vallan I digham, a citizen of the State of Ohio, not belonging to the I land or naval force, of the United States, nor to the mi litia in actual service, by alleged military authority, , f?>r n other pretended crime thau that of uttering words of legi timate criticism on tho conduct of the Administration l Dower and of appealing to the ballot-box for a change policy (said arrest and military trial taking place where the courts of law are open and uuobstructed, and lor no act done within the sphere of active mihUry o^rabons m carrying on the war,) we regard as apalpableviolabonot the foregoing provisions of the Constitution of the I nited States, and we further denounce said arrest, trial, and banishment as a direct insult offered to the . the people of Ohio, by whose organic law that no person shall be transported out of the 8tatolorany offence committed within the same; and we unite> wit our fellow-citizens of Ohio in their call upon the l resident of the United State, to restore C. L. Vallandigham h?H)e That the recent suppresiion of the publication of the Chicago Times should receive the rebuke of all law abiding citizens, and will receive the condemnation ol lm PanUlTh"?>the arrest of Hon. Chas. II. Constable, Judge of the Fourth Judicial Circuit of the State of Illinois, tor a mere judicial opinion, expressed whilst in discharge o his sworn duties under the constitution of the State, whs a daring and dangerous exercise of arbitrary power, ana, if persisted in, will strike down the noblest and safest^de partment of the Government, and the only sure shie o the citizon from tho assaults of arbitrary and despotic P V>. We, in like manner, particularly denounce the arrest and present imprisonment ?f Wm. H. C&rltn an o e peaceful citizens of this State, and demand their - , or, if charged with crime, their trial according to courst ?f]T That the numerous arrests, by mere military power of citizens of Illinois have been so many violations ot Doin our Federal and State constitutions, and a direct insult io the people of the State. , . ,, 14. That the right to elect public officers and decuie questions of policy at the ballot-box derive, its value trom freedom of speech and of the press ; that, as these are both natural and constitutional rights, and their exercise dan gerous to tyrants only, we will, as a duty to ourselves an to our country, defend and maintain them against all tn demands of power. 15. Regarding tho State of Illinois as a sovereign power, subject only to tho Constitution of the United States, we declare that the people of this State have the sole aod ex clusive right of governing themselves as a free, sovereign, and independent State, and do, and forever shall, exercise and enjoy every power, jurisdiction, and right which is not, or may not hereafter be, by them expressly delegated to the United States, or prohibited to the States by the Fed eral Constitution. Hi. That, as one of the leading objects in good govern ment is the recognition and protection of individual rights, therefore we assume that no person in this State can, in any rase, be subjected to law martial, or to any penalties <>r pains by virtue of that law, except those employed in the army or in the military in actual service. 17. That the declaration of martial law, and consequent prohibition of all redress fur wrongs in the courts, in places where war does not exist, will not be tolerated 111 this State ; and that martial law cannot and ought not to be declared except in States or parts of States in which, be yond controversy, the civil law is utterly powerless, eithor for protection or punishment. 1H. That tho safety of our State depends upon the strict confinement of each department of our State Government to the diechargo of its appropriate duties under the Con stitution ; that any att-mpt op the part of one to wield the powers vested by tho Constitution in another of these de paitments is revolutionary in character, destructive of our representative form of government, and, if persisted in, productive of anarchy and civil war. lit. That we condemn the recent act of Gov. Yates, on assuming tho power to dissolve the Oeneral Assembly and disperse the representatives of the people, as a high-hand ed usurpation and exercise of arbitrary power, subversive of liberty and destructive of self-government?an act pro ducing a practical suppression of the legislative depart ment of Government and intended t > concentrate in the hands of the executive the powers \e?ted by the consti tution in tho legislative branch. 20. That it is the sworn duty of tho Governor of the State t*? protect her citizens in the exercise and enjoyment of all their constitutional rights, and we have beheld with indignation not only the fadure of Richard Yates, Governor of Illinois, to perform bis duty in that respect, but his actual participation in the violation of those rights. '21. That, as citizens of the United States and the State of Illinois, we will obey all laws whilst they remain on the statute book. If right in our judgment we will endeavor to perpetuate them; if wrong we will endeavor to rfTcct a remedy in a constitutional manner by procuring their repeal. When doubts exist as to their validity we will appeal to the proper judicial tribunal for a decision, and cheerfully abide the result. 22. That w e denounce, as heretofore, the ruinous heresy of secession and declare that we would hail with joy the manifestation of a disposition on the part of the seceded States to return to their allegiance to the Constitution, in which event we would cordially co-operate with them in procuring a recognition of their rights and such guarantees as would secure to them an equality with the other States under the Federal Constitution. 2.5. I hat the further offensive prosecution of this war tends to subvert the Constitution and the Government, and entails upon this nation nU the disastrous consequences of misrule and anarchy. That we are in favor of peace upon the basis of a restoration of the Union, and for the accomplishment of which we propone a National Convention to settle upou term, of peace, which ^llha^u the restoration of the Union Mitwu, Md tto ^unn|by constitutional amendment. such right, to tte w'er.1 SUte. ssnassb orffind, our friend., and our neighbor., wboae inter ewts tire identical with our own , who.e prosperity i.our pleasure, whose Buffering is our pain, and whose l>rlll""'t Lhievement. are our pride and ad miration. 1 rorntly rush V ur?,w H- thev did ill answer to the call ot their '!1K, /rJ thevmerit our warmest thauks, our *vmpathy, mid'our support, and we earnestly request the 1>r^l|lel't of the United State, to withdraw the procUaiation of emancipation, and permit the brave son. of Illinois to fight ?nly for the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the law?' -- -- FROM JAPAN. An Englith Squadron in Yedo Bay ?Ultima tum to the Japanese Government. Corresponden t of the New York Tribune. Kanagawa, April 14,1863. The all-engrossing topic for a few days past has been the demand of the English Government on the Tycoon for reparation for the murder of the English .entries at the Legation in Yedo in June last, and for the attack on a party of Englishmen on the Tokaido in September last, when Mr. Richardson was killed and two others severely wounded. ,. ? Three weeks since Rear-Admiral Kuper, commanding in chief all her Majesty's naval force, in the China Sea., arrived at Yokohama in the Euryalus, ccorted by three other war steamers. Since that time there have been ac cessions to the squadron, till now there lie in our harbor eleven uien-of-war, several of which are large and power ful steamers. .Several other, are daily expected, as Admi ral Kuper has ordered all the available force on the east Asiatic coast to follow him hither. On the Oth iustant a formal demand was made at Yedo on the Ministers for Foreign AfTairs in the Tycoon's Court for full and ample redress for past outrages. AH that has been made known to the public of the nature of these de mands is contained in a letter addressed by Col. St. John Neale, the English Charge d'Atfaires, to the English Con sul, requesting him to communicate to the British resi dent. the grave position ot affairs. This letter I enclose: Yokohama. April 6, 186.1. Sir : I have already made known to you the purport of a note I have this day presented to the Japanese Govern i ment contaiu.ng a declaration of grievances and unre quited outrages of which British subjects have been the victims and sufferers, and for which, under instructions from her Majesty's Government, I have demanded a spe cific reparation within a noted period of time. The attack upon her Majesty's Legation at Yedo. on the 20th of June last, when two of the g"ar, f ,'A Renard were treacherously murdered, barbarous murder of Mr. Richardson, on the 14th oi Sep tember, and murderous assault committed on the same oc casion upon a lady and two other gentlemen, British sub jects, are special outrages for which reparation is demand ed. That reparation comprises the trial and cnpital exe cution of the murderers of Mr. Richardson, a heavy pe cuniary penalty on Japan for that offence, and a con- , siderable compensation for the Bufferers or their surviving re'lit'insincerely to be hoped that the Government of the | Tycoon, influenced by wise and just reflection., will yield a ready compliance to the demands thus rendered necessa rv bv these unprovoked and outrageous acts. On the other hand, in the possible contingency which exists of the Japanese Government refusing t? accede to those demands, or hoping to evade them by futile argu ments or procrastination, it becomes my duty to apprize you of the inevitable adoption, in such an event, of coercive measures by the Rear Admiral commanding in chief her Majesty', naval force, in these seas, now arrived here with a considerable force, and furnished with instructions to the above effect analogous to my own. . , ? j I Twenty days, dating from the 6th instant, i. the period j allotted as the term which I will await the definite and categorical reply of the Japanese Government, and the na ture of which, when received, will decide the adoption or otherwise of coercive measures, the duration and severity of which will be proportioned to the degree of ill-.dvised obstinacy or resistance which the Japanese Government may assume. , . ^ . . ? Under such circumstances I have to instruct you to call a meeting of the British residents within your Consular jurisdiction, or of a committee appointed by them, and make known to them the purport of this despatch, with a view that her Majesty's subj-cts may individually adopt Buch precautionary measure, for (he safeguard of their commercial interests as they may deem expedient, while, in regard to general measure, of defence against the con tingency of aggression or attack upon the several settle ments during the continuance of coercive operations, the Rear Admiral commanding-in-chief her Majesty s naval forces will very shortly propose to concert with the diplo matic agents and naval commanders of Foreiga State, on the spot respecting the adoption of such combined arrange ments as may be practicable and expedient , I have to request you to communicate the purport of this | despatch to your colleagues the Consuls of friendly nations residing at Kanagawa-Yokehama with the least possible Seliy E. Sr. John Nkale. The ultimatum was delivered on the 6th instant, and the terminal day rapidly approaches, when, if the demands be not complied with, our little settlement will be exposed to all the chances of war. There are no indications as yet of what the result will be. The native people about us thus far express only the greatest indifference to the mat ter ; they do not seem to believe that any serious difficulty will occur let the Tycoon reply as he may. While not .<> conceited as the Chinese, they have yet ample confidence in the power of their chiefs and princes. Meetings of the foreign merchants and residents have been held to take into consideration our exposed condition and our means of defence. It is unfortunate that at this juncture the Tycoon and the chief officers of hit court are absent, they having de parted for the long contemplated visit to the Mikado at Miaco, a fortnight since. This visit of the Tycoon to the Spiritual Emperor, where, at the same time, there is to be a great gathering of the most powerful Daimios of the realm, is one of vast importance to the future of Japan For many years there has been no such assemblage of the country's Chiefs, and we may expect that many conflicting interests will be reconciled or expand into open acts of hostility. The internal and external relations of the coun try will be more firmly established, or all the land will be ablaze with the fires of civil war. These aro the alterna tives, and we wait anxiously the result of the Mtaco meet ing, an well as Admiral Kuper's demands, the latter no doubt giving Dew intensity to the counsels of the former. The volcano on which unhappy N;pon has so long been resting ls'either to be quenched forever or burst out into magnificent violence; 110 longer any treacherous subdued smoldering. Should the Admiral fail to get satisfaction at Yedo, it is rumored that he will take his fleet to Oasaca, seventeen miles from Mittco, and demand redress of the assembled powers of the realm, where Tycoon, Mikado, and Daimios wiTT be together, and there shall be no shuffling of respon sibility from one portion to another of this tripartite power in the rulership of Japan. Or, as say others, be will go to Kagosima, the capital of great Satsuma, whose liege it was that did the foul deeds of the 14th of September, and de mand the assassins from under the guns of bis hereditary castle, or wreak his vengeance theie. Such are the courses open to him truly, but my own be lief is that before the twenty days have expired the Ja panese Government will give either a complying answer in part or make such reasons for further delay that the Admiral will be compelled, by " a decent regard for the opinions of mankind," to consider them before taking his " coercivo measures." We camly await the issue of these twenty days, and their event of peace or desolating war to a people who for three centuries have known the blessings ol unbroken peace. Not less anxiously do we wait for the results to ourselves and our property, for on us and our property would fall such blows as the Japanese may have to ?ive. The Wyoming is soon expected, and will be loudly wel comed at this crisis. The French have two war steamers here, and the Dutch two. A part of the Russian Asiatic squadron is looked for, so that the corps of observation will be full. FROM JAPAN. From Japan we have ?ome additional facts to those published recently. Admiral Kuper made his demands through the Chargti d'Affaires. The Tycoon having gone to Miako, the Governor of Kanagawa replied that he feared the Tycoon's Government had no authority to arrest Shemadzoo Saburo, the father of the Prince of Satsima, charged with the murder of Mr. Richardson. He recom mended tho Admiral to seize the Loo Choo islands, which belong to him, with their revenue of half a million sterling per annum. The steamer Fiery Cross, some time since purchased by the above nnmed Prince, was wrecked, and the captain committed suicide by the " happy dispatch" method. The foreign shipmasters residing at Kanagaws hsd held a m-eting at which a series of resolutions wss pfissrd organizing signals by day and night, a place of ren dezvous for the inhabitants, arrangements of boats, crews. Ac to furnish means of escape on board ship in the event of an attack on the settlement by the Japanese. f Neio York Commercial Advertittr. THE LATE REBEL IRON-CLAD ATLANTA. The Port Royal correspondent of the Philadelphia In quirer. under date of the 19th instant, adda to an account of the late conflict between the Confederate iron-clad ateamer Atlanta and the United States iron-clad Weehaw ken the following interesting description of the captured vessel, then lying in the harbor of Port Royal: ORIGINALLY THIS STEAMER FINOAL. On the 12th of November, Mil, the Fingal, tin English Clyde-built steamer, ran our blockade, uud carried a valuable cqrgo of arms and ammunition in t^the rebels at Savannah, She had aboard of her, t^Uo, several batteries of the celebrated Armstrong guns, wbioh the rebels im mediately mounted in Fori Pulaski, and which fell into our hands when we captured that fort. In the following Juuuary the rebels, having loaded the Fingal with a cargo of one thousand bales of cotton, eudeavored to rerun the blockade, but were detected by our cruisers and driven buck up the Savannah river. After this occurrence the idea eet'med to occur to them that the Fiugal might be converted into un iron clad, and to this result they have industriously devoted themselves for the last fourteen mouths. After she was near completion her name was changed to the Georgia, and subsequently she received a new christening as the Atlanta, which name she haB borne for over six months. HER SURRENDER?A TORPEDO. Upon seeing the white flag, Capt. Uodgers immediately dispatched Capt. Harmony, of the Weekawken, in a small boat to the Atlanta, to receive her commander's sword and take possession Qf her in the name of the navy of the Uni ted States. Aa soon as Capt. Harmony arrived on board he received the sword of Capt. Webb, hauled down the new Confederate flag which was flying at her stern, and run up our own victorious ensign. He then went forward and was ordering his men to cast anchor, when Captain Webb exclaimed, " For God's sake, captain, don't cast off these anchors, we have torpedo underneath this bow." Capt. Harmony turned to him with the utmost nonchalance and said, "I don't care any thing about your torpedoes, I can stand them if you can, and if you don't wish to be blown up with me, you had bettor tell me how to Aise the torpedo." To this Capt. Webb readily assented, aud, call ing some of his men, pulleys were attached to a large iron rod which ran out from the prow, and soon there appeared coming out of the water a huge torpedo attached to the end of this rod, which projected thirty feet beyond the bow. Capt. Harmony ordered his men to carefully remove the cap from the torpedo and then filled it with water, in order that the powder might be destroyed. This was done, aud the torpedo, holding fifty pounds of powder, was raised aloft on this rod, atfd was secured at an angle of about forty-five degrees from the deck. DESCRIPTION OF THE INTERIOR. She hus three inside decks: first, the gun deck, two hundred feet by forty; immediately below this is a deck two hundred and eighty feet long, which is subdivided into the captain's cabin, aft, the ward-room, the petty offi cers' quarters, and forward the men's quarters. Below this deck is the third, the orlop deck, in which are stored all the stores, provisions, &c. Immediately fore and aft of the deck are the magazines. The engines and their ne cessary complements, of course, occupy the centre of the vessel. These engines are the same which wore in her when she ran the blockade as the old Fingal. They were ' built on the Clyde, and are models for their beauty and ac tion. THE ARMOR OF THE ATLANTA. First and on the outside were wrought iron bars, six inches wide by two inches thick, running perpendicularly with her side, and properly secured, both above and below, by rivets and bolts. Across these bars, horizontally, and on the inside, ran bars of like material and pattern, fas tened to the outside layer by the strongest rivets. Within this layer, and fastened to it, were two thicknesses of live oak, two-inch plank also, running perpendicularly and horizontally, and again within these two were more simi lar thicknesses of Georgia pine plunk, forming the last se ries of her armor. You will thus see that her armor is ; twelve inches thick, and presenting all the solidity which could be given it by four inches of wrought iron, four j inches of live oak, and four inchcs of Georgia piue. > HER PORT-HOLES AND SHUTTERS. Her port-holess, hcwever, were made especially strong. j Extra layers of iron and plank, so that the embrasure mea Biirea from the inside to the outside forty inchea. The port-holes were a foot and a half long by one foot in width, and were protected by wrought-iron shutters, formed by two transverse layers of iron bars, of the same dimensions ns those which compose her armor. These shutters hung J upr>n a pivot, firmly adjusted over the port hole, and were j raised or lowered by a small chain, which, being attached to the side of each shutter, ran through a small aperture into the gun-deck. CONSTRUCTION OF THE PILOT-HOUSE. Forward of the smoke-stack was an elevation on the top-deck, to all appearances like as a cone; upon this cone was a small square look-out, just large enough on the in* ' side to allow a man's head to turn with freedom. On each ! side of this look-out were two small apertures in the shape of parallelograms, slanting towards the interior, and pre- ' senting to the pilot's optics in the look-out two look-outs, ' an inch and a naif long by an inch wide. This look-out was of wrought-iron four inches thick, and the cone upon which it stood was the same thickness, with this additional strength, however, that the interior of the pilot house being square, the interstices between the sides of the upper part of the pilot-house and the concave surface of the cone were filled with eighteen-inch square live-oak blocks. From the top of the lookout to the base of the cono was but two feet and a half, so that the pilot exposed only about one-third -of his person% the rest of the pilot-house being within the body of the ship and reached by a step-ladder from the gun deck. The second shot from the Weehawken, al though it was a glancing one, wrenched off this lookout and smashed in the cone. From this pilot-house were seven speaking tubes connecting with their appropriate rooms below, and all properly lettered and numbered, so that the man at the wheel can readily communicate with those below. OUTSIDE DIMENSIONS OK THE ATLANTA. Her length from bow to sternpost is a small fraction over three hundred feet. The gun-deck covering is at its base two hundred feet long and forty feet in width, and at its top one hundred feet in length by fourteen feet in breadth. You will thus see that her roof does not slope all the way up, but has a very respectable top deck. From tho guu-dock to the roof the perpendicular height is six feet, and the sides of the roof sloping at an angle of forty five degrees, the standing height is eight feet. The lower edge of the roof is twenty inches above the water-mark, so that she stands above the water about eight feet. From her aft roof edge it is fifty feet to the sternpost, and from her fore roof edge it is also fifty feet to her bow. The distance from her gun-deck to her keel is sixteen feet and a fraction over. Her steering apparatift is perfect, and her rudder completely submerged in the water, thereby being in the safest place imaginable. Her iron plating ex tends two feet below the water line. TIIE TOBI'EDo ARRANGEMENT. It is evident that the rebels have taught us a good lesson on the torpedo subject, as conducted with iron-clads, from which we may well afford to learn. It has been a ques tion how a torpedo could be safely carried in front of a vessel without interfering with its steering and other move ments and be at the same time secure from explosion until the proper time. The Atlanta's torpedo gearing solves the question. The forward part of the ram of the Atlanta is solid iron, twenty feet in length, and so overlaid by steel bars, with their ends protruding below the cutwater, that a huge steel saw is formed, which would cut any wooden gunboat in existence. This ram at its bofr end cornea to a point, if I may so call it, about two inches square. From the deck of this iron ram, just ahead of its juncture with the vessel, arises a strong iron bar with a pivot at ita top, to which is attached a massive iron boom which runs just over tho ram's prow, and then forming an elbow it de scends three feet below the water line, where it forma an other elbow, aud then running out some two feet it forms at ita end a powerful socket or ring. In this socket is firmly inserted another iron boom, which extends beyond the socket twenty-eight feet, and at its end is hung the tor pedo, all capped and ready,for the explosion. From this cap runs an insulated wire along the boom and ending in the pilot house, where are the necessary electrical arrange ments with which the pilot can explode the torpedo aa soon as it was run under a vessel. You can hardly con ceive of a more perfect or efficient engine of destruction than snch a torpedo and thus carried. The iron ram ia also savage enough in its appearance, and would saw a hole in a wooden vessel without much difficulty. GRAND GULF TO BE EVACUATED. A letter from Grand Gulf, Mississippi, Dth instant, to the Madison (Wisconsin) Journal, referring to the move ments of the Twelfth Wisconsin Kegiment, says : " We have orders to join our division at Vicksburg, and with thiaend in view all negroes, horses, mules, and extras have been sent up the river, and most likely we shall leave here ourselves in a day or two. This point soems to be destined for complete evacuation by our forces, but a sur veillance by gunboats will be kep^up to prevent reoocupa tion by the rebels. Since Gen. Grant opened communica tion by way of the Yacoo river, with his base of supplies at Memphis, snd encircled the stronghold of the rebels from Haines' Bluff to Warrenton, this point has lost its great importance as the ' key to Vicksburg,' while it lies exposed to attacks from both sides of the river. " A few days ago the rebel Gen Dick Taylor, with a division of troops from Alexandria, Louisiana, and Gen. Walker's Texan division, passed by this point going up the river. It is believed that a force from Little Rock, Ark , ia massing preparatory to an attack on the river to cut off Grant's communication with Memphis and compel him to raise the siege, but all the rebel movements are closely watched and doubtless will be frustrated." AN EARNEST CALL ON PENNSYLVANIA. Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, has it sued another proclamation, bearing date the 20th instant, in which he makes an urgent appeal to the people of Pennsylvania to turn out in defence of their homes and to repel the inva ders from that State. We copy the material portion of it, as follows: "The enemy is advancing in force into Pennsylvania. He has a strong columu within twenty-three miles of Har risburg, and other columns are moving by Fulton and Adams counties, and it can no longer be doubted that a formidable invasion of our State is iu actual progress. "The calls already made for volunteer militia in the exigency have not been met as fully as the crisis requires. I therefore now issue this, my proclamation, calling for sixty thousand men to come promptly forward to defend the State. They will be mustered into the service of the State for the period of ninety days, but will be required to serve only so much of the period of muster as the safety of our people and honor of our State may require. "I will not insult you by inflammatory appeals. A peo ple who want the heart to defend their soil, their families, and their firesides, are not worthy to be accounted men. Heed not the counsels of evil disposed persons, if such there be iu your midst. Show yourselves what you are? a free, loyal, spirited, brave, vigorous race. Do not un dergo the disgrace of leaving your defence mainly to the citizens of other States. "Iu defeuding the soil of Pennsylvania, we are contri buting to the support of our National Government, and vindicating our fidelity to the national cause. Pennsylvania has always heretofore responded promptly to all the calls made by the Federal Government, and I appeal to you now not to be unmindful that the foe that strikes at our State strikes, through our desolation, at the life of the Republic. Our peop'e are plundered and driven from their homes, solely because of their loyalty and fidelity to our free insti tutions. "People of Pennsylvania, I owe to you all my faculties, my labors, my life. You owe to your country your prompt and zealous services and efforts. The time has now come when we must all stand or fall together in the defence of our State, aud in the support of our Government; let us discharge our duty that posterity shall not blush for us. Come heartily and cheerfully to the rescue of our noble Commonwealth. Maintain now your houor and freedom." THE BATTLE AT CHANCELLORSVILLE. The London Times of the 16th June contains six co lumns of a letter from its special correspondent with the Confederate army giving a description of the battle of Chancellorsville. It is dated on the 6th of May, at the headquarters of Gen. R. E. Lee, Chancellorsville. The extracts below will interest the reader: THE ATTACK ON HOOKER'S REAR. About half-past six in the evening the rattle of musketry was heard in the distance, followed by the loud boom of artillery, and instantly Gen. Lee passed word along his lines, " Jackson at work; press them heavily every where." Swift and sudden as the falcon swooping on bis prey, Jack-* son had burst on his enemy's rear and crushed him before resistance could be attempted. Passing right over the plank road and extending almost up to the Ely's Ford road, getting behind Chancellorsville, the three noble divi sions raced gallantly forward, drunk with the animal joy and the inebriation of battle. Not a trench had been dug, not a tree felled, not a stick raised to resist them; the un conscious Federals engaged cooking supper?one regiment on dress parade?heard in the sudden volley of Jackson's long line the knell of their doom. Before that supper could be eaten the unwashed, unkempt, starving ragga muffins of the South had burst on them from the west, and scattered them, nerveless, panic-struck, helpless, like chaff before the blast. What might have been the result but for one casualty, which alone almost countervailed the vic tories of a week, who shall say? Formation or order the Federals had none; reserves, tactics, organization, dispo sition, plan, all went down before the whirlwind sudden ness of the surprise. The loss of the Confederates was ludicrously small; their advance like that of a white squall in the Bay of Naples. ADVANCE OF THE STONEWALL URIGADE. At Chancellorsville the battle, hardly intermitted through the night, opened furiously with the earliest dawn of day. First advanced the division of A P. Hill, now commanded by Gen. Heath ; next advanced the " Stonewall" division, under Gen. Coulson; last, and in reserve, advanced D. H. Hill's division, now under command of General Rhodes. Through a perfect tornado of shot and shell hurtling through the woods, and rending trunk and limb and bush and sap ling as though a hurricane of iron hail had rushed troin the clouds, steady as regulars, inexorable as doom, advanc ed, division after division, the fiery militia of the South. Who that has seen the listless, sleeveless, ragged, mendi cant-like units which compose the Southern host, dragging themselves wearily aud painfully to the front, with plead ing eyo aud dejected mien, oould itnsginp into what a thun derbolt of war the aggregate of these units grows and as cends when death and danger lower in their front? On ward, right onward they press; they have gained the edge of the torn and riven woods, they burst into the open field, and here, for the first time, Heath's division falters under the tempest of shot rained upon it from the heights. At this critical moment the Stonewall division, which should have given Heath instant support, ineffectively handled, as is alleged to me, by its commanding general, failed to ad vance, and disaster and repulse seemed not impossible. But a man was found equal to the perilous emergency, as Gen. Rhodes, animating the men with voice and gesture, commanded the third, or reserve division, to advance over friend or foe and storm the heights. Nobly did they re spond to his call. Under the inspiration of their presence and example Heath's division slowly and sternly recovered itself, and together they swept up the slope, and never rested till the well-known battle-flag of the rebels was fly ing from the earthworks torn from their foe. GENERAL STUART. With admirable sagacity, Gen. Stuart had fastened upon the hill called F&irview, and opened upon the flank of the Yankees an enfilading fire of twenty Napoleon guns. Si multaneously right up to the breastworks rushed Posey's and Wright's brigades. They spring into and upon the felled trees and matted branches : they bound like tigers into the works, and drive the panic struck Federals head long from their cover. Never shall I forget the yell which rent the sky, and announced that the enemy was broken. Yielding works from which ten times their number should never have driven determined men, leaving behind them knapsacks, canteens, overcoats, oilcloths, books, cards, paper, newspapers, muskets, the Federals rushed quailing to the rear, and never stopped until they got behind the building at Chancellorsvillo, beyond which their artillery opened a heavy fire. SCENES INSIDE THE BREASTWORKS. Such a sight as the inside of the Yankee breastworks just after they had left them, never may I see again ! With astonishing accuracy Stuart's enfilading fire had torn through their ranks. In every variety of attitude of death, torn, rent, and shivered into scarcely distinguishable hu manity, lay what so lately had breathed and moved. Still more terrible and strangely appalling was the road from Chancellorsville towards Orange Court-house, along which and on either side of which Jackson had descended to the harvest of death. Tumbrils overthrown, caissons exploded, horses dead and dying, sometimes with broken legs, some times with ghsstly wounds; human bodies in every guise of suffering and death tortured, and riven trees, and, most fearful of all, a crackling fire, running swiftly through the grass and black-jack brushwood, and suggesting dreadful thoughts of wounded and helpless men perishing by the most agonizing death known to humanity, froze the blood with horror, as the spectator in agony turned his eyes to Heaven, to gain a moment's relief from the unutterable and voful anguish of earth. Further comments upon the incidents which so hurriedly and imperfectly I have at tempted to relate, I will, in mercy to the reader, forbear. The bloody repulse of the enemy at every point, the frus tration of every movement, the spectacle of at least J20,000 men hurled back in three places across the Rappahannock, after paying fearful toll for its passage, constitute an en temblt which requires nothing to be Added to it. CONVERSATION WITH OEN. LEE. Early this morning I rode over to Fredericksburg, and found that not a Federal soldior, save a large batch of prisoners around Salem Church, was left on the south side of the Rappahannock. I proceeded to Gen. Lee's headquarters, and had the great advantage of riding back from Fredericksburg to Chancellorsville in company with the General, and hearing his free comments upon the events of the week. If for one moment I am tempted to lift the veil, and reveal portions of his conversation, it ia because I feel that all whor speak the English tongue should be admitted to a closer perception and higher ap preciation of one who does honor to our race. The Gene ral bewniled the impunity with which Sedgwick and his followers had escaped from his grasp. "Up to this time we have done nothing but afford the Northern press ma terial for 'Another great Union victory!' True, we have driven our enemy from every field, swept away his every formation, scourged him out of works from which neither the whirlwind nor hurricanes could ever drive my poor raggamuffins?but what of that T I have learnt that no thing but the entire capture of a whole corps will ever produce an effect, and such a capture should unquestion ably have been effected yesterday." Iu answer to my re mark that, judging from the wholesale capture of arms and accoutrements, at least one quarter of Hooker's army must be impotent for defence, the General observed, " With the resources of the North probably the deficiency of arms has been made good already. Conceive the glee of the contractors when a new call for every thing wanted for one hundred thousand men, from caps down to shoes, is received at Washington. Compare with their resources those which I wield. Not a day passes but opportunities occur. Signal advantages offer themselves, but 1 cannot use them. Want of transports, want of tools, pontoons, horsea, and great inferiority of numbers force me to aban don the chance of action. Rut hereafter I think we shall be more on an equality."