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"LIBIHTY AMD UNION, ROW AND PO&KVKK, OBI AND IHHEf ARABLE." THURSDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1863. A DEFENCE OP THE ADMINISTRATION. In Lis lirat message to Congress, called to meet in extraordinary session on the 4th of July, 1861, Pi ebident Lincoln held the following language : ?' Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of caudid men aa to what ia to be the course of the Government t?w warda the Southern Stafra, after the rebellion ahall have been suppressed, the Exeoutive deems it proper to aty it will be bis purpose th n, aa ever, to be guided by the Con stitution and the law a ; and that he probably will have no different understanding of thj powers and dutir* of the Federal Government relatively to the light* of the States and the people, Under the Constitution, than thatexpreaaed 1'ia"?u.ra'addre" He d. aires to preserve the Got ?foment, that it may be administered for all, aa it was ad ininiatered by the men who made it. Loyal oitizens every j'v nght to ?'a,ai thil ot Government; and the Government ha* no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that, in giving it, there is any coercion, tema?','(1Ue't' ?F ,ubjuKation>iu ?"?y just seue of thoae In the opening words of the preliminary " Pro olanation of Freedom," iiaued on the 22d of Sep tember, 1802, the President, as if anxious to pre clude the inference that he meant thereby to ohange the object of the war, was oareful to declare " that hertojter as heretofore the war will be prose cuted for the object of practically restoring the con stitutional relation between the United States and ?art of thk States ?r,d the people thereof in whioh States that relation is or may lie sus pended or disturbed." This is " the object" of the war as the President understands it?to restore the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the Stales in which that relation is now suspended or disturbed. In the^re&ident's reply to a communication from the Hon. Fernando Wood, of New York, who had imparted to him some information to the effect " that the Southern States would send representa tives to the next Congress provided that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do so," the President, under date of last December 12th, held the following explioit and conclusive lan guage : " I itronjjly suspect your information will prove to be groundless ; nevertheless, I thank you for communicating ic . "k ercgta,Adm? Lbe phra"e in the paragraph above quoted? the Southern States would send representatives fh.f.lv.0 tonxress'?to be substantially the sime as that the people of the Southern States would ceaae re ?latance, and would reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain I n !?th"nty,wilhia ,he of,u<* SUten, un der the Constitution of the United Statea,' I say that in sue* case the tear would cease on the part of the United Statte ? and that if within a reasonable time, ' a full and ft 7^7^' WtTC ntccssary to such end, it would not In the President's Letter addressed to the Spring field Republican Convention in the early part of the present month, he wrote as follows, as if to exclude the cavil or objection on the part of poli tical opponents that he had any design to continue tho war for the purpose of emancipation after the deolarcd objeot of the war shall have been reached in a restoration of the Union. To this effeot the President said: " You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of tbr-m aeem willing to fight lor you. But no matter ; fight you then exclusively to save the Union. I issued the pro cUmation on P?rpo>e to aid you in saving the Union. YV oenev^r y..n sha'l ..ave conquered all resistance to the r""'D' V 'Ha/ "r/? y?? to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then J or you to declare you will not fight to free ?yrNi, ? ?? W e have arranged these uniform declarations of the President in tho order of their ohronology, for the purpose of showing that his policy under this head is deliberate, definite, and determinate. The war is waged for the avowed purpose of " practi oally restoring the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the States in whieh that relation has been suspended or disturbed ;" and when the people of the Southern States "shall cease resistance and reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the limits of said States utder the Constitution of the Uni ted States, tho war will ccase on tho part of the United States." If any say "they will not fight to free negroes," to such the President replies, " No matter; fight you then exclusively to save the Union, and when you shall have conquered all re sistance to the I nion, if I shall urge you to con tinue fighting it will bo an apt time then for you to declare you will not fight to free negroes." In all those separate declarations we havo an ex plicit and unmistakable avowal of the President's purpose to regard the war as at an end just so soon as all resistance to the Union shall havo been conquered. And wo have cited theui in their sin gle clearness and collcctivo force for tho purpose of setting in a slrong light the true relations borne to the present Administration by those who, while professing to support it, arc found in opposition to its most fundamental ide*. For surely it will not be said that the Administration has any idea moie fundamental cr primary than that which relates to the " object of the war." Those who are not with it in this grand issue arc against it. All, for in stance, who hold with Mr. Whiting, that the ordi nances of secession, and the " territorial oivil war" now raging in oon?equcnoc of them, hare availed to annul the rights of the insurgent States under .the Constitution, and have "obliterated all lines of States" in tho insurgent district, arc just as clearly the political opponents of the Presi dent as they arc, in the language of a member of his Cabinet, " tho aiders nnd abettors of the Con federal* s. Indeed, it would bo a grievous re proach to the Administration if aqy class of per sons could be << aiders and abettors of the Con federates*' without being at the same time enemies of the Administration. In this matter it gives us pleasure to "stand by the President " and to "support the Administra tion." Our only grief is that in doing so we are compsllcd to struggle against so many in public or official place who, as regards this fundamental question, arc his political enemies, and, as the '? aiders and abettors of the Confederates," neces sarily the enemies of the country. It is obvious that we oannot defend tho President nnd uphold the Constitution without assailing the men who openly icnounoo his polioy and substitute a revolution ary doctrine whioh makes a tabula rasa of the very country (the insurgent distrist) within whioh he is proposing to restore practically the constitu tional relation that exists between tho United States and #ocA oj the States and people fhereof. Jt is >hi|>o*biM# for any one to affect ignorance to the avowed policy of the President under this head, and all who oppose or dispute it, do so with the full knowledge that they make themselves anti-Administrationists. The .Executive and Le gislative Departments of the Government have, since the outbreak of the war down to the present time, continuously and uniformly acted on the the ory that all ordinanoas of seoession were legal nul lities, and that the States in the insurgent district had their rights and relations to the Constitution and the Union In no wise destroyed by suoh pre tonded acts, but that those rights and relations have been simply, as the President properly de scribes it, " suspended or disturbed" by the vio lence of faction and war. Any other theory oon cedes the whole matter in dispute between the Uo vernmcnt and the insurgents, and makes over the palladium of the latter into the hands of the for mer. As is well said by a friend of the Adminis tration, Mr. Coombs, in a speeoh delivered before the Union League of this oity : , Government U, and baa been ever ainee this re bellion baa existed, daily doing acta which reoognise, in the moat unequivocal manner, the rebellious 8tatea aa atill be jug member, of the Federal Union. We accord to the loyal ritisens of those States all the right*, privileges, franchises, and immunitiea of citisena of tbe United States. We appoint them to offioea which none but citisena of the United Statea are eligible to fill. We accord to them other rights, which none but citizens of a State in the t/MMji are eutitled to under the Constitution; among which is tbe right of representation in Congress, whenever and wherever they find themaelve* able to exerciae that right by electing- membera. If they are still, in law, States of tbia Union, then it ia impoaaible for the remain 4. , u> lno^?,y the Constitution, except in an uncon stitutional way, and that would be aimply revolution " The people of Tennessee, says Mr. Whiting, are all public enemies, and Tennessee, as a State, has ceased to exist. And yet a portion of the peo ple of Tennessee were represented in the last Con gress. The people of Louisiana are all indiscrimi nately, by virtue of " territorial civil war," no thing less than public enemies, and Louisiana, as a State, has oeased to exist. And yet almost the closing act of the last House of Representatives was to admit two members of Congress chosen from two Congressional districts in this State. The people of Virginia, says Mr. Whiting, are all pub lic enemies, and Virginia, as a State, has ocased to exist. And yet the last Senate embraced on its roll the names of two Senators from Virginia, and the House of Representatives embraced among itt> members good and loyal men who sat among their fellow-members as accepted delegates from Virginia And, as if to explode both the practical and theo retical absurdity of this whole seoession dogma, as adopted by the advooates of the theory which obliterates State lines, the last Congress, by a most solemn act, ratified the measures taken by the Le gislature of Virginia (sitting at Wheeling) for the erection of a new ?tate within the jurisdiction of that JState. The constitutional provision uod*r which this Congressional assent was given is in the following words: rrlNBeWK?Ute' mayobe admitted hy th? Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erects with in the jurisdiction of any other State, nor any State be Si ""01;'"1 ?f l*? or more 8'atei, without the ? 'f t[ ? LV"f?*?res of the 8tates concentd as veil as oj the Congrtss." If Virginia, as a State, has oeased to exist, then the action of Congress in ratifying the proceedings of the so-called " Legislature of Virginia," which purported to give consent to the partition of the State, was not only a fraud but a legal impossibili ty. And all who voted for that measure, as well as the President who approved it, are, by neoee ssry implication, according to the logic of Mr. Whiting and his coadjutors, guilty of having con firmed the action of "public enemies;" for the Legislature at Wheeling aasumed to be, and were admitted by the Congress and the Executive to be, " the Legislature of Virginia." And now, in the faoe of this proceeding, there are those who would stultify the members of the last Congress and the President himself by affirming that the territorial civil war hts " obliterated State lines," and that V irginia, a* a fetste, had oeased to exist at the very timo when what purported to be her aotion was ra tified by tbe Legislative and Executive Depart ments of the Government. We are, therefore, fully warranted in holding all who espouse this revolutionary doctrine to be the enemies of the Administration, as they must ne cessarily be the enemies of the oountry, if they are the " aiders and abettors of tbe Confederates." As such we esteom them, and as suoh we shall treat them?defending the Administration, as far as we are able, from the odium brought upon it by soire in public and official place, who do not scruple to advooate this Anti-Administration doctrine, and defending the Constitution from a dogma which, in its very statement, betrays the cause of the Union by identifying its confessors with the "Con federates,' whoso dialect they speak and whose in surgent violence they morally ?? aid and abet " LEGAL TENDER NOTES CONSTITUTIONAL. The Court of Appeals ot the State of New York, now in session at Albany, has decided that tbe le^al tender notes issued by the National Government are constitutional. Tbia deciaion affirms a decision in the seventh judieial dis trict of New York, and overrules one made in another dis trict of that Rtate. It ia of importance aa settling a vexed <|ueatiou and removing doubta that have been frequently expreaaed as to tbe constitutionality of this currency. Tbe matter was brought before tbe court in the ca?e of tbe Metropolitan and Shoe and Leather Banks against Mr. Van Dyck, Superintendent of the Bank Department. Six of tbe Judgea concurred in the deciaion of tbe eourt, whilst two?Judge Den'o and Judge Selden-dissmt. d from it. * DECISION IN HABEAS CORPU8 CASES. On Saturday morning laat Judge Spraour gave a deci aion id the United Statea Distriet Court, Boston, in tbe case of tbe five persons held for military service by General Dev.ns, and who bad asked for writs of habens corpus, one claiming to be a felon, one au alien, and tbe three others minors. It waa urged by tbe counael for tbe defendants that the President's proclamation suspending the writ of habeas corpus did not apply to suoh cases The Judge concluded bis opinion by saying that the objec tions made by tbe counsel in these cases to tbe application of the proclamation cannot prevail, and he was precluded from further icqniry by the pr< clsmation, and if any of the partiea before him were sntitled to. relief they must seek it from tbe tfficera or the tribnnal'a able by law to grant it. The prisoners were then remanded to the cuatody of Gen. Devens, to be taken back to tbe camp at Lona GENERAL SCHENCK. Major General SrtianrK having obtained leave of ab wnoe from tbe command of tbe Middle Department, in or er to enable him take hia aeat in Congress, the Presi dent ha. ordered Brig. Gen. Era? B. Tyler to aasume e1 command in Baltimore daring his absence. General lyier has been for some time commaoder of tbe Defence* 0. O re. THE INTOLERANCE OF FACTION. Wb yesterday referred to the fierce opposition waged against the President in Missouri by the Radical Emancipationists?a party truly charac terized by the New York Times when it sajs that the men who lead and oontrol it "preaoh as much contempt for national authority and encourage as much hatred and opposition to'the officers of the Administration as ever did the rebels themselves j and they do not scruple to advise volunteer and lawless organizatwns to defeat the regular work of the Administration." While thus resisting the constituted authorities of the country, they in dulge, as wo showed, in the personal abuse and po litical misrepresentation of all who do not co-ope rate with them in their revolutionary schemes? denouncing them as " copperheads," " traitors, " pro-slavery rebels," &o. That our readers may see what class of men are embraoed in this cate gory, we oopy from the St. Louis Union the follow ing analysis of a recent communication that ap peared in the St. Louis Democrat, the organ of this anti-Administration party of Radioal Emancipa tionists. Our contemporary says: ?? gome one, who does cot write usually for the Demo crat, ha# writteu an article for that paper, the burden of which ia to prove that President Lincoln, Montgomery Blair, Postmaster General, and Edward Bates, Attorney General, are ' pro-slavery' men. Mr. Bate*, who, long year* ago, not only emancipated his slave*, hut previously educated them, i? nevertheless a 4 pro-slavery' man. Mont gomery Blair, who never in his life win kuown to utter a pro-slavery sentiment, aud whose utterance* have been a* tb< roughly anti-slavery as language is capable of, is a!*o a ?pro-slavery' man?'not sound,' in the opinion of our Jacobins. . " Mr Lincoln, who has issued the emancipation pro clamation, is of doubtful character, pursues a ? conserva tive,' ? pro-slavery' policy, is ruining the country by his temporizing course in regard to th? slavery question. Frank Blair, who has manumitted more slaves than tbere aie men of the least common qense in the whole Jacobin party, is of doubtful character on the negro question. He too is suspected of being ' pro-slavery !' " Frank Blair, whose uaked but manly heart his been the voluntary target for all the bullets in rebeldom on twenty bloody fields, is, in the opinion of the Missouri Democrat, a ? copperhead,' a ' traitor.' " Aud so it is they misrepresent and calumniate tne president ftnd Cabinet to-day, publishing against themi the m ?st deliberate falsehoods, aud tc-morrow we find them on their knees beggiug for office?office?office." We adduce this exhibition of the political mis representations habitually oiroulated by the anti slavery faotioniats in Missauri against President Linooln and a portion if his Cabinet merely for the purpose of setting in a olear light the point Icbsncss of these political accusations, which con stitute with a certain class of men the chief re sources of their ''argumentation." Not to pro nounce their shibboleth is to prove one's self a "traitor," and not to ooncur in all their projeots for the removal of slavery is to prove one's self a friend of that institution. Iler.ce we see a man like Mr. Bates, the present honored Attjrney General of the Government, denounced as " a pro slavery man," though, as our Missouri contemp ? rary says, ho, " long years ago, not ouly emanci pated his slaves, but previously educated them." The present Postmaster General, too, the Hon Montgomery Blair, " a man who never in his life was known to utter a pro slavery sentiment," is now olassed by thesr extremists with the "allies and friends of rebel slaveholders." It is known to our readers that this journal has not escaped a similar style of vituperation and mis representation, because wchave felt it our duty on more occasions than one to lift our voice in protest againBt measures which, nominally initiated in the name of humanity to the tlave, or under the pre text of military necessity, have seemed to us un warranted by the Constitution, or injurious alike to the welfaro of the country and of the dependant class whoso ccndition it is proposed to ohange. Instead of meeting our arguments under this head, it has been held enough among a certain class of politicians to attribute them to "pro-slavery inspi. rations" or " pro slavery predilections." We have so little respect for a style of discussion whioh undertakes to dispose of arguments by attaching op probrious epithets to those who urge them, and, moreover, the courso of this paper, in its habitual opposition to all the politioal opsrations and pro jects of the pro-Blavery propagandists is so well known, that wo have never bestowed any attention on theso weak attempts to turn tho points in con troversy between us aud any who may differ from us in regaid to recent measures of public policy supposed to concern the welfare of the slave. A sufficient answer to such allegations is found in the fact that since the origin of the pro-slavery fanaticism on the one hand and of the anti-slavery fanaticism on the other, we have steadily set our faces like a flint against both the one and the other whenever each ha* culminated in measures which have seemed to us unauthorized or inexpedient. For many years the councils of the country were swayed by political leaders who, in our judgment, sought unduly to play on the sensibilities of the Slaveholding States, aud who originated measures of public policy avowedly in the interest of slave ry, sometimes for its protection from apprehended danger and sometimes for its perpetuation where it exists and for its extension to new territory. It was in pursuanoo of this policy that tho annexa tion of Texas was carriod, that war on Mexico was waged, that the Congressional protoction of slavery in the Territories was demanded, that the Missouri compromise was repealed, and that similar mea sures of political agitation were pressed upon the public attention in tl.e name of doing justioe to the South. We do not need to cay that each and all of these measures found in the National Intelli g?noer a determined opponent, and for the eament ncss with which wc resisted thcua it whs our for tune to iacur the denunciations of tho pro-slavery fnnatics who had assumed the guardianship of "Southern Rights" and "Southern Intcilsts " Believing as wo did that the welfaro of tho coun try and of the South was equally involved in the defeat of measures advocated rathor on sectional than national grounds, we could not do otherwise than oppose their adoption, al whatever risk of of fending tho susceptibilities of tho Southern people or at whatever oost, becauso compelled to resist n j policy whioh then predominated in the councils of the nation. It would have been as easy to drift j with the currcnt then as it would be easy to do so now, but wc judged somethiug to be duo to our honest convictions of publio duty then as we judge something to be due on the same grounds at the present time, when a different polioy predomi nates in the publio oouncils, and when, it seems to us, some men are in danger of pressing an anti slavery fanaticism to hurtful conclusions and pur poses. The legitimate tendency of this cxagger?t od sentiment is aeon in the State of Missouri, Where its patrons and confessors are found arrajod m active and unrelenting hostility not only to the onstitution and the laws, (which they openly eon temn as "eflcte,") hut to the Administration and its agents, both civil and military. The exacting spirit which once possessed the pro-slavery fana ?Bf?rcd into these anti-slavery zealots. All who do not yield to their behests and talk in their dialeot are reviled as "rebels" and " traitors" and pro-slavery advooates," as though suoh epithets could bring any terrors to men who, under a dif ferent rijime, were not seriously disturbed when they heard themselves denounced as "abolition ists, and as " false to the South" because recog nising the existence of other " rights" than those of slavery. As is well said by a contemporary, " it ' is easy to be extreme. It is only those that ex 'amine ??d refleot that find difficulties; only the * conscientious and oarefol that have their judg ' ments moderated by checks and balances. This '1B true in the most trivial occurrences of life, and equally true in the most vital public affairs. In 'all matters concerning whioh men are prone to form parties?in religion and politics, for in '8tance?those who have noither the opportunity nor ability to derive opinions from investigation 'are usually the most confident, zealous, and in 1 tolerant in the advocacy of such dogmas as their ' Party have adopted." But in these matters wisdom is justified of her children," and in the light of past history we can elearly peroeive that wisdom has not always apoken through the mouths of partisans and zealots devoted to a single pre dominant Wea; for they, least of all, bring to their judgments that serenity of temper and olearness of understanding which ar? the conditions of practi cal reason in the affairs of men. WHOLESALE ABDUCTION IN MARYLAND. An intelligent resident of Washington, just re turned from a brief tour on the Eastern 8hore of Maryland, communicates the following acoount of what he paw and heard in that oppressed portion of the State. V\ e can only express our extreme surprise that these most iriitating and injurious vio;atio&s of the laws ot the State and the rights of its people by military subordinates have not been put a stop to by the Government: " The abduction of slaves from tbe Eastern Shore of Mary laud went on during the whole of last week with un-1 relenting vigor and energy, aud all notwithstanding the exertions of prominent loyal citizer a and alleged pledg.a made in a high quarter to the contrary. Amongst those who are reported to have had interviews with tbe civil and military authorities of the Government, in order to have a stoppage put to the ruthless abduction of the able-bodied slaves so essential to the agricultural operations of the Eastern Shore, Ex-Governor and now Senator Hicks held a prominent place. Humor has it that he was successful i i obtaining from tbe President a promise tbat the spoli ation suffered by the farmers of the counties east of tbe Chesapeake Bay should not be contioued, but tbat from tbe Secretary of War tbe urnst that could be bad whs tbat the threatened visit of a negro reg:ment?composed in part ot Eastern Shore negroes -to their former homes, should ba delayed two or three weekB. " Certain it is tbat the worst anticipations seem ;hosa meat likely to be realized. Tbe steamboat Cecil was eveiy day Inst we?;k butily engaged in gatheiing up slave properly along the coasts of Qu-en Anne's, Talbot, and Dorchester counties. About six hundred slaves have been carried away against their owners' wills from Talbot alone, and on Friday last the Cecil transported from Cambridge to Baltimore about one hundred sl?ve negro men who were gathered from D. r chester county. Scores of farms have been suddenly strip ped ol their best labor, whilst few or none but helpless women and childreu are left behind for tbeir owners to teed and support as best they can. On one estate, where the ne^roe. numbered about four hundred, all the adult males hare been beguiled or forced away, aud three tun dred women and children leit to shift for themselves. A\ hat renders this the more embarrassing to agricultural proceedings ia the total absence of white labor which might fill the j lace of the slave peasantry. A large por tion of a most fertile and valuable region must go untitled the next year, and great private and public losses be the consequence. " It is stated tbat promiaea of considerable sums of mo ney to the negro men, with other seductive offers, are among the most common means u-ed to entice them from their owners; in some cases force is menaced for tbe pur pose. Thus a farm will be v.s.fced after nightfall by an officer aud one or two men in military uniform. The owner will be notified that bis servant has ' volunteered,' and that a military party have come to take him off. Of course re sistance on the ptrt of the master is out of the question, a* he is always caught unawares. " Tne bounty usually piomised to each male negro slave is one hundred dollars, whtlat tbe white man wbo recruits him gets two dollars for his share io the proceed,ng ; but there is a doubt whether the white parties into whose hands the bounty is placed always deliver to tbe recruited slave the full amount designed for him by tbe original pro viders of the fund, whether they be official or (as some aver) a society in the North which ha. been formed to gather money for the ipecial abolishment of slavery in Maryland. The amount collected by the Company is un derstood to reach $100 000, *0d that it is out of this fund that the now?paper and other aiders and abettors of these slave abductions are paid for their labors. " It is worthy of remark that, notwithstanding these in roads and wjuries npon ths property of the people, not a word has been uttered j;oiog to enoourage the hope that tiv federal tax b;l:s would be diminished one dollar." A lotter from Djrchesterhas the following: " Yesterday I could fcaroely avoid crying, to say nothing worse, to ace gentlemen of this town and the neighborhood a'anling in groups, powerless to prevent t,e abduction of their slavta. The nigbt before a steamer aichored in the liver aud the next morning, as though to aJd mnult to injury, squads of negro soldiers perambulated the town in search of slaves. Miles of corn I have seen ?Ending Ubga'here.l for want > f hands, there being no aubstitutes I or the slaves thus abducted." The Chcstertowa Ne ws of Saturday saji: " A Nleamb?at from Baltimore arrived off Eastern Neck Ia'and, in the lower p irt of this county, on Sunday last, for the purpose ot carrying away alaves for enlistment in the army. It sterns that the negroes had previous notice Of the com nj; of the boat, and flock-d to the shore in such crowds thai many had to b? left behind. The nnrn oer carried off i? eaumated at tro.n one hundred and fif y to two hundred including nearly every able-bodied slave in Kaatern Neck. Tlio.-e remaining repaired to the wharf at Uray s Inn Creek o.i Monday morning, for the purpose o raking passage to Bnkitu re on the steamer Chester, out the captain relused to lake them, and, assisted by the citizens, prevent d them from going aboard." FROM GKN. HURNSJDK'S ARMY, Cincinnati, Skpt. 28?Ne.va from Knoxnlle up to last Thursday has b.*en received. Gen. Iiurnside still bad his headquarters at tbat place. There were no sign* of any rebel movements into East Tennessee. The rebel force under Gen Jones was keeping clone to the Virginia line. P?rt of Gen. Burntide's mounted forcw was enghged upon an expedition into Southwestern Virgina, from which very important results were expected. A BRITISH FLEET AT NEW YORK New Yokk, hki?t. 99 -The Briti.h ah>of the-lu.e Nile, Ad mi t?l Milne on board ; the British st-am-trigate Immortahte; and the British dispatch boat Nimble have arrived at thia port; also, tbe Trench frigate Guerriere POLITICAL DELUSIONS It w known to our readers that wheu the South era Diaunionists " precipitated the Cotton States into revolution" they deluded the great niaaa of the people in those States by a variety of promises. Foremost among these was the prediotion that the revolution would bo aceouiplished without blcod shed, because, in the first place, as " Cotton was King," the manufacturing and maritime Powers of Europe oould not permit the outbreak of any hostilities which might have fur their effect to de prive them of a staple whoso abundaut supply wan the condition of their own sooial and political sta bility. They would, therefore, promptly interfere to prevent any attempt of "the North" to coerce " the South." The revolution would be bloodless In the seoond place, it was laid that the North* em Democracy, who had so long defended what was called the " constitutional rights" of the South, oould at least " keep the peace" between the two sections by staying the bands of any in tho North who might persuade a resort to ooeroion. But, in faet, the Northern Democracy had never engaged to sustain their Southern political allies in any schemes for the violent dismemberment of the Union ; and when the latter began the war by firing on the national flag and capturing Fort Sumter there was an end of all interposition on the part not only of Northern Democrats, but of Northern Conservatives, to procure a peaceful solution of difficulties which tho D suuion leaders had delibe rately chosen to decide by the sword. Before this and similar acts of violence had been perpetrated against the peaoe and dignity of the nation there were many and earnest voices lifted up in all parts of the land in favor of the longest possible absti nence from an armed oollision between the National Government and those "disaffeoted citizens" of the Republio to whom President Lincoln made ap peal in his Inaugural Address. And until the at tack upon Fort Sumter the present Administra tion, after its accession to power, maintained an attitude of expectation. It did not join issuo with tho secessionists until they had made their appeal to the law of violence, and had thus forocd upon the National Government the necessity of either defending itself or of accepting its right to live at the hands of armed < >n pirators againa? its very existence. And it is probable that if the disuuun leaders had abstained from alforiolence, the States in whose name they assumed to speak might have preserved peaceful relations long enough to pro ourc at the hands of the adhering States an even tual reooguition of their independence, to be ob tained by arrangements concerted in a Convention of all the Scates. It was by General Convention of all the States that ihey had been bound together under the Constitution. It was only by a similar Convention, whose work should be ratified by the people, that th'y could be pcaocfully unbound and released from their obligations. But, when they sought to cut this Gordian knot with the sword, and turned an armed hand against the Union, the hand of every friend of the Government was ncces savily turned againBt them j for to desert the Gov ernment under such circumstances was to inaugu rate violenoe and anarchy in the place of rightful government and law. But there was still another class at the North which disappointed tho expectations of the South ern disunioiiints. Wc allude to those who promised them impunity in their schemes bec-iUie, as it wa$ ssid, any armed resistance to their revolutionary endeavors would be contrary to the " right of re volution" as vindicated by our fathers aod as in serted in tho Declaration of Indepenc ence. It is known that the New York Tribune was a oonstant as well as an earnest exponent of this view, and said much in the winter of 1?J60-'G1 to justify the hopes of the Southern agitators that they might at least count on ica aid in procuring for them immu nity from Federal attack. As early as the 9th of November, lh60, when tho secession storm was brewing in the Southern heaventhe Tribune said: "If the Cotton States shall become sati-fied th tt they cm do better out ol the Union than in it, we inoiat on let ting them go in peace. The right to aeoode may be a re volutiiuary one, but it exista nevertheless. . . . We Riant ever resist the right of any btate to remain io the Union and nullify or defy the law* thereof. T?. withdraw from the Union is unite another matter; and whenever a convidt rab e section of our Uuiou shall deliberately resolve to iio out, we ahall re?iat all coercive measures dea bio d to Keep it in. We hope never to live in a Republic whereof one Hection i? pinned to another by bayonets." Seventeen days afterwards, on the 2<!th of No vember, it held the following language : " If the Cotton 8tatea unitedly and earnestly wiah to withdraw peacefully from the Union, we think they should and would be allowed to do ao Any attempt fo c< mpel them by force to remain would be oontrary to tho princi plea enunciated in the immo'tal Declaration of Indepen dence, contrary to the fuu>inm?n?al ideas on which human liberty ia baaed." On the 17 th of December, when the secession s'orm had come to a head aud was bursting over South Carolina, the Tribune said : "If it (the Declaration of Independence) justified the aece-aioii from the British Empire of three million* of Cob'iiiata in 1776, u>t do not tee why it icould not ju$tify the tecrstion rf Jive milliont of Houthront from the L'num in 1861." And, after all tho Cotton States had "seccded," on tho 23d of February, 1861, it still held over them tho shield of the Declaration of Indepen dence. Under that date it said : "We-have repeatedly a^id, and we once more insist, that the great principle embodied by Jeff-raon in the Declara tion of American Indepriid. nee, that Governments derive their just pow? r (rim the couacnt ol the governed, iaaound aud juHt; and that, if the ?<lave States, the Colt u .State*, or U>e Uulf Hut*-* only, choose to form an independent nation, they have a clear moral fight to do so. . . . When ever it ?hall be clear that the great body of the Southern people hav ? became conclusively -.lien ited from the Uu on, and anxi 'iia to escape from it, we will do our be?t to for ward tl eir views." # - Wc bolicve onr contemporary ha?, since the war be^an, faithfully kept its promise to do its best to fat ward tho views of the <! alienated " among the ; Southern people, but it ha-i not been by affirming ! 1 tbeir " clear moral right to form an independent nation." Wo understand tho Tribune no longer concodea this right, and to this extent must be said to have misled the Southern disorganizes who cjunted on its support and co opera .ion. The modo of its support a; d co-operation has not been such ! as they were entitled to expect. Thcie is another distinguished advocate of the wnr against tho insurgents who has in like manner disappointed tho hopes ho ooco authorized them to chcrisi that when they "stopped talking" and proceeded to action in tho matter of dissolving the Uuion, they might rely upon him to resist any a - tempt to "hold men forcibly in tho Union." We allude to Senator Wade, of Ohi?, the chairman of tho late Congressional Committee ou the Conduct of the War On the 4th of Deowuber, 1856, h? neld the following language in the Senate of the United States. [Cong. Globe, 3d Seaaion, 34th Cou greas. p. 25:] thlBU^:tbern ?eutiemen ?t?d h?re, and in almost all ^ eoieLr^f ,7^w?r ? thU dl,,olutloQ of the Union a. an elwuent of every argument, a. tiougb it a pee?|*r ZuadT::s ?vtort ** uS ess r?..! rrn r u n* not fe'1 '"^r^ed io upbollinir . Un,?" :.lf. lt treal|y trenobea on taeir rig.t.; if it en* Urger. their institutions to .uch an ,xa?ut th.? ,h y e.unJt feel secure under u; if th-ir mt-test. ?re ??ol?.,tl/..salied by means of this Union 1 am n .t o-.e ,f th-se lb, ,x?t hat tbey will long Oontinue under it. I am , ot , Qr( of hose who would a?k them t.> continue iu such a U..iou It woula be dolLg violence fo the platform..* b- p?rtv t<! *hieh I b,lo?g. We have ad. pt*S the old DeeUratioJ of JhiT!l i"4 b**ia ?f "ur poiit'Oil movua mts which declare* that any p.ople, when their (Jover^mant fm"m th!?? protecl their rights, when it ia no ?u>>ver:ed i mv th" fu? P'^P0**" <?f g 'Vernment as- to oppivsj th-m Sit ? ? recurto fundamental principles, and, if , t ' " tr.?y the Government und?r which tti*y |irai welfare' I hnH th^" >no httr m",e c?nd iciva tl> their wlm/tno , fthllt the* this right. I wiJl U t y ^??pltfor ""oiling it, whenever they cti.i.k 2rSfSKy A ??B- 1 "ta 1 be the adv.* ?? ductrlae Whenever I ftuA that ihe prin ciples o( this Government have beoome to oppressive to lnnaZ !l"a Wfh IJ*lo,,? a free people ought not longer to endure it. You will cot theu find me backward in being the advocate of disunion; but that couting ncy never having come I have never yet opened my m,?h m oppoiitiop to he Union. I have n?er entertained* thought disloyal to this Union. But 1 ?ay, for Heaven', aake act, not talk. I am tired of thia eternal dm of ' dis solution of the Union' which ia brought up on all o<-c*. sions, and thrust into our faces, as though we of the North bad some peculiar reasou for maintaining the Umon that the Southern States Lad not. I hop* the I nion will con luiie forever. I believe it may continue forever I are nothing at prevent wbicb I tbink should dissolve it; but if i>tber gentlemen aee it, I aay again that they have the same interest in maintaining this Union, in my judgment that we of the North have. If they think they have m t, be it IO. You cannot forcibly hold men io this Union; for tbe attempt to do so, it seems to me. would subvert the fiiat principles of the Government under which we live." AN INCAUTIOUS BLOW. ^ the fol,owiu8 Paragraph in the Boston Journal ?f the 16th inatant: since Rthe?iN.T,? PR^"'a5!,ation.-Two year, have elapsed since the M-e by Gen. Fremont at 8t. Louis of his oro clhnutiou in which he declared frtt men the olavea ol all persons in the S'ate of Missouri who had taken up arms against the United States, or taken aotive part with their hvefn*whD 11 WM rewiTed Wlth disappr. balion hinker^fter,yam?' W"tb I*0?""'?. ?nd by those who hanker after a compromise,' anxious that slaveiv mav Jive, though the Republic may die." Aa Mr. Lincoln received the proclamation of Gen. Fre mont with ao much ? disapprobation" that he annulled i'. we must infer, if the Journal ia.accurate iu ascertaining the character of all who disapproved that paper, tbat the President at that time was a ?' synip%tb.xer wuh ?eces sion" a consequence which we accept with so much hesi tation that we hope our loyal Republican contemporary will hasten to except the President from the cat-gory in winch it has placed bim. Though Mr. Lincoln disapproved the proclamation of Gen. Fremont, we inc'iae to believe it was for the good and sufficient reason he assigned, and not because he had then, any more than now, that ? sympathy * ith secession" or ?? hankering af.er a compromise" which the J, urnal attributes to tho.? who concurred with him a his disapproval of the Fremont prodamttion. A CHANGE of COMMAND. By a general order juat issued by the War Department the Tweniy-first and Twenty-aeci.nd Army Corps (Major G-ns. McCork's and Crittendeu's) have beeu consolidated into one corps, to be called the Fourth Army Corps, and Major Gen. Gordon Granger placed in command, a court ?( inquiry has been ordered to investigate the conduct ol Gens. MoCook and Crittenden in the lata battles near Chattanooga. Gen. Granger commanded ot r reserves ou that bloody field, and by his high soldierly abilities ren dered immense aid to Geo. Thomas in covering the retreat of our army to Chattanooga. DRAFT DECISION. It has been decided by the Provost Marshal General that drafted men who ha*e paid three hund-ed dollar, without being examined,and are aub.equently examined and found ntitl-d to exemption, can Lave tbe commutation moiiey refun led. Those having substitute, in the s-rv.ceou M?rch 3, 1863 and, being drafted, have pH,d coaptation, ,ra entitled to have it reimbursed. AnJ t^e who unier these circumstances, have luruisbed .ub-ti-u'^, ar- ?0. t.tl-d to have th- am .unt actually p,ld f.,r juo^ .u's.titutee refunded, on making a claia, and producing tae pr^f of payment. . 1HI5 ORGANIZATION OF Ni,Gito TROOPS. The Commissioner for orgauixing Deg.o tro..;.. i0 tl>? Department nf tbe Cumberland aunouu jes as follows tie classes of negroes aud the teim. upon which ttey will b? enlisted into the service of the United 8lates : 1st. All freedmen who will volunteer. 2d. All slaves of rebel, or disloyal mast r. ?fcn ?;iH ??, luutt.r u, tuli.l will b. utU??H,rrJ??T' h?r term of fervice. e'r 3d. All slaves of loyalI citixens, with the consent of their owners, will be received into tbe service of the 17m-/. 1 ?Sta... fu.h will be fr? on tbe M term of service. 4tb. Loyal master, will receive a eertificate of the en listment of their slaws, which will entitle them ?? paj. merit of a sum not exceeding tbe bounty now provided bv law Tor tbe enlistment of white recruits 5th. Colored soldiers will receive clothing, rations and ten dollars per month pay. Three dollars per month w?U be deducted for clothing. THE EXPEDITION 10 TEXAS. The transport steamer Cahawba, fr,,m New 0r,Mn# 0Q the 17th instant, arrived at New Tork on Saturday Her pa?.enger. state that the troops which were engsged in the ^ai'ine Pass expedition have been disembarked, and are to compriw a part of the expedition overland to Texas These troops were on the departure of tbe steamer moving towards Brashear City and Berwick Bay, as rapidly as by the railroad tran?portatlon between Algiers and tbose points they could be sent forward. The foroe which originally was to go by that route will thus be so much strengthened as to render the expedition a formidable me It is al.o stated that our forces were crossing Berwick Bay, with their trains, and that a part of the troops are already on their march westward. The occupation of Texas is regarded in New Orleans as a fixed fact. GENERAL SULLY'S EXPEDITION. The Sioux City Register issued an eatra September 15th containing tbe news of Gen. Sully', recent victory ' over the Indians in the extreme Northwest, where thia offioer is at present in command ?!?2T'AKTER8 i^KPARTMENT, JOtA fhtcontfn VolUHIeer Lamp near tort Pierre, tnUmtor lO iHrtT To Capt. 8 Bagh, Aasistnnt Quartermaater blou'xCi'v: Enclosed you will ftud desp?tobe. which the Geueial di rect* to be sent to the nearest tefcorauh atari, n t?? airived to night by special courier, and bring ;he news of a nevere battle with the Indians on the 3d in.tau;, about two hundred miles above this ooint Th? ... _ ? .nlfed in the total rout of tbe enemy. The* *,?/bt bravl ly in regular line of battle until a gallant charge of , ur e^ tire force, led by our da.ing and intrepid Geoera , Alfred Sully, drove them howling Irom ths field, leaving on- hun dred and fifty dead Indian, in our hands, besides all t air Mounded and many prisoners. Their lodges, ponies do?s A c. fell into our pos*escion, together wiib over flon tvvi pound, of dried meat, and other stores. E. W. Bartlkit, Lieut. Col. Comd'g. TERRIFIC STEAM-BOILER KXLOSION Bufkalo, Skpt. iW.?This afternoon a steam boiler ei plo led in the e.tabli.hment formerly known as 8wartTs Iron Works, on Chicago street. The premises were oo cupied by E A B Holmes, aa a eoop?r shop, and J 8 R.igrr X Co., and Thomas Parks, machinists. The build ing was nearly destroyed. Thirty persons are supposed to be buried in the mine. Several have been taken out dead, and others seriously injured. BurraLO, 8kpt. 86,6 P. M ?Seventeen workmen ha* already been taken out of tbe ruins, moat of whom will die. It ia thought that there are sUU fifteen breath M* muss of twfebuh.