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Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, July 02, 1863, Image 4

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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE?
DIPLOMATIC COKKESI'ONDKNCi:
The subjoined papers comprise tin cirrf.-w >a?
dence which has rcccntly taken place between our
Government and that of France on tlii^ pending
troubles in Poland. They arc here published for
the first time in a complete and authentic ?hapo.
Mr, S> ward to Mr. Dayton.
Department of State,
Washington, M?y II, I
William L. Davtoh, ?kc. &c. Ac.
Sin: Mr Mercier has read 1?? me,and at my request has
left with me, a copy of an instruction under the date of the
23d of April last, which he bun received from Mr. Dronyn
de l'Huys, and which relates to exciting and interesting
events in Poland that are now engaging tho serious atten
tion of the principal States in Western Europe.
Mr. Mercier has, at tho sanifj time, favored mo with a
copy of au instruction relating to the same events which
has been transmitted by Mr. Drouyn de l'lluys to tho Am
bassador of France at St. Petersburgh.
We learn from the first of those papers that tho pro
ceeding which has thus been adopted at Paris with a view
to the exercise of a moral influence with th<? Emperor of
Russia, has received the approbation and concurrence of
the Court of Vienna and the Cabinet at London, and that
the Emperor of tho French, justly appreciating at one and
the same lime our historical sympathy with the Poles, and
our ancient friendship with Russia, would be gratified with
a co-operation in that important proceeding by tho Gov
eminent of the United States. ?
Having taken tho instructions of tho President, I am
now to communicate our views upon the subject, for the
information of Mr. Drouyn de 1'IIuys.
This Government is profoundly and agreeably impressed
with the consideration which the Emperor has manifested
towards the United States by inviting their concurrence in
a proceeding having for its object the Rouble interests of
public order and humanity. Nor is it Ices favorably im
pressed with the sentiments and the prudential considera
tions which the Emperor has in so becoming a n^nner ex
pressed to the Court of St. Petersburg. They are such
only as appeal to the just emotions and best sympathies of
mankind. The enlightened aud humane character of the
Emperor of Russia, so recently illustrated by the 'enfran
chisement of a large mass of the Russian people from in
herited bondage, and the establishment of au impartial and
effective administration of justice throughout his dominions,
warrants a belief that the appeal will be received and re
sponded to by him with all the favor that is consistent with
the geueral welfare of the great State over which h? pre
sides with such eminent wisdom and moderation.
Notwithstanding, however, the favor with which we
thus regard the suggestion of the Emperor of the French,
this Government fiuds an insurmountable difficulty in the
way of any active co-operation with the Government of
France, Austria, and Great Britain, to which it i- thus
nvited.
Founding our institutions upon the basis of the rights of
man, the builders of our Republic Vianw all at once to be
regarded as political reformers, and it soon became manifest
that revolutionists in every country hailed them in that
character, and looked to the Unit.nl States for effective
sympathy if not for active support ar.d patronage. Our in
valuable Constitution had hardly been established when it
became necessary for the Government of the United States
to consider to what extent we could, with propriety, safety,
and beneficence, intervene either by alliance or concerted
action with friendly Powers or otherwise in the politic t!
affairs of foreign States. An urgent appeal for sueli aid and
sympathy was made in behalf of France, and the appeal
was sanctioned and enforced by the treaty th it existing of
mutual alliance and defence, a treaty without, which it
may even now be confessed to the honor of France our
own sovereignty and independence could not have been so
early secured. So deeply did this appeal touch the heart
of the American people that only the deference they
cherished to the couus.-ls of the Father of our Country,
who then was at the fullness of his unapproachable in r.il
greatness reconciled them to the stern decision that invi w
of the location of this Republic, the characters, hab;t?.
and sentiments of its constituent parts, and especially it
complex yet unique and very popular Constitution, the
American people must be content to recommend the cause
of human progress by the wisdom w;th which they sht ul.l
exercise the powers of self-government, forbearing at all
times, and in every way, from foreign alliances, inter
vention, and interference.
It is true that Washington thought a time might come
when, our institutions being firmly consolidated and work
ing with complete success, we might safely and perhaps
beneficially take' part in the consultations held by foreign
States for the common advautage of the nations. Since
that period occasions have frequently happened which pre
sented seductions to a departure from what, superficially
viewed, seemed a course of isolation and indifference It
is scarcely necessary to recur to them. One was an invi
tation to a Congress of newly emancipated Spanish Ameri
can States; another an urgent appeal to aid Hungary in
a revolution aiming at the restoration of her ancient and
illustrious independence : another, the project of a joint
guaranty of Cuba to Spain in concurrence with France and
Great Britain, and more recently an invitation t > a co
operative demonstration with Spain, France, and Great
Britain in Mexico; and, later still, suggestions by some
of the Spanish American States for a common council of
the Republican States situated upon the American conti
nent. These suggestions were successfully disallowed by
the Government, and its decision was approved in each
case by the deliberate judgment of the American people.
Our policy of non-intervention, straight, absolute, and pe
culiar as it may seem to other nations, has thus become a
traditional one, which could not be abandoned without the
most urgent occasion, amounting to a manifest necessity.
Certaiuly it could not be wisely departed from at this uue
ment, when the existence of a local, although as we trust
only a transient disturbance, deprives the Government of
the counsel of a portion of the American people, to whom
so wide a departure from the settled policy of the country
must in any case be deeply interesting
The President will not allow himself to think for a sin
gle moment that the Emperor of the French will see any
thing but respect and friendship for himself and the people
of France, with good wishes for the preservation of peace
and order, and the progress of humanity in Europe, in the
adherence of the United States on this occasion to th"
policy which they have thus far pursued with safety, arid
uot without advautage, m they think, to the interests of
mankind. ?
I am sir, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM II. SEWARD
Mr. Drrji'i/n ilr L'Uvyt to Mr. M<rci< r
[Translation.]
Drpartrntnl J>f t'uriign Affairt, I'alitiral Diriswn,
Parih, Ai'kil ??2'.'., Will.
Sir: Events in Poland have awakened pre orcupat,<
common to all the Cabinets.
Whether in fact the strife which ha* burst < u be lo< k>-d
upon from the st m l-point of humanity, or from that of po
litical interests, it most fix the solicitude of the Powers.
The disturbance* which are periodically renewed attest
the permanence of difficulties which time has not smooth
ed away, and demonstrate once again the dangers they in
volve. Alike involved with these considerations, the Courts
of France, of England, and of Austria hare opened C"n
ferences with the view of pre entiim in ?? n ? rt to th < Ca
binet of St. Peter*burgh the r. Action ' which this state of
things suggests; and they have at o ice agreed to address
to their representatives near h'n M i t> Emperor
Alexander despatches which they have s multai eon-ly re
mitted to the Russian Government. _
You will find herewith a copy of our column initio i.
Those of England and Austria are conceive 1 in tli<" nine
sense.
In prepsring this document our aim Las been to mak
ourselves as much as possible the faithful interpreters of
general opinion. We have refrained from every order of
ideas which had been peculiar to us; we have not offered
any observation which the other Courts could riot appro
priate as theirs We btheve, th< refore, that we have rea
son to hope that the views developed by the Emperor's
Government will obtain the <,f ?1! the Cabinets, arid
that they will voluntarily support the manifestation near the
Court of St Petersburg.
I request vou. therefore, to give n rending of the present
despatch to Mr. Seward, and lenvinu at li.e Mime time in
his hands a copy of that which I send j.,u annexed We
call for the official adhesion of the different Cov.rnmcnts.
and we like to be persuaded that they will w iilir t?ly defer
to the wish which we express to theui, either by oddit es
in? to the Court of Russia a communication litmUr to ours;
or by presenting t? it analogous consideration >?. I he . < ,i
relations which exist between the Government of the
United States and the Court of Russia cannot but give
greater weight to counsels presented in a friendly form ;
and we rely entirely on the Cabinet of Washington to ap
predate the measure in which it will be able Aiosi aatislac
torily to open its views to the Russian Government.
Accept, eir, the assurance of my hijjh consideration.
DKOUYN DE L'HUYS.
Mr. Mkrcikk, Uiaister
of the Emperor at Washington.
Tin: Minister J<>r Jorci;/u Affairs to the Duke <>J
MontobcUo, Ambassador of t'rancc at St. I'ctersburgh.
Di ke : Toe insurrection of which the Kingdom of Po
land is at this moment the theatre has awakened in Eu
rope lively preoccupations iu the midst of a repose which
no near event seemed likely to disturb. The deplorable
effusion ol? blood of which this strife is the occasion, and
the melancholy incidents which -characterizes it, excite at
the same time ail emotion as general as it is profouud.
The Government of his Majesty obeys, therefore, a duty
in expressing to the Court of Russia the reflection which
this state of things is of a nature to suggest, and in culling
its solicitude to the inconveniences and the delays which
it draws along with it.
That which characterizes the agitations of Poland, Mous.
le Due, which causes their exceptional importance, is that
they are not the results of a passing crisis?ellects which
are reproduced, almost invariably in each generation, can
not be attributed to causes purely accidental. Convul
sions that aro become periodical are symptoms of an in
veterate disease; they attest the powerlessuess of the com
binations thus Jar imagined to reconcile Poland to the
situatiou made for it. On the other hand, these too
frequent perturbations are, every time they break out,
a subject of uneasiness and alarm. Poland, which oc
cupies a central position on the continent, cannot
be agitated without the various States situated in the
neighborhood of its frontiers suffering an agitation the re
coil of which makes itself felt throughout Europe. This
has happeued at every epoch when the Poles have resort
ed to arms. These conflicts, as may be jadged by that of
which we are at this moment witnesses, have not only as
their consequence the excitements of mind in a disquieting
manner; in their prolongation they disturb the relations of
Cabinets, and provoke the most regretable complications.
It is the common interest of ail Powers to see definitively
sot aside dangers which are constantly reviving.
We like to hope, Hons. le Due, that the Court of Rus
sia will receive, in the feeling which has dictated them to
us, considerations so worthy of its attention. It will provo
itself to be animated, we trust, by liberal dispositions, of
which the reigu of his Majesty the Emperor Alexander
has already given such striking testimonials, and will re
cognise, iu its wisdom, the opportunity to devise means
for placing Poland in conditions of lasting peace.
You will please to remit a copy of this despatch to his
excellency the Prince Gortschabofl.
Accept, &c. DHOUYN DE L'HUYS.
'HIE CONSERVATIVE PLATFORM.
The following aro the resolutions adopted at a
meeting of the conservative members of the House
of Representatives, held on the 28th of June last.
They were promulgated at the time as the expres
sion of the views which then obtained among their
authors with regard to the origin and objects of
the " war for the Union:" These resolutions were
published in the Intelligencer of July 1st, 1862, and
arc reproduced at the request of a subscriber in the
State of Kentucky.
Till; RESOLUTIONS.
Feeling the great weight of our responsibility as mem
bers of Congress, we have met in no party spirit nor for
any party purpose, but for the purpose of deliberating and
consulting together how we may best perform our Con
gressional duties in the present great and perilous crisis
of our country's fate, and we hava come to the following
conclusions, namely :
J. Kcsvlrcd, That the Constitution and the Union and
the laws must be preserved and maintained in all their pro
per and rightful supremacy, and that the rebellion now in
arms against th>'m must be suppressed and put down, and
that it is our duty to vote for all measures necessary and
proper to that end. '
2. Hcsolrid, That the true interests of the country, as
Well as the dictates of humanity, require that no more war
or acts of war should be prosecuted or done than are neces
sary and propel* for the prompt and complete suppression
of the rebellion.
Resolved, That the States are component and essen
-ti it parts of the Union, bound together inseparably by the
Constitution of the United States ; that noue of them can
ct-Kse to exist as such so long as that Constitution sur
vives, aud that it is the exclusive sphere and duty of the
states to order hnl direct their own domestic affair's.
While the rebellion,'therefore, has not annulled or de
stroyed the constitutional relations of the so-called " Seced
ing States " to the Federa^ Government, neither has it
divested those States of any" rights or powers, municipal
or otherwise, properly belonging to them as members of
the Federal Union. The actual exercise of those rights
and powers may for a time be interrupted or obstructed
by rebellion, and some illegitimate authority maybe substi
tuted in its place, but as soon as that rebellion is suppress
ed, these States will be entitled, as of right, to resume
the exercise of all the rights and powers, dignities and
immunities which properly belong to them as States of
this Union.
1. Resolved, That the present war, as avowed by the
President and Congress, aud understood by the people,
was commenced and prosecuted for the purpose of sup
pressing Ihe rebellion, and preserving and vindicating the
Constitution, the Union, and the laws, and for that purpose
only It was a great and noble purpose, high above any
mere sectional or party objects, and at once it inspired
and united in its support all loyal men of every creed,
party, and section. At the call of the Government a
mighty army, the most patriotic, sprung at once into the
field, and is bleeding and conquering in the defence of its
Government. Under theke circumstances it would, in our
opinion, be most unjust and ungenerous to give any now
character or direction to the war for the accomplishment
ol any other than its great first purpose, and especially
for the accomplishment of any mere party or sectional
scheme.
f? Resoletd, That the many and great victories lately
achieved by our armies and navies, whilst they ought to
convince the world of the vast military power of our Gov
ernment, girt- us the pleasing assurance that our deplo
rable civil war will soon be brought to a close, should the
proper objects of the war, as herein before defined be
kept .teaUily in view. When that is done, and when such
punishment is inflicted on such of the guilty leaders as
will satisfy public justice, and upon such others as have
made themselves conspicuous for crimes committed in the
prosecution of the rebellion, it is our opiniou that our
?overnment should adopt such w ise measures of clemency
as will tend to bring back cordial reconciliation and peace
to the whole country.
' l^*tthe docti ines of the secessionists and
of the abolitionists, as the latter are uow represented in
Congress, are^.i.k* false to the Constitution and irrecon
enable with the unity and peace of the country. The first
have already involved us in a cruel civil war, and the others
(the abolitionists) will leave to the country but little hope
of the speedy restoration of union or peace, if the schemes
of confiscation, emancipation, and other unconstitutional
measures which they have lately carried, and attempted to
carry, through the House of Representatives, shall be en
acted into the form of laws, and remain unrebuked by the
people. '
7. Resoletd, That. Congress has no power to deprive any
person of his property for any criminal offence, unless that
porson has been first duly convicted of the offence by the
verd.ct of a jury. And that all acts of Congress like those
lately pacsed by the House of Representatives which as
sume to forfeit or confiscate the estates of men for offences
of which tr?y have not been convicted upon due trial by
Jury U'-c.<ristitqtimial, and lead to oppression and
tyrn ?y. It m no justification for such acts that the
euuies committed in the prosecution of the rebellion are
o iine.xamp!"d atrocity, nor is thero any such justification
fcB N'firl* f*' L... a ^
-it) known to our Government or laws.
11. "i' going resolutions ar? in explanation and re
a iiii'i ".-n o( the i ,, lution passed at the extra session of
, ? known the " Crittenden resolu
tion, and which declared "that this war is not waged on
oni p.,it m anj M n,t oppression, nor for any purpose
; conrie* or subjugate,n nor for the purpose ffov^
tliiown g or interfering with the rights or established in.
s itutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the
, supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Fni.m
with all the dignity, equality, and riffTtbesever2
States unimpaired, and that as soon as the- . hWt. ?
accomplished the war ought to cease." J Ct" "re
NEW PLAN FOR FILLING UP THE ARMY.
A Washington letter says that the Government has
determined to adopt a plan for recruiting the army which
has been long under consideration, and that measures will
b<^ immediately taken to carry it into effect. Ry this p|?n
it is hoped that a very large proportion of the two years
and r iie months' men, just discharged, may be induced to
reirihst for Ihe war. These veterans are to be offered in
addition to the one hundred dollar bounty and pay which
all the national soldiers receive, a bounty of three hundred
dollars, and are to form a special corps, distinguished both
from conscripts and from other three years men. The
Government is to be reimbursed, man for man, for this
three hundred dollars from the substitute fund to be raised
under the draft, and whirl), by the terms of the act, must
be devoted to this purpose. These advantages are to be
forfeited in case the men to whom they appeal do not avail
them solves of them within a fixed time, which will prob
ably be pixty days. The large bounty offered is to be paid
m instalments, to suit the convenience of the Government
and the wishes of the soldier.
THE DEMOCRACY OF ILLINOIS.
We make roofai to-day for the resolution, adopted at the
great Ma?s Convention of the Democrat, of Illinois held
at Springfield on the 17th instant. It wa* as our reader,
were .-ally informed by a telegraphic despatch, one "I t e
largest political meeting, ever held in that State, or proba
bly iu any other State. Notwithstanding the iuiineu?e
crowd the undoubted enthu.ia.rn, and the consequent con
fusion incident to such numbers, there was no disorfer. no
outbreaks, and no trouble. The amount contributed to the
soldiers' aid fund was heaily fifty thousand dollars.
K (-.SOLUTIONS.
The Democracy of Illinois, in Mass Convention assem
bled, in view of the alarming encroachment, on popular
and individual rights, by the Federal and State Adminis
trations, 1)0 declare:
1 That the Constitution of the United States is th
1. 1 nai me tun0 of wur ag in t,me
supreme law of the land ^ ^ ^ occasion., and in that
ol peace. W flieroUe all the privileges and claim
iVftmmunitio. guarantied by that m.trnment. Promo
-k : J'hertahtoftko
'?"? ??- and *. par.
BO" N?o nerson Sail 5 held to answer for a capital or other
forces,f or'in'the militia when in actual service in time of war
?r.Pln alldcrimTnal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the
the' mme
mUted*which district shall have been previously ascertained
^Which guarantees have each been repeatedly violated
ana ?u HnPa<?h and has assumed to limit ita
e^re? W tbc.?e only wbo'wonld .lavi.hly land it. policy
?1e;,a?^^u"ST?.tr?in freedom of the pre., by
makine use of the military power to suppress the Pu]?lic*
Son of public journals in loyal States, for the only offence
of differing from the Administration on measures of public
I r:^^h^;;ri?e7rte?'Tlanco and enforce ment of
military order, preventing the people of the loyal Statu
IT ffi^SSyal State., wherecoort-f
iustice were in full and unobstructed operalLl1onfl. J"?
seized without warrant of law, and, for pretended offences,
transported out of the State and beyond the district
whereiu euch offences wero charged to have been com
M r^It has caused citizens who were not in the land and
naval forces, or the militia when in actual service, to be
held to answer for pretended offences, without
or presentment of a grand jury, and denied them the nght
to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the
State and district wherein the offences were charg d to
"7 iniaB,?MidM pretence of military neceaity, a.??med
the power, and ...erted the right to pr,cl.,m aad oxt..;d
martial law over States where war does not ex.st. and 1
suspended the writ of habeas corpus in direct v olation^ot
the Constitution. It has in loyal States pursued, in f;en
ral a policy the direct tendency of which is to render the
civil subordinate to the military power. ,
!?. In condemnation of these several acts of usurpation
we adopt the language of the Ohio State l^nu.c.iatic C in
vention, and declare that the arrest impn.onment pre
tended trial, and actual banishment of Clement L Vallan
I digham, a citizen of the State of Ohio, not belonging to the
I land or naval force, of the United States, nor to the mi
litia in actual service, by alleged military authority, , f?>r n
other pretended crime thau that of uttering words of legi
timate criticism on tho conduct of the Administration l
Dower and of appealing to the ballot-box for a change
policy (said arrest and military trial taking place where
the courts of law are open and uuobstructed, and lor no
act done within the sphere of active mihUry o^rabons m
carrying on the war,) we regard as apalpableviolabonot
the foregoing provisions of the Constitution of the I nited
States, and we further denounce said arrest, trial, and
banishment as a direct insult offered to the .
the people of Ohio, by whose organic law
that no person shall be transported out of the 8tatolorany
offence committed within the same; and we unite> wit
our fellow-citizens of Ohio in their call upon the l resident
of the United State, to restore C. L. Vallandigham
h?H)e That the recent suppresiion of the publication of
the Chicago Times should receive the rebuke of all law
abiding citizens, and will receive the condemnation ol lm
PanUlTh"?>the arrest of Hon. Chas. II. Constable, Judge
of the Fourth Judicial Circuit of the State of Illinois, tor
a mere judicial opinion, expressed whilst in discharge o
his sworn duties under the constitution of the State, whs
a daring and dangerous exercise of arbitrary power, ana,
if persisted in, will strike down the noblest and safest^de
partment of the Government, and the only sure shie o
the citizon from tho assaults of arbitrary and despotic
P V>. We, in like manner, particularly denounce the arrest
and present imprisonment ?f Wm. H. C&rltn an o e
peaceful citizens of this State, and demand their - ,
or, if charged with crime, their trial according to courst
?f]T That the numerous arrests, by mere military power
of citizens of Illinois have been so many violations ot Doin
our Federal and State constitutions, and a direct insult io
the people of the State. , . ,,
14. That the right to elect public officers and decuie
questions of policy at the ballot-box derive, its value trom
freedom of speech and of the press ; that, as these are both
natural and constitutional rights, and their exercise dan
gerous to tyrants only, we will, as a duty to ourselves an
to our country, defend and maintain them against all tn
demands of power.
15. Regarding tho State of Illinois as a sovereign power,
subject only to tho Constitution of the United States, we
declare that the people of this State have the sole aod ex
clusive right of governing themselves as a free, sovereign,
and independent State, and do, and forever shall, exercise
and enjoy every power, jurisdiction, and right which is not,
or may not hereafter be, by them expressly delegated to
the United States, or prohibited to the States by the Fed
eral Constitution.
Hi. That, as one of the leading objects in good govern
ment is the recognition and protection of individual rights,
therefore we assume that no person in this State can, in
any rase, be subjected to law martial, or to any penalties
<>r pains by virtue of that law, except those employed in
the army or in the military in actual service.
17. That the declaration of martial law, and consequent
prohibition of all redress fur wrongs in the courts, in places
where war does not exist, will not be tolerated 111 this
State ; and that martial law cannot and ought not to be
declared except in States or parts of States in which, be
yond controversy, the civil law is utterly powerless, eithor
for protection or punishment.
1H. That tho safety of our State depends upon the strict
confinement of each department of our State Government
to the diechargo of its appropriate duties under the Con
stitution ; that any att-mpt op the part of one to wield the
powers vested by tho Constitution in another of these de
paitments is revolutionary in character, destructive of our
representative form of government, and, if persisted in,
productive of anarchy and civil war.
lit. That we condemn the recent act of Gov. Yates, on
assuming tho power to dissolve the Oeneral Assembly and
disperse the representatives of the people, as a high-hand
ed usurpation and exercise of arbitrary power, subversive
of liberty and destructive of self-government?an act pro
ducing a practical suppression of the legislative depart
ment of Government and intended t > concentrate in the
hands of the executive the powers \e?ted by the consti
tution in tho legislative branch.
20. That it is the sworn duty of tho Governor of the
State t*? protect her citizens in the exercise and enjoyment
of all their constitutional rights, and we have beheld with
indignation not only the fadure of Richard Yates, Governor
of Illinois, to perform bis duty in that respect, but his
actual participation in the violation of those rights.
'21. That, as citizens of the United States and the State
of Illinois, we will obey all laws whilst they remain on
the statute book. If right in our judgment we will
endeavor to perpetuate them; if wrong we will endeavor
to rfTcct a remedy in a constitutional manner by procuring
their repeal. When doubts exist as to their validity we
will appeal to the proper judicial tribunal for a decision,
and cheerfully abide the result.
22. That w e denounce, as heretofore, the ruinous heresy
of secession and declare that we would hail with joy the
manifestation of a disposition on the part of the seceded
States to return to their allegiance to the Constitution, in
which event we would cordially co-operate with them in
procuring a recognition of their rights and such guarantees
as would secure to them an equality with the other States
under the Federal Constitution.
2.5. I hat the further offensive prosecution of this war
tends to subvert the Constitution and the Government,
and entails upon this nation nU the disastrous consequences
of misrule and anarchy. That we are in favor of peace
upon the basis of a restoration of the Union, and for the
accomplishment of which we propone a National Convention
to settle upou term, of peace, which ^llha^u
the restoration of the Union Mitwu, Md tto ^unn|by
constitutional amendment. such right, to tte w'er.1 SUte.
ssnassb
orffind, our friend., and our neighbor., wboae inter
ewts tire identical with our own , who.e prosperity i.our
pleasure, whose Buffering is our pain, and whose l>rlll""'t
Lhievement. are our pride and ad miration. 1 rorntly rush
V ur?,w H- thev did ill answer to the call ot their
'!1K, /rJ thevmerit our warmest thauks, our *vmpathy,
mid'our support, and we earnestly request the 1>r^l|lel't
of the United State, to withdraw the procUaiation of
emancipation, and permit the brave son. of Illinois to fight
?nly for the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement
of the law?' -- --
FROM JAPAN.
An Englith Squadron in Yedo Bay ?Ultima
tum to the Japanese Government.
Corresponden t of the New York Tribune.
Kanagawa, April 14,1863.
The all-engrossing topic for a few days past has been
the demand of the English Government on the Tycoon for
reparation for the murder of the English .entries at the
Legation in Yedo in June last, and for the attack on a
party of Englishmen on the Tokaido in September last,
when Mr. Richardson was killed and two others severely
wounded. ,. ?
Three weeks since Rear-Admiral Kuper, commanding in
chief all her Majesty's naval force, in the China Sea.,
arrived at Yokohama in the Euryalus, ccorted by three
other war steamers. Since that time there have been ac
cessions to the squadron, till now there lie in our harbor
eleven uien-of-war, several of which are large and power
ful steamers. .Several other, are daily expected, as Admi
ral Kuper has ordered all the available force on the east
Asiatic coast to follow him hither.
On the Oth iustant a formal demand was made at Yedo
on the Ministers for Foreign AfTairs in the Tycoon's Court
for full and ample redress for past outrages. AH that has
been made known to the public of the nature of these de
mands is contained in a letter addressed by Col. St. John
Neale, the English Charge d'Atfaires, to the English Con
sul, requesting him to communicate to the British resi
dent. the grave position ot affairs. This letter I enclose:
Yokohama. April 6, 186.1.
Sir : I have already made known to you the purport of
a note I have this day presented to the Japanese Govern
i ment contaiu.ng a declaration of grievances and unre
quited outrages of which British subjects have been the
victims and sufferers, and for which, under instructions
from her Majesty's Government, I have demanded a spe
cific reparation within a noted period of time.
The attack upon her Majesty's Legation at Yedo. on
the 20th of June last, when two of the g"ar, f ,'A
Renard were treacherously murdered,
barbarous murder of Mr. Richardson, on the 14th oi Sep
tember, and murderous assault committed on the same oc
casion upon a lady and two other gentlemen, British sub
jects, are special outrages for which reparation is demand
ed. That reparation comprises the trial and cnpital exe
cution of the murderers of Mr. Richardson, a heavy pe
cuniary penalty on Japan for that offence, and a con- ,
siderable compensation for the Bufferers or their surviving
re'lit'insincerely to be hoped that the Government of the |
Tycoon, influenced by wise and just reflection., will yield
a ready compliance to the demands thus rendered necessa
rv bv these unprovoked and outrageous acts.
On the other hand, in the possible contingency which
exists of the Japanese Government refusing t? accede to
those demands, or hoping to evade them by futile argu
ments or procrastination, it becomes my duty to apprize
you of the inevitable adoption, in such an event, of coercive
measures by the Rear Admiral commanding in chief her
Majesty', naval force, in these seas, now arrived here with
a considerable force, and furnished with instructions to the
above effect analogous to my own. . , ? j I
Twenty days, dating from the 6th instant, i. the period j
allotted as the term which I will await the definite and
categorical reply of the Japanese Government, and the na
ture of which, when received, will decide the adoption or
otherwise of coercive measures, the duration and severity
of which will be proportioned to the degree of ill-.dvised
obstinacy or resistance which the Japanese Government
may assume. , . ^ . . ?
Under such circumstances I have to instruct you to call
a meeting of the British residents within your Consular
jurisdiction, or of a committee appointed by them, and
make known to them the purport of this despatch, with a
view that her Majesty's subj-cts may individually adopt
Buch precautionary measure, for (he safeguard of their
commercial interests as they may deem expedient, while,
in regard to general measure, of defence against the con
tingency of aggression or attack upon the several settle
ments during the continuance of coercive operations, the
Rear Admiral commanding-in-chief her Majesty s naval
forces will very shortly propose to concert with the diplo
matic agents and naval commanders of Foreiga State, on
the spot respecting the adoption of such combined arrange
ments as may be practicable and expedient ,
I have to request you to communicate the purport of this |
despatch to your colleagues the Consuls of friendly nations
residing at Kanagawa-Yokehama with the least possible
Seliy E. Sr. John Nkale.
The ultimatum was delivered on the 6th instant, and the
terminal day rapidly approaches, when, if the demands be
not complied with, our little settlement will be exposed to
all the chances of war. There are no indications as yet
of what the result will be. The native people about us
thus far express only the greatest indifference to the mat
ter ; they do not seem to believe that any serious difficulty
will occur let the Tycoon reply as he may. While not .<>
conceited as the Chinese, they have yet ample confidence
in the power of their chiefs and princes. Meetings of the
foreign merchants and residents have been held to take
into consideration our exposed condition and our means of
defence.
It is unfortunate that at this juncture the Tycoon and
the chief officers of hit court are absent, they having de
parted for the long contemplated visit to the Mikado at
Miaco, a fortnight since. This visit of the Tycoon to the
Spiritual Emperor, where, at the same time, there is to
be a great gathering of the most powerful Daimios of the
realm, is one of vast importance to the future of Japan
For many years there has been no such assemblage of the
country's Chiefs, and we may expect that many conflicting
interests will be reconciled or expand into open acts of
hostility. The internal and external relations of the coun
try will be more firmly established, or all the land will be
ablaze with the fires of civil war. These aro the alterna
tives, and we wait anxiously the result of the Mtaco meet
ing, an well as Admiral Kuper's demands, the latter no
doubt giving Dew intensity to the counsels of the former.
The volcano on which unhappy N;pon has so long been
resting ls'either to be quenched forever or burst out into
magnificent violence; 110 longer any treacherous subdued
smoldering.
Should the Admiral fail to get satisfaction at Yedo, it
is rumored that he will take his fleet to Oasaca, seventeen
miles from Mittco, and demand redress of the assembled
powers of the realm, where Tycoon, Mikado, and Daimios
wiTT be together, and there shall be no shuffling of respon
sibility from one portion to another of this tripartite power
in the rulership of Japan. Or, as say others, be will go to
Kagosima, the capital of great Satsuma, whose liege it was
that did the foul deeds of the 14th of September, and de
mand the assassins from under the guns of bis hereditary
castle, or wreak his vengeance theie.
Such are the courses open to him truly, but my own be
lief is that before the twenty days have expired the Ja
panese Government will give either a complying answer
in part or make such reasons for further delay that the
Admiral will be compelled, by " a decent regard for the
opinions of mankind," to consider them before taking his
" coercivo measures." We camly await the issue of these
twenty days, and their event of peace or desolating war to
a people who for three centuries have known the blessings
ol unbroken peace. Not less anxiously do we wait for the
results to ourselves and our property, for on us and our
property would fall such blows as the Japanese may have
to ?ive.
The Wyoming is soon expected, and will be loudly wel
comed at this crisis. The French have two war steamers
here, and the Dutch two. A part of the Russian Asiatic
squadron is looked for, so that the corps of observation
will be full.
FROM JAPAN.
From Japan we have ?ome additional facts to those
published recently. Admiral Kuper made his demands
through the Chargti d'Affaires. The Tycoon having gone
to Miako, the Governor of Kanagawa replied that he
feared the Tycoon's Government had no authority to arrest
Shemadzoo Saburo, the father of the Prince of Satsima,
charged with the murder of Mr. Richardson. He recom
mended tho Admiral to seize the Loo Choo islands, which
belong to him, with their revenue of half a million sterling
per annum. The steamer Fiery Cross, some time since
purchased by the above nnmed Prince, was wrecked, and
the captain committed suicide by the " happy dispatch"
method. The foreign shipmasters residing at Kanagaws
hsd held a m-eting at which a series of resolutions wss
pfissrd organizing signals by day and night, a place of ren
dezvous for the inhabitants, arrangements of boats, crews.
Ac to furnish means of escape on board ship in the event
of an attack on the settlement by the Japanese.
f Neio York Commercial Advertittr.
THE LATE REBEL IRON-CLAD ATLANTA.
The Port Royal correspondent of the Philadelphia In
quirer. under date of the 19th instant, adda to an account
of the late conflict between the Confederate iron-clad
ateamer Atlanta and the United States iron-clad Weehaw
ken the following interesting description of the captured
vessel, then lying in the harbor of Port Royal:
ORIGINALLY THIS STEAMER FINOAL.
On the 12th of November, Mil, the Fingal, tin English
Clyde-built steamer, ran our blockade, uud carried a
valuable cqrgo of arms and ammunition in t^the rebels at
Savannah, She had aboard of her, t^Uo, several batteries
of the celebrated Armstrong guns, wbioh the rebels im
mediately mounted in Fori Pulaski, and which fell into
our hands when we captured that fort. In the following
Juuuary the rebels, having loaded the Fingal with a cargo
of one thousand bales of cotton, eudeavored to rerun the
blockade, but were detected by our cruisers and driven
buck up the Savannah river. After this occurrence the
idea eet'med to occur to them that the Fiugal might be
converted into un iron clad, and to this result they have
industriously devoted themselves for the last fourteen
mouths. After she was near completion her name was
changed to the Georgia, and subsequently she received a
new christening as the Atlanta, which name she haB borne
for over six months.
HER SURRENDER?A TORPEDO.
Upon seeing the white flag, Capt. Uodgers immediately
dispatched Capt. Harmony, of the Weekawken, in a small
boat to the Atlanta, to receive her commander's sword and
take possession Qf her in the name of the navy of the Uni
ted States. Aa soon as Capt. Harmony arrived on board
he received the sword of Capt. Webb, hauled down the
new Confederate flag which was flying at her stern, and
run up our own victorious ensign. He then went forward
and was ordering his men to cast anchor, when Captain
Webb exclaimed, " For God's sake, captain, don't cast off
these anchors, we have torpedo underneath this bow."
Capt. Harmony turned to him with the utmost nonchalance
and said, "I don't care any thing about your torpedoes, I
can stand them if you can, and if you don't wish to be
blown up with me, you had bettor tell me how to Aise the
torpedo." To this Capt. Webb readily assented, aud, call
ing some of his men, pulleys were attached to a large iron
rod which ran out from the prow, and soon there appeared
coming out of the water a huge torpedo attached to the
end of this rod, which projected thirty feet beyond the
bow. Capt. Harmony ordered his men to carefully remove
the cap from the torpedo and then filled it with water, in
order that the powder might be destroyed. This was done,
aud the torpedo, holding fifty pounds of powder, was
raised aloft on this rod, atfd was secured at an angle of
about forty-five degrees from the deck.
DESCRIPTION OF THE INTERIOR.
She hus three inside decks: first, the gun deck, two
hundred feet by forty; immediately below this is a deck
two hundred and eighty feet long, which is subdivided
into the captain's cabin, aft, the ward-room, the petty offi
cers' quarters, and forward the men's quarters. Below
this deck is the third, the orlop deck, in which are stored
all the stores, provisions, &c. Immediately fore and aft
of the deck are the magazines. The engines and their ne
cessary complements, of course, occupy the centre of the
vessel. These engines are the same which wore in her
when she ran the blockade as the old Fingal. They were
' built on the Clyde, and are models for their beauty and ac
tion.
THE ARMOR OF THE ATLANTA.
First and on the outside were wrought iron bars, six
inches wide by two inches thick, running perpendicularly
with her side, and properly secured, both above and below,
by rivets and bolts. Across these bars, horizontally, and
on the inside, ran bars of like material and pattern, fas
tened to the outside layer by the strongest rivets. Within
this layer, and fastened to it, were two thicknesses of
live oak, two-inch plank also, running perpendicularly and
horizontally, and again within these two were more simi
lar thicknesses of Georgia pine plunk, forming the last se
ries of her armor. You will thus see that her armor is ;
twelve inches thick, and presenting all the solidity which
could be given it by four inches of wrought iron, four j
inches of live oak, and four inchcs of Georgia piue. >
HER PORT-HOLES AND SHUTTERS.
Her port-holess, hcwever, were made especially strong. j
Extra layers of iron and plank, so that the embrasure mea
Biirea from the inside to the outside forty inchea. The
port-holes were a foot and a half long by one foot in width,
and were protected by wrought-iron shutters, formed by
two transverse layers of iron bars, of the same dimensions
ns those which compose her armor. These shutters hung J
upr>n a pivot, firmly adjusted over the port hole, and were j
raised or lowered by a small chain, which, being attached
to the side of each shutter, ran through a small aperture
into the gun-deck.
CONSTRUCTION OF THE PILOT-HOUSE.
Forward of the smoke-stack was an elevation on the
top-deck, to all appearances like as a cone; upon this cone
was a small square look-out, just large enough on the in* '
side to allow a man's head to turn with freedom. On each !
side of this look-out were two small apertures in the shape
of parallelograms, slanting towards the interior, and pre- '
senting to the pilot's optics in the look-out two look-outs, '
an inch and a naif long by an inch wide. This look-out
was of wrought-iron four inches thick, and the cone upon
which it stood was the same thickness, with this additional
strength, however, that the interior of the pilot house being
square, the interstices between the sides of the upper part of
the pilot-house and the concave surface of the cone were
filled with eighteen-inch square live-oak blocks. From the
top of the lookout to the base of the cono was but two feet
and a half, so that the pilot exposed only about one-third
-of his person% the rest of the pilot-house being within the
body of the ship and reached by a step-ladder from the
gun deck. The second shot from the Weehawken, al
though it was a glancing one, wrenched off this lookout and
smashed in the cone. From this pilot-house were seven
speaking tubes connecting with their appropriate rooms
below, and all properly lettered and numbered, so that the
man at the wheel can readily communicate with those
below.
OUTSIDE DIMENSIONS OK THE ATLANTA.
Her length from bow to sternpost is a small fraction
over three hundred feet. The gun-deck covering is at its
base two hundred feet long and forty feet in width, and at
its top one hundred feet in length by fourteen feet in
breadth. You will thus see that her roof does not slope
all the way up, but has a very respectable top deck. From
tho guu-dock to the roof the perpendicular height is six
feet, and the sides of the roof sloping at an angle of forty
five degrees, the standing height is eight feet. The lower
edge of the roof is twenty inches above the water-mark, so
that she stands above the water about eight feet. From
her aft roof edge it is fifty feet to the sternpost, and from
her fore roof edge it is also fifty feet to her bow. The
distance from her gun-deck to her keel is sixteen feet and
a fraction over. Her steering apparatift is perfect, and
her rudder completely submerged in the water, thereby
being in the safest place imaginable. Her iron plating ex
tends two feet below the water line.
TIIE TOBI'EDo ARRANGEMENT.
It is evident that the rebels have taught us a good lesson
on the torpedo subject, as conducted with iron-clads, from
which we may well afford to learn. It has been a ques
tion how a torpedo could be safely carried in front of a
vessel without interfering with its steering and other move
ments and be at the same time secure from explosion until
the proper time. The Atlanta's torpedo gearing solves
the question. The forward part of the ram of the Atlanta
is solid iron, twenty feet in length, and so overlaid by steel
bars, with their ends protruding below the cutwater, that
a huge steel saw is formed, which would cut any wooden
gunboat in existence. This ram at its bofr end cornea to
a point, if I may so call it, about two inches square. From
the deck of this iron ram, just ahead of its juncture with
the vessel, arises a strong iron bar with a pivot at ita top,
to which is attached a massive iron boom which runs just
over tho ram's prow, and then forming an elbow it de
scends three feet below the water line, where it forma an
other elbow, aud then running out some two feet it forms
at ita end a powerful socket or ring. In this socket is
firmly inserted another iron boom, which extends beyond
the socket twenty-eight feet, and at its end is hung the tor
pedo, all capped and ready,for the explosion. From this
cap runs an insulated wire along the boom and ending in
the pilot house, where are the necessary electrical arrange
ments with which the pilot can explode the torpedo aa
soon as it was run under a vessel. You can hardly con
ceive of a more perfect or efficient engine of destruction
than snch a torpedo and thus carried. The iron ram ia
also savage enough in its appearance, and would saw a
hole in a wooden vessel without much difficulty.
GRAND GULF TO BE EVACUATED.
A letter from Grand Gulf, Mississippi, Dth instant, to
the Madison (Wisconsin) Journal, referring to the move
ments of the Twelfth Wisconsin Kegiment, says :
" We have orders to join our division at Vicksburg, and
with thiaend in view all negroes, horses, mules, and extras
have been sent up the river, and most likely we shall leave
here ourselves in a day or two. This point soems to be
destined for complete evacuation by our forces, but a sur
veillance by gunboats will be kep^up to prevent reoocupa
tion by the rebels. Since Gen. Grant opened communica
tion by way of the Yacoo river, with his base of supplies
at Memphis, snd encircled the stronghold of the rebels
from Haines' Bluff to Warrenton, this point has lost its
great importance as the ' key to Vicksburg,' while it lies
exposed to attacks from both sides of the river.
" A few days ago the rebel Gen Dick Taylor, with a
division of troops from Alexandria, Louisiana, and Gen.
Walker's Texan division, passed by this point going up the
river. It is believed that a force from Little Rock, Ark ,
ia massing preparatory to an attack on the river to cut off
Grant's communication with Memphis and compel him to
raise the siege, but all the rebel movements are closely
watched and doubtless will be frustrated."
AN EARNEST CALL ON PENNSYLVANIA.
Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, has it sued another
proclamation, bearing date the 20th instant, in which he
makes an urgent appeal to the people of Pennsylvania to
turn out in defence of their homes and to repel the inva
ders from that State. We copy the material portion of it,
as follows:
"The enemy is advancing in force into Pennsylvania.
He has a strong columu within twenty-three miles of Har
risburg, and other columns are moving by Fulton and
Adams counties, and it can no longer be doubted that a
formidable invasion of our State is iu actual progress.
"The calls already made for volunteer militia in the
exigency have not been met as fully as the crisis requires.
I therefore now issue this, my proclamation, calling for
sixty thousand men to come promptly forward to defend
the State. They will be mustered into the service of the
State for the period of ninety days, but will be required
to serve only so much of the period of muster as the safety
of our people and honor of our State may require.
"I will not insult you by inflammatory appeals. A peo
ple who want the heart to defend their soil, their families,
and their firesides, are not worthy to be accounted men.
Heed not the counsels of evil disposed persons, if such
there be iu your midst. Show yourselves what you are?
a free, loyal, spirited, brave, vigorous race. Do not un
dergo the disgrace of leaving your defence mainly to the
citizens of other States.
"Iu defeuding the soil of Pennsylvania, we are contri
buting to the support of our National Government, and
vindicating our fidelity to the national cause. Pennsylvania
has always heretofore responded promptly to all the calls
made by the Federal Government, and I appeal to you now
not to be unmindful that the foe that strikes at our State
strikes, through our desolation, at the life of the Republic.
Our peop'e are plundered and driven from their homes,
solely because of their loyalty and fidelity to our free insti
tutions.
"People of Pennsylvania, I owe to you all my faculties,
my labors, my life. You owe to your country your prompt
and zealous services and efforts. The time has now come
when we must all stand or fall together in the defence of
our State, aud in the support of our Government; let us
discharge our duty that posterity shall not blush for us.
Come heartily and cheerfully to the rescue of our noble
Commonwealth. Maintain now your houor and freedom."
THE BATTLE AT CHANCELLORSVILLE.
The London Times of the 16th June contains six co
lumns of a letter from its special correspondent with the
Confederate army giving a description of the battle of
Chancellorsville. It is dated on the 6th of May, at the
headquarters of Gen. R. E. Lee, Chancellorsville. The
extracts below will interest the reader:
THE ATTACK ON HOOKER'S REAR.
About half-past six in the evening the rattle of musketry
was heard in the distance, followed by the loud boom of
artillery, and instantly Gen. Lee passed word along his
lines, " Jackson at work; press them heavily every where."
Swift and sudden as the falcon swooping on bis prey, Jack-*
son had burst on his enemy's rear and crushed him before
resistance could be attempted. Passing right over the
plank road and extending almost up to the Ely's Ford
road, getting behind Chancellorsville, the three noble divi
sions raced gallantly forward, drunk with the animal joy
and the inebriation of battle. Not a trench had been dug,
not a tree felled, not a stick raised to resist them; the un
conscious Federals engaged cooking supper?one regiment
on dress parade?heard in the sudden volley of Jackson's
long line the knell of their doom. Before that supper
could be eaten the unwashed, unkempt, starving ragga
muffins of the South had burst on them from the west, and
scattered them, nerveless, panic-struck, helpless, like chaff
before the blast. What might have been the result but
for one casualty, which alone almost countervailed the vic
tories of a week, who shall say? Formation or order the
Federals had none; reserves, tactics, organization, dispo
sition, plan, all went down before the whirlwind sudden
ness of the surprise. The loss of the Confederates was
ludicrously small; their advance like that of a white squall
in the Bay of Naples.
ADVANCE OF THE STONEWALL URIGADE.
At Chancellorsville the battle, hardly intermitted through
the night, opened furiously with the earliest dawn of day.
First advanced the division of A P. Hill, now commanded
by Gen. Heath ; next advanced the " Stonewall" division,
under Gen. Coulson; last, and in reserve, advanced D. H.
Hill's division, now under command of General Rhodes.
Through a perfect tornado of shot and shell hurtling through
the woods, and rending trunk and limb and bush and sap
ling as though a hurricane of iron hail had rushed troin
the clouds, steady as regulars, inexorable as doom, advanc
ed, division after division, the fiery militia of the South.
Who that has seen the listless, sleeveless, ragged, mendi
cant-like units which compose the Southern host, dragging
themselves wearily aud painfully to the front, with plead
ing eyo aud dejected mien, oould itnsginp into what a thun
derbolt of war the aggregate of these units grows and as
cends when death and danger lower in their front? On
ward, right onward they press; they have gained the edge
of the torn and riven woods, they burst into the open field,
and here, for the first time, Heath's division falters under
the tempest of shot rained upon it from the heights. At
this critical moment the Stonewall division, which should
have given Heath instant support, ineffectively handled, as
is alleged to me, by its commanding general, failed to ad
vance, and disaster and repulse seemed not impossible.
But a man was found equal to the perilous emergency, as
Gen. Rhodes, animating the men with voice and gesture,
commanded the third, or reserve division, to advance over
friend or foe and storm the heights. Nobly did they re
spond to his call. Under the inspiration of their presence
and example Heath's division slowly and sternly recovered
itself, and together they swept up the slope, and never
rested till the well-known battle-flag of the rebels was fly
ing from the earthworks torn from their foe.
GENERAL STUART.
With admirable sagacity, Gen. Stuart had fastened upon
the hill called F&irview, and opened upon the flank of the
Yankees an enfilading fire of twenty Napoleon guns. Si
multaneously right up to the breastworks rushed Posey's
and Wright's brigades. They spring into and upon the
felled trees and matted branches : they bound like tigers
into the works, and drive the panic struck Federals head
long from their cover. Never shall I forget the yell which
rent the sky, and announced that the enemy was broken.
Yielding works from which ten times their number should
never have driven determined men, leaving behind them
knapsacks, canteens, overcoats, oilcloths, books, cards,
paper, newspapers, muskets, the Federals rushed quailing
to the rear, and never stopped until they got behind the
building at Chancellorsvillo, beyond which their artillery
opened a heavy fire.
SCENES INSIDE THE BREASTWORKS.
Such a sight as the inside of the Yankee breastworks
just after they had left them, never may I see again ! With
astonishing accuracy Stuart's enfilading fire had torn
through their ranks. In every variety of attitude of death,
torn, rent, and shivered into scarcely distinguishable hu
manity, lay what so lately had breathed and moved. Still
more terrible and strangely appalling was the road from
Chancellorsville towards Orange Court-house, along which
and on either side of which Jackson had descended to the
harvest of death. Tumbrils overthrown, caissons exploded,
horses dead and dying, sometimes with broken legs, some
times with ghsstly wounds; human bodies in every guise
of suffering and death tortured, and riven trees, and, most
fearful of all, a crackling fire, running swiftly through the
grass and black-jack brushwood, and suggesting dreadful
thoughts of wounded and helpless men perishing by the
most agonizing death known to humanity, froze the blood
with horror, as the spectator in agony turned his eyes to
Heaven, to gain a moment's relief from the unutterable
and voful anguish of earth. Further comments upon the
incidents which so hurriedly and imperfectly I have at
tempted to relate, I will, in mercy to the reader, forbear.
The bloody repulse of the enemy at every point, the frus
tration of every movement, the spectacle of at least J20,000
men hurled back in three places across the Rappahannock,
after paying fearful toll for its passage, constitute an en
temblt which requires nothing to be Added to it.
CONVERSATION WITH OEN. LEE.
Early this morning I rode over to Fredericksburg, and
found that not a Federal soldior, save a large batch of
prisoners around Salem Church, was left on the south
side of the Rappahannock. I proceeded to Gen. Lee's
headquarters, and had the great advantage of riding back
from Fredericksburg to Chancellorsville in company with
the General, and hearing his free comments upon the
events of the week. If for one moment I am tempted to
lift the veil, and reveal portions of his conversation, it ia
because I feel that all whor speak the English tongue
should be admitted to a closer perception and higher ap
preciation of one who does honor to our race. The Gene
ral bewniled the impunity with which Sedgwick and his
followers had escaped from his grasp. "Up to this time
we have done nothing but afford the Northern press ma
terial for 'Another great Union victory!' True, we have
driven our enemy from every field, swept away his every
formation, scourged him out of works from which neither
the whirlwind nor hurricanes could ever drive my poor
raggamuffins?but what of that T I have learnt that no
thing but the entire capture of a whole corps will ever
produce an effect, and such a capture should unquestion
ably have been effected yesterday." Iu answer to my re
mark that, judging from the wholesale capture of arms
and accoutrements, at least one quarter of Hooker's army
must be impotent for defence, the General observed,
" With the resources of the North probably the deficiency
of arms has been made good already. Conceive the glee
of the contractors when a new call for every thing wanted
for one hundred thousand men, from caps down to shoes,
is received at Washington. Compare with their resources
those which I wield. Not a day passes but opportunities
occur. Signal advantages offer themselves, but 1 cannot
use them. Want of transports, want of tools, pontoons,
horsea, and great inferiority of numbers force me to aban
don the chance of action. Rut hereafter I think we shall
be more on an equality."

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