Newspaper Page Text
AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN ENGLAND SPEECH OF EAKL RUSSELL Ou tbe* 26th of September Earl BVMELL w?? eoter ta;ued at Blairgowrie, Scotland, by a number of hi? fiieuda, aiid made a speech of intereat and importance oo the for eigii relations of Great Britain, and especially on h*r relation* to the United States. His health waa proposed by the Earl of Aiklik, who closed a long speech by the following refereoce to this country: "A* regards America, the Government have had a most difficult and a most delicate duty todiacharge. They have had to maintain a steadfast and impartial neutrality. 1 am afraid (hat the Americana on both aidea are like the Irishman of whom we are told io the story. He said he was advised to refer a dispute to an impartial judge ; aaJ he remarked, ' I am very fond of impartiality, but I like the imparli-lity to be all on my aide.' [Laughter] I am afraid that the parties in America are very much of that opinion; and the noble Lord, in his desire to maintain neutrality aud nn impartial attitude, has not succeeded in pleasii g every party; but perhaps that is the bent proof that be is steadily pursuing a right oourse. [Cheers ] 1 am sure that with regard to America we all wish?with out expressing an opinion on matters io that country of which, perhaps, we are not very well qualified to judge? that that unhappy and desolating war should aoou come to an end, and that the blessings of peace aud prosperity ?hould be again restored to the American people." REPLY OF KARL RL88ELL. Gentlemen, I am deeply grateful to you for the invita tion you have given me to be present here to day, and for tbe maunt-r in which you have received the toast which has been proposed, and to the nob'e lord in the chair fur the mauner iu wt ich he has proposed it. Gentlemen, I think tbe uob!e lord bus very fairly ob ? ?rvtd that however important are those matters of do na stic interest to which he alluded, yet, tbe contest being over, there is no longer much excitement about them, and that for some time tbe state of foreign affairs has greatly occupied the attention of tbe country. I confess I do not wonder that this should be the case, for the state of for eign affairs has been a very anxious one. On the state of foreign adairs depetd in a great part tbe commerce and manufactures of the country. Every rumor or alarm tends to depreciate or to improve the property of thousands of persona in thia country; and tbe apprehen aion of war may cauae burdens to be placed oo the people of tbis country, and might bring on a struggle in which every mother would have to feel for tbe danger of her ton, who in tbe army or navy might have to encounter tbe enemy of hi* country But beyond all, in tbe danger of war, in averting it if it can be prevented and honorably averted, of me?ting it courageously and with constancy if it must be met?on tbese depend tbe character of this coimtry and its high place among tbe nations, [cheers,] its fame to future agea, its very existence as a great country. [Cheers ] I have, therefore, partaken in a more thau ordinary degree of the anxiety during the period that I have held the seals of Secretary for Foreign Affairs. There have been important events during the comparatively short period iu which I have held that office. ENGLAND AND THE POLISH QUESTION. When Lord Palmeraton last came to office there was a war in Italy still depending, though it vtry soou closed. Then there came tbe question whether the Italians sboulJ be allowed, without interference, to tbrow off their Gov ernment, most of them corrupt and effete Governments, and attempt to create a freedom and a unity for them selves ; whether France or Austria, or any other Power, should interfere to direct aud turn aside the destiny to which Italy would aspire In these circumstances tbe Government of Lord Palmerston did not hesitate to say that the people of Italy should chouse for themselves their fuluie destiny ; that they should choose their form of gov ernment; and that, with tbe capacity they had and with tbe courage they had shown, it was our belief that tbey were fit to take their place among tbe great nations of the world [Cheers ] Gentlemen, it so happened that I ex pensed ibat opinion, as an organ of Lord Palmerston's Government, at one of your own Scottish cities?at the city of Aberdeen?and I found, 1 must say, that the whole country responded to th* opinion I then expressed; [cheers ;] and, supported by the public opinion, tbe voice of England was poweriul in preventing intervention with the interests of the Italian people. [Cheers ] Well, geujleni n, there occurred otber causes ol anxiety. There occurred that which is so olten now giving us pain ful leelings?I mean the civil war that has taken place in Poland. For my own part 1 am prepared to defend, if need shall be, th- course which h<*r Majesty's Government, in coujunciion with France and Austria, have taken on that question But, gentlemen, I have stated in my place in Parliament, and 1 hold tbe opinion still, that neither the obligations, the honor, nor the interest of England re quire that we should go to war for Poland. [Cheers. 1 I hold that opinion, and I think it would be unbecoming to rail at Russia when we are not prepared forcibly to resist her assertion*?though, however, it has astonish* <1 me to find that at the end of seveial months of correspondence Russia has taken the line that she has done. The partition of Poland wan an event which w, s the scandal of fcurope in tbe last century, and which is the reproach of tbe three Powers who were parties to it [Renewed cheers.] But at the treaty of Vienna it was thought fit?and circum stances of exped ency perhaps justified what waa done? to aUmit, as it were, into the law of natioua tbe State of Poland a* divided between tboss three Powers, and to givn a kind of retrospective sanction, as it were, to the partition of Poland. The Powers of Europe became, to use a legal phrase, accessories alter tbe fact. Austria and Prussia complied with tbe conditions of tbe treaty Rus sia baa not complied with them. It seems to me that it was an act of great imprudence on tbe part of Russia, when she had tbat great advantage?when she had the act of spoliation and partition condoned, as it were, by Eu rope?to r?ject the terms on which that aariction was given, to rest as sh? now rests on the title of the original pirtiii >n. on the title of co-iquost, rejecting all those con ditious by which at the trea'y of Vienna that title waa. as it w?re, accepted by Europe. [Cheers ] What may be the cona< qiiMicea of that act, what conduct the different Poweis < t Europe may follow, is not a question on which I can properly enter I merely wished you to remark tbe fact that tbese condition* which are contained in tbe treaty of Vienna, by which Russia obtained tbe kingdom of Poland, have not been complied with; and tbat, with out the conditiona of the tenure, the title itaelf can hardly be uphe.d. [Cheers.] EKUI.AKD AND THE MEXICAN QUESTION. Gentlemen, there is another question concerning o?,r fo reign relations on which a great deal of misspprehension ha. st various times and very lately prevailed?I mean tbe question of Mexico. It has been aaid that there has been intervention in Mexico, and tbat we in rntne degree t?*>k part in the intervention. Now, tbat word intervention is unluckily employed with a great deal of license and con fusion to expre.. a gr-at many different kinds of proceed Ih! .IZ.?. # certainly when a Pc wer, the .ubjects of wlvch have been wronged, asks redress for iH -5% b''" VT:r *toV'Tt* unjustly taken, when the person of their subjects have been inured, tba i. an intervention quite justifiable and ?ften indispen sably necessary [Hear] There is another kind oHn tervention against which ( have often protested which I think is on very rare occasions itidee<1 to be justified arid which generally finds its condemnatif n in the conseon-nce. which follow from it?I mean the forcible intervention in tbe internal hffairs of another nation to prescribe its gov dictate who shall be its rulers. [Cheers ] Well, gentlemen, in the former kind of intervention we P*r,? but immediately th<* latter kind of inteivention was adopted by one of the three Powers which were con cerned in these h> stilitiea in Mexico, we at ooce parted company with our ally, and have ai nee taken no part in fhe affairs of Mexico. Gentlemen, such ia our condition at the present moment. If the people of Mexico approve the intervention which baa taken place, if they like to set up a monarchy in Mexico, and if they a | willinffly obey it; if they are enabled to establish peace aud order in Mexico? ? 7? conditiona, I say, with all my heart, let them have it, and I wi-h them success [Cheers 1 Hut if tbev do not choose it, if the people of Mexico wish for the form of government which for many years they have adopted why then. I again say we have no business to contradict'them in tbat respect; and tbat with tbe people of Mex Co how ever irregular their form of government has been and however the country has been de'ormed by acta of robbery and violence, yet I do not think we ought to interfere abont tbeirown choice of their own form of government [Cheers ] THE REBELLION IN AMEKICA. Well, gentlemen, I come now to another question a question interesting to us all, a question on which I must beg for your attention, becauae I wish to explain some circnmstarces in which the character of thia country, I think has been maligned. I am speaking of what has oc Aml??ein "i f! 1 **" w*re th" lJnit,,d ****? "f nerit?7f "*? w" wer* in the pros perity of that country ; we were happy to aee a people deri ved from the same ancestors as ourselves enjoying fr e inst'tutions enj ymg.apparent hannon, among onean-ther, ami wi'h whom we had, at least just before tbe civil war broke out, hardly a difference?a difference only with re gard to the small island called 8t. Juan, and wh ?b we bad proposed to refer to the arbitration of the Swias Republic This wss tbe state uf affairs when tbat which we certainly had no part in broke out; when, if I remember risbtlv Dine of the Southern States of America declared that the* would form an independent JUpublic. Our course ou Ilia subject has beeu attacked and blamed in the bitterest term*?blamed sometimes by tbe Federal* an | sometimes by the Confederate#, 'l'he flrat offence waa felt by the Federal*, They said we had no right to grant, en fur ?? we were concerned, to the Confederatea the righta of bel igerenta. Well gentlemen, that question of the righta ef bellige reuta ia a question of fact. 1 put it to you whether, with five million people?five million I mean of free men, de olniMft themselves in their several State# collectively an independent State?we c >uld paaa over that aa a petty re bellion. Our Admiral# aaked whether the ahipa they met bearing the Confederate flag should be treated aa pkratea or not. If we had treated them aa piratea, we ahould bave been taking part in that content. [Cheera] It waa impossible to look on the uptiaiug of a community of five million people as a mere petty insurrection, or aa not bav log tbe rights which at all times are given to thoae who, by their uumbers and importance, or by the exteut of the territory they possess, are entitled to those righta. [Cheers ] Well, it waa aaid we ought not to have done that ?e cause they were a oouiiuunity of alaveholdera Gentlemen, I trust that our abhorrenoe of slavery ia not in tbe leaat abated or diminished. [Loud aud prolonged cheera.] lor my own part, I consider it one of tbe most horrible crimes that yet disgraces humanity. [Cheers ] But then, when we are treating of the relations which we bear to a com munity of men, I doubt whether it would be expedient or useful for humanity that we should introduce that new element of declarii g that we will have no relations with a people who permit slavery to exist among them. We have never adopted it yet i we have not adopted it in the case of Spain or Bratil, and I do not believe that the cause of humanity would be served by our adoption of- it. [Hear, hear ] Well, then, it was said that these Confederate States were rebels?rebels against the Union. Perhapa, geutle men, 1 am not so nice as I ought to be on the subject. But I recollect that we rebelled aggainst Charles I, [a laugh,] we rebelled against James II., and the people of New England, not content with these two rebellions, re belled againat George III. [Hear, and laughter.] I am n >t a lying now whether all these rebellions were justifiable or whether they were wrong?I am not tttying whether the present rebell oil in the Southern 8tates is a justifiable insurrection, or is a great fanlt or a great crime. But I any tbe mere fact of rebelliou ia not in my eyea a crime of ao deep a dye that we must renounce all fellowship and communion and all relatiocahip with those who have been guilty of rebellion. [Loud cheering ] But, certainly, if I look t<? the declarations of those New England orator*? and 1 bave been reading lately, if not the whole, yet a very great part of the very l<>ng speech of Mr. Sumner on tbe subject, delivered at New York?I own I caunot but wonder to tee these men, the offsprings, as it were of three rebellions, aa we are tbe offspring of two rebellions, really speaking, like the Czar of Russia, the 8ultan of Turkey, or LouU XIV. himself, of the dreadful crime and guilt of rebellion. [Loud laughter and cheers.] Well, gentlemen, there came another complaint, and the complaint came this time from thoee so-called Con federate Statea, who said we had, contrary to the de claration of Paris, contrary to the general international lavr, permitted a blockade of three thous ind milea of the Southern coa?t of America. It is quite true we did do so. It ia quite true?and perhttps there seemed at least a plausible reaaon for complaint?that though this blockade was kept up by a sufficient number of ships, yet these ahips?many of them adopted into the United Statea navy and sent to aea in a hurry, and ill fitted for the purpose? did not keep up tbat blockade so effectively aud ao tho roughly as it must have been held an effective blockade re quired. But still, looking to the law of nationa, it waa a blockade; it was a blockade which we as a great belliger ent Power in former times should have acknowledged. We ou selvea had bad a bloakude of upwards of two thousand mil's, and it did seem to mo that we were bound in justice to the Federal States of America to acknowledge tbe block ade. But there was another reason. I confess, that weighed with me. Our people were suffering, and ruffer ing very greatly, for the want of the mater&l which was tbe great support of their industry. It was a question of self interest whether we should not break that blockade, but, in my opinion, tbe name of England would have been forever infamous if for tbe ?ake of interest of any kiud we had violated the general laws of nations, and made war with those slaveholding States of America against tbe Fed eral States. [Hear, bear.] And, gentlemen, I am not speaking the sentiments which aie peculiar to myself, or to those who bave no immediate interest in tbe question; but these are, I am convinced, tbe sentiments i>f tbat no ble betrted people of Lancashire, wbo bave lived and flour ished by that industry, but who would not, I am sure, allow a single spot ou the escutcheon of their nation in order to maintain tbat industry. [" Hear, bear," and cheers] HHIPM FOll THE REBEI.*. Well, there came new complaints?a complaint on the part of tbe Fedeials tbat we allowed a ship to leave the port of Liverpool, which afterwards committed dep redations on their commerce. Gentlemen, it would lead me far if I were to go over all the particulars of tbe question, but you must know tbat in order to prove an offeuce you require such evidence as can be sifted in a court of justice, and it was not till tbe \*ry day tbe Ala bama left Liverpool tbat in tbe opinion of lawyers we bad evidence sufficient to keep tbe vessel and crew; then I doubt whether, if we had brought tbe evidence before a court of law, it would have been found that we bad tuffi cient evidence to condemn her, because, by an invasion of the law, the ship was fitted up without tbe arms neces sary for her equipment, and tbese arms were conveyed to her in tbe waters of a foreign couutry, very far from tbe jurisdiction of Englau). [Hear.] Gentlemen, tbeae questions must be weighed, and I thick they will be weighed, as they frei/Uently have been weighed by tbe Government of the United States of Ame rica, iu the balance of equity. We know tbat tbe foreign enlistment act and the whole iaw respecting tbe subject is very difficult of application The principle is clear enougb. If you are atked to sell uiuaket?, you may sell muskets to one party or to the other, and so with regard to gunpow der, shells, or cannon; and you may sell a ship in tbe stme manner. But if you, on the one band, train aud drill a regiment with arini in their bands, or allow a regi ment to go out with arms in their bands t<? take part with one of two belligerents, you violate your neutrality and commit an offence against the other belligerent. So in the same way in regard to ships; if you allow a ship to be armed and go at once to make an attack on a foreigu bel ligerent, you are jourself, according to your own law, taking part in the war, and it is an offence which is pun ished by tbe law. But tbese questions lead aa you will a e, to most difficult problems?as to whether, for in atance, a thousand persons here may go out aa laborer* to tbe Federal Statea, and in tbe next olace a tbouaand mus kets may go out iu another ship, and when they arrive in America these thousand laborers, having bad an under atanding before, may make a formal engagement and be armed with tbese thousand muskets; though if that bad been done in the territory of the Qu>en. and oa the aoil of this country, it would hive been an ? ffence. There are other ouestioi s with regard to ships that have lately been prepared in thia country, becauae these ahipa are not like ships which receive tbe u,ual equipment known in wars in time past; but they are themaelves, without any further armament, formed for acta of offence and war They are steam rams, which might be used tor the purposes of war without ever touching tbe shores of the Confederate ports. Well, gentlt-men, to permit abipa of thia kind knowingly to depart from this country, uot to enter into any Confederate port, not to enter into the port of a belligerent, would, as you see, expose our good faith to great suspicion ; ai.d I lee I certain that if, during our war with France, the Americana had aent line of-bat tle ships to break our blockade at Brest, whatever reasons they might have urged in support of that, we should have eonsidered it a violation of neutrality. Such ia the apint in which I am prtpaied to aot. Every thing that tbe law of nations requires, every thing tbat our law, tbat tbe fo reign enliatment aot requirea, I am prepared to do, and even, if it should be proved to be necea-ary for the pre aervation of our neutrality, that the sanction of Parlia ment should.b* asked to further measures. In short, to jaum up. her Majesty'* Government are prepared to do I every thing tbat the duty of neutrality requirea, every thing that is just to a friendly nati >n, taking aa a principle that we ahould do to other* aa we should wiab to be done to ourselves. [Loud cheers.] But this we will not do? we will not adopt any measure tbat we think to be wrong. We will not yield n jot of British law or Britiah right in eonaequerice of the menace! of any foreign Power. [Loud and prolonged cbeera ] MR. ftUMNP.R'fl 8PEEOH. And now, reverting again to tbe complainta that bave been made, it is singular to obaerve how jaundiced tbe minda of some of those who >peak in the New Englaud States on this subject of our conduct. Tbe-e were some persona, members of tbe House of Lords, who thought fit to complain ou an apparent case of grievance?mid not one ease, but many caaes?of ships of ours that had be?n aeited ; ships in some caaes passing from neutral porta, in other caaes on the aea, but apparently on a legitimate voyage; and it waa urged tbat we ought not to aubnnt to have our vessels tbua airted and our eomineree thus interrupted I hud to deal with that raae, and my answer was that according to the law of nation*, if a ahip had an ostensible voyage to a destination wbich waa Dot her re I destination: if she waa bound, in fact, to any enemy's port with muni tions of war, tbe belligerent bad a right to atop lhat vessel on tbe bigh seas. I snid the law bad been laid down by Lord Slowed urid other great English au'boritiea, and that now we were neutiala I did not think it 0t we should depart from a law we had laid down as bel lige rots. [Cheers ] I said lhat in Amer ca, although 'here were fome of the loc?l court* which had not the authority of sueh men aa Lord Stowell and Sir William Grant, yet Ibere was a court of appeals?there was a Hiiprem- Court in the United State* which contained, and had for mmy years contained, men aa learned and of as high a reputation in tbe law, end of aa onaulli d repu tation for integrity, as any that have ral in our English '?ourts of justice, and lhat we ought to wait patiently for the decisions of those tribunal*. Now, whet is my *ur priee to find, and what would be your surprise to And that Mr. Sumusr is to prejudiced that he bring. these deoli?r. tiooa o? mine against me, saying that I the reputation of the Aiue.ioan curtj, J"4 I have showed u>iM?lf biased agawat the Federal Statea by the declaration I then made in Parliament. I will not detain you further on these ?ubjecto; l,u*n0? remark I muat make on the geueral tendency of tbeae speeches and writing, in Amenoa. The Government of AmTrioa di.cu..ea the.e matter, very fairly with ??e Eng lish Gowromrut. Souietimea we think them qmte mt he wrong ; sometimes they .ay we are quite in the wroug; but we discuss them fairly, aud with regard to thetJecre retary of State 1 aee no complaint to make. I think be weighs the disadvantage. and diffionltie. of our aituation iu a very fair and equal balance. But there are other., and Mr. Sumner i. one of them?hi. .peech being an epi. tome alrnoat of all that haa been contained in the Amen oaq pre?*?by who? our conduct is very differently ludgtjd. With regard to all theae matter, there are difficult quea tiona. We may have reaaon to complain in some m atanoea, aud the Federal Republic of America may have reaaon to complain alao. But let ua recollect that we are, ai I have aaid, descended from the same ancestors; tbat in the courta of jualioe in America the common law of England i. constantly atudied, aud the deoiaioos of our great judges ooo.tantly referred to aa decisions to be there re jected; that our Shakesp-are and our Milton them claaaical books a. they are to ua; that we have th aame inheritance of freedom ; that many of our insti u tion., a. you may see by reading thatexoellentbook of M de Tocqueville on America, are identical; that the aame spirit 01 liberty animate, us both; that we after our revo lutiona chow a constitutional monarchy as the beat form of Government, and they after their revolution chose a Republic; but tli .t thu. united, having the aame apirit of law. having the aame spirit of literature, having the same spirit of freedom, we ought, when thi. unhappy contest i. over, to embrace oue another a. friend., aod that we in the Old World aud th*y iu the New ought to be the light, to promote the civil lation of mankind. [Loud cheer. J Now, gentleman, with these feeling. I own I almoat lo.e my patience when 1 see men, in what is called an oration, hexpiug up accunation after accusation, and mi.repi-esen tatioo after mis'epreAcntation, all tending to the bloody end of war between tbeae two nationa. I cannot bat ?ajrf are they not aatistied wi'h the blood tbat haa been ahed id the la/t two years, with that field of Gettysburg where ten thouaand corpse, of men, most of them in the prime of manhood, were left lying stretched on the ground? Are they not satisfied with that blood.bed, but would they aeek to extend to the nation, of Europe anew content, in which freah aacrifice. are to be made Of human life, tereat, and of human happineaa 7 [Cheer..] Gentlemen, I truat that that will not be the caae. 1 know, at leaat, that my eflorta, auch a. they are?weak they may be, m | effectual I hope they will not be?will greeted to keep I peace between theae two nationa, and to do every thing which I think is ju.t and right toward theae people; an ready to meet attack if we are unjustly attacked; ready to bear our part in the coute.t, if content there must be; but yet believing that we ought to make every effort that all theae varioua conflict, may end in peaoe, in union, and in friendship. I .hall at all events have the coniciouane.. that I have done my beat to preserve peaoe between theae mighty nationa. [Loud cheer*. 1 , . Gentlemen, it i. a great subject; it affect, the people of this part of the world and of Amenoa; it effects the future stage of civilisation ; it affects the well being of the Wack raoe, whom it waa the crime of our ancestor. to lD|r^u?? to America, and who, if tbeae matter, end well, will he," I believe they are fitted to be, peaceable and intelligent members of a free country?[cheers]?on behalf of wlose welfare we have been ready to make great efforts and to aacrifice much. But we will not aacrifice any of tlo? viewa of our. to mere pretence. We have as strong ee - ings for the good of mankind as any people can have. We must maintain our own poaition; and my belief is that ibe people of what were the United States, whether they are oalled Federals or Confederate., will finally do u. and tbat thny will observe?aa indeed they cannot help observing?that in thi. free country, where there is w much diacuuion and so much difference of opinion, V*r''' are partiea very considerable in number who sympathize with the Confederate., and other large maase.?I believe .upeiior in number.?who aympathize with the teyleraa , but, whether sympathizing with the one or the other, we have all embraced in our heart, that aentiment of justice justice we will do to other., Justice we expect for our-, wives; and I hope I am interpreting the feeling, of your mind, when I .ay tbat ju.tice ought to prevail. The noble Earl .at down amid prolonged cheering. THE IRON CLADS OK THE MERSEY. The London Time, of the 29tb ultimo, in ita city article, I makea the following remarka upon an important branch of Earl Ruaseli's speech: ii Although the .tatement of Lord Russell at Blairgow rie, as far as it beara on the caae of the Liverpool iron clad., waa indefinite, an opinion baa been generally formed in the city that itia the intention of hi. Lordship to cause them to be detained, eveu if the exiatiog law should be de cided in their favor, ao that Parliament may have an op Dortunity, at the in.tance of Government, to paas a mea sure for the purpoae. If tbia be really the course cootem plsted it will be viewed with great anxiety. Not only d<>e. it involve the question whether that system can called neutrality which, in the midst of a conflict between two belligerents, makos a law to alter the balance in favor of one of them, and gives to that law practically a retro spective effect by detaining the objects upon wbicb, if it now existed, it could be brought to bear; but also whether we .hall not enter upon a path of inextricable embarraa*ment if we once attempt to commence a plan of aelection, so a. to declare that, as neutrala, our traders may make and aell certain specific article, and must re fra'n from making and wiling other analagoua articles, it being left a matter of theoretical di.cus.ion aa to the things which, under particular times and circumstances, any es pecial belligerent may be entitled to make objections It i. doubted, alao, looking at the possibility of the Mimatoi lal proposal being rejected, whether it will not prove that the moat expedient course would have been to havei stood quietly on the existing law of England and the United Statea, aod not to have given a new pretext for irritation, anch as will be afforded by any Parliamentary remarka or deciaion tbat may not be palatable to the Washington po i ticians, or that may serve the purpose of diverting atten tion from iodignities inflicted by France by raising an in creaaed outcry agaii at England." PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE TKADES' UNION. Mr. Adams, the American Miniater at London, has ad dressed the Hon. John Bright. M. P., the following letter, in acknowledgment of a friendly communication from Ibe ?? Trade Unionists " to President Lincoln i ?? Legation of the United States, London. " SIR: I hsve the honor to inform you that the Preai dent of the United States has received the resolu ions of the Trades Unionist., adopted at their meeting held at St. James'. Hall, London, on the 9Gth of March last, and heretofore transmitted to him through the medium ol^this Legation. I am directed to request you to say to theui, on bis behalf, that be is profoundly impressed by the libe ral sentiments which they have expressed in :rogard to the United States, aa well aa by th-?ir good wishes for the re storation of their internal peace upon the only ?ure foun dation of national integrity and union. The President, moreover, appreciate# the earnest desire which pervades ibe addreaa of the Tradea Unionist* for the preservation of peace and harmony and mutu?l affection between W"1*1 Britain and the United States. That deaire u viewed by him as ju.t, natural, wi?e, and humane ; while it w in ex act accordance with the earneat wishes of the Amenuan people. The President willingly believes that in these re spects the Trades Unionists have spoken the voice of the people of Great Britain, and in tbe same sen*e he responds to it < n the part of the people of the United States, with equal directness and not leas earnestness. ?? I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, " Charles Francir Adams BALTIMORE MARKETS?Octobkr 14, (P. M ) flour.?There waa a moderately active inquiry on 'Cbai ge for high grades of both Western and Howard SSHf Kitra SV? ded Ml, 191 M. P?' W, I higher. Superfine Flour was in fair requeat oi.ly^ Trana actions reported embraced 1,000 bbl*. Howard Street Extra at ?7 a $7 85, the latter figure for choice brand., '400 bbl. good Ohio Extra at f7, and 300 bbl.. Howard Street Super at $6,134 per bbl. Flour ?8ales reported of 100 bbls. at $6 2ft. Re ceipt. continue very light and prices tend upwards under * f( No sales reported. City Mills nominal at Htmi*.?Wheat, common to fair Southern white 150 a 186 eenta; good to prime do. 1?0 a 195 cents; inferior and common Southern red 13t a 150 cents; ordinary > very fair do. 155 a 160 cents. White wheat is now held at 183 a 190 cents, as to quality. The inquiry for Corn wss fsir snd both colors brought an advance of 2 a .1 cts , damaged to prime white and yellow at 105 a 110 cents. Oat., Maryland 66 a 7<J eenta, measure, for interior to prime lota Rye, prime Maryland 118 eenta per btisbel. ; Pror>i$\om.?We qnote New Met. Pork at $1585 a $15 50, and old do. at $ 13 25 a $ 15 50. Bacon?Shoulders at f>| eta ; fide, at 61 a 7 ?ta.; plain Hams at JO a 11 ct?.f dutiide figure for can*ae?ed, and sugar fiired, and fancy do. at 184 a 14 eta Lard?Western in bbls. and tierce. 1IJ a 11| eta., and Baltimore refined at l.tf cts. per lb. H'AisAey.?The msiket remsins very dull and pnoea are ur, sett led. Ohio closes nominal at 63 a 64 eta. per gallon Molatt ..?Market inactive and prices nominal, vii s Clayed Cuba t? and 50 eta ; Mnscorado 59 a 54 eta. Eogli.h Island 46 a 63 cts., and Porto Rico do. 60 a 6G eta. per lallon. It is said the Ruuian fleet, now at New York, will pro bably stay in American water, until spring. The Admira and hi. officer, will viait Waahington aod the West on private invitations. They^will go as tar as 9t. Lonii, UEMAKKS OF HON. KICHARD H. DANA, J?. At a meeting held in Cambridge, Maaaaobusetts, on the evening of the 5th instant, to ratify the proceedings of the late Republican Convention which plaoed Gov. Andrew in nomination for re election, the Hon. Richard H. Dana, Jr. spoke as follows, after a few introductory observations re lating to the action of the Convention: We in New England kuow that we are engaged ini a war of fearful proportions and with stupendous resu ta; but we are so far from it that we do not always act as if we kenw it. We are too mueh at our eaae. and have leiaure for too uiuch closet work, abstract speculations. But who is to oarry on this war, and save usAf we are to be saved ? The people of the United States. The war is to be fought by men and money and the spirit of men. Who is to fur nish the men T The people of the Un tod Htatrs. Who is to supply the money 1 The people of the I nited States. Whence is to come patriotic spirit? From the people of the United Statea. We must have a united people. I do not care for centralization of political power, if we ean have concentration of sentiment. Ibere are some men from whom h. arty support in thia war is not to be expect ed. I think they are not ao numerous aa many do, and that they are growing leas. They eannot bring themselves to light againat their political allies and friends of long years standing and against their political idol, the slave power of the South. But theg^at body of thepeople will stand by the Government, heartily and in good faith, i We muat ensure thia end. There are two ways of obstructing it One, Mr. Everett haa alluded to in forcible terms in his late letter, where he eays ?? I camiot but think it unpatriotic to attempt, for the sake of party triumph, to make political capital out of the difficulties, or if you please the errors unavoidably incident to the conduct of a war of such dimensions." But there ia another obstruction to this union of sentiment and action, for which we must subject ourselves to a little self examination. We call on others to forego and forget party associations and such differences of opinion, but have we no duty to perform in that direction ourselvea 7 Are we to exercise noaelf-de nial in the way of opinion and dogma ? Are we to tive free scope to our private theories and fancies, and Been to bind all others to them, and make these oondition* prece dent to their uniting with us in supporting the Govern ment in this fearful crisis ? Divines tell us it is easier to find missionaries and crusaders than it ia find self denial in the way of speeoh and opinion. We of New England have, like the Scotch, a atrong tendency to metaphyaics. Thia is a high tendency, and not to be discouraged. It doea muoh to relieve ua from the charge of devotion to material intereata. But, unre atrained, it lends to innumerable aecta in religion, until it is hard to get enough to join in maintaining decent publie worship. In politics, in time of peace, its excesa is only an inconvenience. But how ia it in time of war?and above all of civil war, aud such a civil war as this? Can ning deprecated a war of opinion. Burke stood aghast at the spectre of an armed doctrine. Io time of peace the pure doctrinaire is an annoyance. But in time of civil war, when all foundations are broken up, all inteiesta in peril, and men's passious roused to lury?what can be more dangerous to let loose on the community than an aimed doctrinaire? He theorizes with bayonets. He dogma tics* in blood. . . During the French revolution there were men, not or war or violence, but scholar?, philosophers, meu of reclvise habits, men who had scrupled to take animal life, who yet, fanatical to a system which they thought would ensure the greatest good of all, became the most unrelenting iu its prosecution. A great writer said of them that they re garded men no more than mice in an air pump, and would not hesitate to sacrifice half a generation to one of 'heir experiments in social systems. Their systems, like the code of Draco, were written in blood. There are some points on which the people may be suc cessfully divided, and the force of our united columns broken, if the disloyal on the one hand, or the opinionated on the other, insist upon doing it Against them we must appeal to the sound sense, the overruling patriotism, the patience, the self-restraint of the people. We trust, in this view, that you will receive with approbation the state ment?indeed I know you will?that all attempts to set up new shibboleths for loyal men to utter, to add new articles to the faith which every man muat aaaent to be fore he can be permitted to " atand by the Government in the prosecution of warthat such attempts, if they were seriously intended, met with so overwhelming an opinion against them that they were abandoned. Your delega tion, so far as I know without one exception, were op posed to any auch attempts. For one, I can aay that 1 did my utmost to discourage them There maj be a good deal of speculation as to the status of the rebel region and its inhabitants now, and in all pos sible future contingencies. Governor Boutwell propounded bis system, atid sustained it by an interesting and ingeni ous argument. But wisely and patriotically be made it bis private matter, and did not bring it forward in the resolves which he reported, or attempt to compel thoaa whom we invited there?Republicans aud all others who stand by the Government?1 ? adopt or reject it There ia also the question on what principle tbe Presi dent's proclsmntion respecting emancipation operates. Thia may be a subject of discussion and division, if it is unwisely agitated So msy the Pres'dent's power respect ing habeas corpus. But I deprecate, for one, the agita tion of these questions now in political and military con nexion. In the substance there can be agreement and concession enough to present to the rebellion the froLt of a united people. First as to the proclamation. It ia pretty well agreed now that we may treat the rebels as belligerenta, so long as they are at war, and ao far as we choose so to treat them. It is agreed that one right of war is to emancipate the ^fcves of your enemy. It is agreed that the public faith HTpledged to maiutain, alter the war, the freedom of those the war has made free. It is agreed that the National Gov ernment may aud must do this, even as against a State re stored to its functions as a State in the Union, if the State shall attempt any thing to the contrary. This doctrine is s ated by Mr. Heverdy Johnson, of Maryland, who cer tainly does not go far in our direction, Some person* at tempt to give to the proclamation the effect of a statute or law, and contend that it changed, by its own force, on the day it appeared, the legal status of every slave in every re bel State, la it an act of a legislator, in the exercise of civil jurisdiction, or is it the proclamati -n <?f a commander in the exercise of military power? If it ia tbe former, it has tbe operation contended for, if it haa any. If it is tue latter, it has not that operation. If the latter, it is not a question ot our Constitution, but of the nature of things, what operation a proclamation of a military commander has upon the status of slaves on the eneu>'s territory within his military control, what on that not withiu his military control, and at each period of tbe war. Tbeae are my opinions on that subject; but I hold them I trust with deference, and I know with a determination never to obtrude it aa a dividing queftion in the councils of loyal men. Let us iuiitat* the prudenoe of the Preaident, who attempts to foree no interpretation of it by tbe sword, but leaves its efect to be determined by I ha proper author i ties when and as far as the war shall end. It may never be a practicil queation If the war laaU until all the rebel territory is in fact under onr military euntrol, our ayfltem being military emancipation while the war laata, it will l>e an abstract question whether the slave would have been free in law, without thia aetual emancipation by military control. Second, as to the ttattu of the rebel Statea. There la a theory of State auicide. Another of State abdioation. Another of State forfeiture. Another of suspended anima tion. And each of these requires a solution of the trmm situt to national government, and whether and how far to be governed by the Preaident, aa conquered territory held under the war power, and how far by Congreaa, aa terri tory belonging to the nation and destitute of government. Iu these th* pries, an article in tbe Atlantie Monthly, at tributed to Mr. Sumner, aaya whole senates may be lost. How and when, if ever, tbeae qtieationa will come up, no one ia wise enough to forecaat. Is it, then, wise to require men, before th*-y ahall unite in supporting the Governing, to adopt any one of these theories or its results 1 Moat loyal men are now agreed, all in time will be, in the hearty desire to see emancipation begun or completed in every State before it resumes its functions aa a Sta'e in the Union All will agree to sustain the Government- -Presi dent or Congre?a, or both, in the exerciae of all legitimate powers to secure that resist. But (s it wiae or patriotic, in tbe midst of this contest, to make up a political iasue among the friends of tbe Government on this question 7 Gov. Boutwell's system ia baaed upon several doctrines. It assumes that the Statea which have paaaed under rebel control are out of the Union as Statea. It aaaumea that (hey mu?t le enter the Union by a new proeeaa. It aa suines that tbe General Government has a right to rpfq|e to receive them hack. 'I he right to make conditions im plies a fight to refuse. It aasumes that when the ease shall ariae of a State coming under loyal control and pro posing to re-ent??r on its eourse in the Union, it will be wiae and Just to reftiae to reeeive it exeept as a Free State. It assumes that it will be wise and just to do tbe same with every State, and to make no distinctions be tween Tenoessee and Soutk Carolina. It assumes that it is wise to declare now what ia to be wise and just then It assumes that it is wise and just to make tile present declaration of what is to be wise and just then, a system to which tbe Government and loyal people muat oommil themselves. With the utmost respect, which many years of acquaintance have taught me, for bia motives and abilities, and without di?cuasing hia system, I cannot aee public duty or policy in Ibe same light. Whatever theory may be propounded, all will agree that to refute a re claimed State, which baa rescued Itself from traitors, and is ready to anbuiit to tbe draft and tbe tax laws, and la fighting tbe enemy from its own aoik~>to refuse snob a State reeonition, the war against it being over, aolely on tbe ground that it has not yet become a Free 8tate, or has not yet begun a course of emancipation, perhaps for want of time and not of will?all will agree that aueh a oourae would be an exercise of a tt anaoendant imperial power. All agree that ours Is a system of States and a nation. It requires and aasumes tbe existenee of alanets, each in its orbit, and with its axis, as well as a oaftral sun, aad the oeotiifuaal aa well u ill* eeaftn petal foroe. For the Got eruuiout to lay down aow an absolute rule, to be_ applied in a poaaible contingency, to all States alike, without re gard to their circumstances?tojatabish now a system by wbieh every State .baU be merely national territory, until slavery .ball bate ceaaed. ?* emancipation begun In it, seems to my poor judgment to le a needle** aud daugei ?UFor'one*,'fellow citisens, I aboulil not like to be the man to meet the aearred and impoverished loyal martyrs and ofT^naMee. when they have reacued their State, with every proapect of emancipation sooo, and to close the door against tbern, and for ?o reaaon than because tbey did not iquare with a '3**? J bad constructed at my eaae, in lay protected .ecunty in New England. Gov. Johnson might sav. Not reoelve usTthen what and where are wet Wbo^e enemies are we T Whoae subjecta are we T" No sir, the heart of the country, the sanac of the country would revolt from such a course. Who cm say that it would not prolong the war, or make a new war?and for what t . I would not dogmatise t^caT.of have others dogmatise affirmatively. When tbe oases " reclaimed Sates, loyal and ready for aU serviM^hal nse we must be free to m et each case as the eternal nilea of right and ju?tioe, and our convictiooa of what la oompetent to the Government, and of an enlarged public polcy, look ing befoie and after, aball require. Many say?and it ia an alluring cry?let whave a high and holt cause for our war. Let us not fight for the Bel fish and ignoble cause of the integrity of the empire, the Constitution, the laws; let ue fight for Christianity and civilisation. This cannot, must not be. Our Saviour says that hia kingdom ia not to be enforced by the sword. TRe magistrate may bear tbe sword ; the mssionarv aaost not. That which it mo?t high aod holy doee not admit of the use of violence and the shedding of blood for iU propaga* ti.?n. We must confine the uae of violence to lower ob jects. Truth is not a justifiable cause of war, either in doctrine or in institutions. What! shall we make war to recover land or a cargo, and not to apread truth, christian and free institutions, to aboliah the mosque, the barem, aod tbe slave market T It is even so. Wars for truth aie wars for opinion. Wars of opinion aie of all wars tbe most easy to excite, for their cause is always present, aod when begun tbe most fanatical, the moat bloody, aod tee most interminable. They scarcely admit of adjustment. I protest, therefore, with all my heart and might, againat all attempts to commit this Government to any system or dogma, however high or holy its pur|Ose, which we must fight for, or take the risk of being obliged to fight for. I proteat against them, beoause they tend to divide loyal peo ple, >o break the march cf our columns, to put stumbling blocks in the way of thoae who are ready to sustain the Government in the auppression of the rebellion by force of arms. I proteat againat them because they lead to tbe growth and supremacy of an armed lanatieism, mutant metaphysics, wars of opinion, instead of an armed magis traey, a war for telf-deknoe, and all the more dargeroo# for the very reason that the ultimate purpose is high and Our duty to the country ia, in my Judgment, to have a short and simple creed. That creed is to *tond by the Administration in proseeuting this war to the final extinc tion of tbe rebellion, and to make no political conceaaiona to rebels in arms. On this we can unite the people?all but tbe few I have referred to, who never will sustain tbe war?for the people do not believe and cannot be made to believe that their liberties are in danger. The questions of modes and meana and final settlement, and the doc trines on which they rest, should be matter of reflection and study?to some extent of public discussion, but not made in advance conditions of loyal co operations, and even in their public discus/un we u ay well use prudence and self- restraint. Our duty to others is to do that which in our most solemn supplications we ask may be done for us?to strengthen thoae who stand, to comfort and help the weak-hearted, to raise up those who fall, in the hope that thus, at last, 8atau may be beaten down under our feet. While the war lasts, let us have, if it be poaaible, one heart, one voice, aod one hand. PENNSYLVANIA. AND OHIO ELECTIONS From the Dmily Intelligencer of October 13 We need not remind our readers that elections are held to-day in the two important States of Pennsylvania and Ohio. The canvass in eaoh has been animated. In Pennsylvania the rival oandidates for the offioe of Governor are the Hon. Andriw G. Cub tin, the present inoumbent, who is re-nominated by the Republican party, and the Hon. Georgi W. Woodward, nominated by tho Democrats. In Ohio the oontest lies between two Democrats, of whom the one, Hon. John Brough, nominated by the Republicans and "War Democrats," sus tains the war. The other, Hon. C. L. Vallah Dioham, is opposed to the war, though, as he was not nominated on this ground, he has been sup ported by moit of his political friends rather in spite of his peculiar views on this subject than beoause any large portion of them sympathize with hia personal opinions, whioh have doubtless greatly impaired his availability as a candidate, and ren his defeat, it is presumed, inevitable. Governor Curtin's majority at the last election was upwards of thirty-two thousand. At tbe latt election for Governor in Ohio the Republican maj jority exceeded fifty-five thousand Totes. REPORTS BY TELEGRAPH. PENNSYLVANIA ELECTION. Philadelphia, Oot. 14.?Cartin's majority probably ranges from 15,000 to 18,000. In Philadelphia the Uoioo party have elected all their oity aod county officers by majorities raoging in tbe neigh borhood of 6,000. Curtin haa 6,500 majority. , Tbe Inquirer (Republican) claims the result as a clear victory for the Adminiatration, which it deepis " the more marked and significant ffom the fact that the Democratic candidate was a man of high character aod great talents; personally, nothing eould be said against him." Fulton oounty gives Woodward 5J64 majority, a slight decrease from laat year. Lehigh county, complete aod pofrpet, gi*?? Woodward 1,830 msjority. Complete returns have been received from Wayne ooun ty, which givea Woodward 900 majority. Complete returns have also been received from North ampton county, which gives Woodward 3,150 majority. OHIO ELECTION. * Cincinnati, October 14.?Hamilton county givea Broufb 6,300 majority. In twenty-nine counties Brough has 37,316 m%|ority. Gain over laat year, 33,389. Cincinnati, October 14.?The majority for Brough, tbe Union candidate for Governor of Ohio, is estimated at aixty thousand, which the soldiers' vote will increase to one hundred thousand. Cincinnati, Octorrr 14.?Ohio all right. Regiments, voting aa such, almost a unit for that Uoidh which tbey have declared themselves ready to die to defend. Large gaina eveiy where. Demooratie gains nowhere. Baltimore, October 14 ?The following ia the vote east in thi* oity oa Tueadsy by (he sick aod wounded sol diers from the State of Ohio aow ia Baltimore: Brough 906, Vallandigham 11. Pursuant to the orders of lfAjor General Sohenck, polls were opened in this city yesterday at the headquarters of Geo. Tyler, on Holliday street, and at Fort Federal Hill, in order to permit tbe soldiers here from Ohio to vote for Governor, dro! of that State. This is in aooordanee with a law of Ohio permitting soldiers of the State to vote in camp or wherever stationed Washimuton, Octob*R 14.?Tha vote ia the hospi tals, convalasccpt a?d parole camps, dko. of Washington, Alexandria, and Aonapolis, is 1 For Brough 843, Vallan rtigham 49. Newark, (N. J.) Octorbr 14 ?Tbe vote of the Ohle loldiers in hospital here la for Brough 30?unanimous,, COMPLETION OP TBB WASHINGTON tUBPENCEB. Fort Foute, situated oq Hosier's Bluff, below Alexia* lria, is finished- This fortification, named after the late Admiral Foote, completes the magnifioeot oordon of earth works which encirete Washington like a girdle, and effec tually close her gates against Invasion. Her aiatev foit oa tbe opposite aide of the river has bee* earned Fort Rodg irs, in honor of the late Capt. Rodgers, of tbe aavy, kilted in the recent attack upen Fort Samter. ffeeretertee Welles aod Chase. Gea. Barnard, and uthar distinguished persons will soon visit the fort. THE WAR IN LOUISIANA. The steamer Locust Point, arrived at New York, brings intelligence froui New Orleans to the 1st instant. The newspaper* brought by her do not ohronicle any ariuy movements. We gather what is anutixed from the letteia of newspaper correspondents. The headquarters of the Nineteenth Army Corps, under Gen. Fraoklin, and part of the Thirteenth Army Cerpa, under Gen. C. C. Washburue, were at Camp Bislaud, fifty miles from Braahear City. They had met no enemy. For aging partiea bad gathered up large quantities of mules, borate, snd cattle, but the plantations were generally de serted. The advance of the army waa delayed on account of obatructiona in the Bayou Teche. Tbeae obstructions were blown up, and the Bayou Teche ia now open for ateamera to New Iberia. On the 23d, at one o'clock A. M , a raid waa made on ^ the telegraph office aituated oppoaite Donaldaonville, by a , band of guerrillas, and fourteen men of the New York Fourteenth Cavalry and the telegraph operator were eap tured and taken off. In oonsequence of this raid, and the reports of baoda of guerrillas being in the vioinity of Do naldaonville from two to five hundred atrong,an expedition waa set in motion to clear the country in that neighbor hood. Thia expedition left Carrollton on the night of the 96th by ateamboat, about one thouaand men atroog, under command of Brig. Gen. Burbridge. He reeoouoitered the whole country to the Amite river without meeting the enemy, and returned to Carrollton on the 28th, without oaauiltiea. ,? Lieut. Earl, of the Fourth Wisconsin, in command of a quad of forty men, (cavalry,) marched from Baton Bouge on the 29th sa far as the Comite river. He captured four teen priaonera, their arma, horses, and equipments. Among tbem were the notorious Col. Hunter aud Capt. Peiry, guerrilla chiefs. Gen. Logan (rebel) was on the east aide of the Mirsis aippi river, aeven or eight miles below Merganaio Bend, w.th two thouaand five hundred men and four pieoea of artillery; and waa auppoaed to be making for Liberty* (Miss.) where a rebel force is concentrating. ORDERS FOR CONSCRIPTION AND IMPRESSMENT. The newspapers contain a " General Order" from Gen. Baoks directing a conscription in the Firat and 8ecoi d Congressional diatricta of Louiaiana; authorizing the organisation of additional troopa for the defenoe of New Orleans; and directing the detailment of able-bodied ne groes employed on the Government or private plantations for service in the Corps d'Afrique. We copy the material paaasget of this order, which is numbered 70, and dated al New Orleans ou the 28th September: " To assist in maintaining the important advantages se cured by a free communication between the Valley of the Mississippi and the ma* keta of the world, the citizens of the Firat and Second Congressional districts of Louisiana, liable to military duty have been enrolled for general mili tary aerviee, in accordance with the provisions of the law of conscription passed by Congress, so far aa it may be applicable to this department Proper publication will be hereafter made of the number o> troops required for this purpose, and the time and manner of their selection. The oonscription will not be held to embraoe those well dis posed peraona wbo, in the event of capture by the enemy, would not be entitled to the lull immunity of aoldiers of the United States. " The organisation of one or more volunteer regiments, to be designated ' The Louisiana Volunteers,'whose ser vices wilt be limited by the terms of enlistment to the protection and defence of New Orleana, ia hereby author ized. Volunteera for thia aerviee will receive a bounty o? one hundred dollara, twenty-five dollars of which and one month's psy will be advanoed when the volunteer is mus tered into the service for the war. The first regiment will be recruited and organised in the city of New Orleans, ex cep iog the fourth district, and the second within the limits of the parish of Jefferson and the fourth distriot of New Orleans. " Able-bodied mm of color between the ages of (wentj and thirty years, employed upon Government or on private plantations, will be detailed for military service in the Corps d'Afrique upon order of the Commission of Enroll ment. No officer or other person is allowed to recruit men for any special regiment of that corps; and every officer recruiting for this corps under this order will be furnished with and required to exhibit authority for hia acta, aigned by the Superintendent of recruiting, aud ap proved by the Commiaaion of Enrollment. Substitutes will be reoeived in cases where the labor of the recruit ia apecially r? quired, and exemptiona allowed in caaea of ne cessity, upon application to the Commission of Enrollm*" 0t, but by no other person or authority. Arrangemep' a w,ij be made to secure the ciops of the season, an*1, laborers will be furnished as far aa practicable to sui?^',y the vaoan ciea occasioned by the execution of this order." ORDER* FOR EtyVCATINft NEOROB8. Another "General Order," also dated on the 28th ultimo at the headquarters of Gen. Banka in New Orleans, directs the detail of instructors to teach the negro sol diers tbe rudiments of learning. This order is numbered 72, and direets as follows: "Tbe Commanding General of the Corps d'Afrique is hereby authorised to detail from the line an additional staff officer, with the rank and pay of captain, to be de sigohted 'Corps Instructor,' whose duty it shall be to* superintend in garrison, snd, so far as may be consiatent with military duty in tbe field, the education of men en rolled in the Corps d'Afrique.' " The commanding officer of each regiment is authorized to detail one additional staff officer, with the rank and pay of lieutenant, to be designated ' Regimental Instructor,* whose duty it shall be, under the regulations established for tbe government of the corps, to teach the men of the regiment the rudiments of learning. " Requisition for such books and apparatua aa may be necesaary for tbe execu'ion of thia order will be forwarded to tbe Headquarters of tbe Department for approval" We aiso find In tbe papers an order dated the 30th ultimo, from "W. B. Shickoey, Lieutenant and Superin tendent of Schools," giving notice that, " by order of the e>mmission," a public school for Qofored people will be opened in the Rost Building, third distriot, corner of Viea tory snd Mandeville streets, on Friday, October 2d nine o'clock A, M. LATER NEWS. Since tbe foregoing was prepared for the prrtM We have learned of tbe arrival at New York of the Earner Evening 8tar, from New Orleans on the 4th lnit?Dt. The headquarters of the lS.'h >;riny Corps was nesr Franklin (St. Mary's Parish) 00 the 2d instant. A oavalry akirmiah had taken plaoa rear Franklin. Our oavalry, under Col. Davis, were at'.aeked on the 2d iostant by about two hundred and fifty rebel oavalry and a field pieoe of ar tillery. At the first fire from Col. Davis's command tbe officer commanding the rebels was mortally wounded. Tbe rebels immediately retired, and tbe pieoe of artillery fell into our hands. No further demonstration had aiooe beep made by the rebels. TRADE IN THE REBELLIOUS &TATES. Headquarters Dep't or the Tennrssee, Viek$bnrtt ( Mitt ) July 21, 1863. Sir : Your letter of ft? 4th instant to me, enclosing copy of a letter of same date to Mr. Mellon, special agent of the Treasury, is just reoeived. My Assistant Adjutant General, by wht>m I shall send this letter, is about start ing for Wssklngton; hence I shall be very short in my reply. Mjr experience in West Tennessee has convinced me that any trade whatever with the rebellious States is weak ening to us of at least thirty-three per eeat. of our force No matter what the restrictions thrown around tr*??'^ .| any whatever is allowed it will be made Ike steer ^ ( (iip plying to the enamy what they want. ifcietrW ^ up to, make trade unprofitable, and hew *# ' , ... . ?, . .. , . j none but cis honest men go into it. I will venture ? . . ...t u T . _ .T .say that no hooeel man baa made money in West T**" . .. ... . ? , . . . .neasen in tbe last year, while many fortunes havt j ^ ' ^ on made there dunng the time. people le ike Ml' Valley are now nearly sub jugated. Keep tre#' d 0I1t for a few months, and 1 doubt not but that the 'woti 0f subjugation will be so complete that trade eae'^ opened freely with the Stateaof Arkan sas, LouiajMf h tnt) Mississippi; that the people of these Htatea Ml M more anxious tor th* enforcement and pro tection our |avra than the people of the loyal States. They Vlftve experienced tbe misfortune of being without *'v*m, and are now In a most happy condition to appreci ate tfeeir blessings. theory of my own will ever stand in tbe wsy of my executing, in good faith, any order I may receive from those in authority over me; but my position has given me an opportunity of seeing what would not be known by per sons away from tbe scene of war, and I venture, there fore, to suggest great caution in opening trade with rebels. 1 am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, U. 8. GRANT. Msjofr General. Hoe. B. P. Ciuap, Secretary of the Treasury.