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MK. CHASE'S VIEWS. Wo yesterday had the mtUfaction of spreading before cur renders the two loading speeches ^ iv ered by Mr. Secretary Chase during hit ? tour to the West. Whatever is uttered b> tit tioguished Secretary is sure to find atteu ive ^ interested readers, as well because u 1iu a^1 ^ ^ brings to the discussion of public ques the eminent position he. holds in the eyes of the whole country at the present juncture. Significant for what they contain, the recent speeches of Mr. Chase are equally Mgoilicant for what they omit. In the discussions which lave been lately j/tucd on u most important topic of administrative poli 7 in regard to the conduct 0 the war, it has been popularly supposed that Mr. Chi so was among the adherents of the extreme dogma which looks to the extinction of State lines in the insurgent district, and to the reconstruction of Southern society and institutions under the directing and controlling power of the Federal Government, according to the programme marked out by Mr. Solicitor Whiting and Mr. Senator Sumner. It will be seen that in his recent public addresses Mr. Chase gives no countenance to any such doctrine, and when we take into account the known earnestness with which he holds all his politi cal opinions and the courage with which he avows them, it is safe to assume that his views on tins topic l ave been miscoLcrived, and therefore mis represented, by those who would desire to bring the weight of his name to the defence of a theory which they find it impossible to maintain or vindi cate by argument. As far as Mr. Chaee gives any intimation of his convictions on this subject we understand him to have taken a position which, byi^cessary implication, places him in antagonism to'the policy in question. In his speech at Indian apolis he said : " Y- 11 have had h'.I the objects of the war frequently and ably d Ht'U-eei) before jou, ai d I shall not attempt to go over t^ui t.-Jay. 1 wilt simply say that we are iu a struggle for the integrity of the K?PuMc for the veiv life ol the greatest nation -ver established upon this Kl,b ?? Miuggle upon which depends the question of ? bother the civdirati'n which our forefather plauted fhnii rriu /M to all future generation an exatiipl-? to th v o: Id at in time Vn*\ This is not a war of conque..but the ,iu -stiou involved n it is whether our dear country, the J......try of our fathers and the heritage. of our cbil drt-n, tie country that embraces iu it all that i? dear to u , ?hall live or perish." ? It lap been supposed by some, says Judge Sprague in the case of the Amy V aiwick, that if the Government have the rights of a belligerent, then, " after the rebellion i* suppressed, it will have the rights of conquest; that a ^ ate and it* inhabitants may be permanently divested of all political privileges and treated a? foreign t^rritoij acquired by arms." Hut this, adds the Judge," is an error, a grave and dangerous error. . . ? Utder our Government the right of sovereignty over any portion of a State is giveu and limited by the Constitution, and will be the *amc after the *ir *s it was before. When the United States teko possession of any rebel district thej aciuirc no new title, but merely vindicate that which pre viously " listed, and are to do ?nU* w'-it i? neces sary for that putpose " Mr. Chase obviously takes tbe eame view of the matter when h? says that this is "not a war of conquest." But still more interesting is thn deelaiation of the honcrablc Swetajy when he nays that it would have been "extremely agreeable to him it we o'ould have suppressed the rebellion without dis turbing the institution of slavery. To this eftect be says in the speech delivered at Cincinnati: .. I would be very glad myself it we could have stricken this rebellion down in the 6r-t six met s S met.mes I fi it roigbt have been done; but it has turned out Sat we roulJ not. and tbe war has gone on with vary * Vt wfcV'oue of the most natural things in the world that, when the wir begMi, we should want to get through .t without disturbing the institution ot s avery. ? A,,! when this rebellion eorameuced.it would have been ei remely sg'eeab'e to me if we could have put our ft .,1 1 be Hii-ik'?I mean tbe rebellion?and cru?h?d &? 12?"ytotter trouble. B,t ?b,; I .".tl, d. sired that?"I'd h*d 1 b-eu gem rsl-in-chief I should have attempted, in an awkward kind of a way. to "?"???* It?S we sll know tte rebellion went on and assumed greater and greater proportions." lie then proceeds to explain that the 1 resident did not " strike at slavery" until, in the progress of event-, it was perfectly clcar that " we had to strike at this under-prop of the rebellion. It is on this greuud alone that the Secretary defends the " pioclaination of freedom. lie says : ?We put steater ar.d greater armies in the fie'd, but the slave population in the *.u;h wa? the real pn p of the rebellion?taising provision" f r the army while the army if.thefi-H; so that th. y could send almost their whole wLite laboring population into the battle fie'd, ' and they bad another laboring popu a ion behind them to feed and support*them. And therefore it appeared ev. . . ?I7L wr had to depend upon blacks in the ir..r <>?*< "? ???*? I Vs.? u?? so far demoralized th?t they were the only Ktlds our sroii'S could find when they passed tbrou?h?it seemed, 1 s-y, perfectly clear that we had to str.ke at this under-ir p of the rebellion. ? And so when President Lincoln thought fit to issue bis proclamation, 1 ?-sid amen, wi.h all my heart It was never intended to int-rtere with States that wtre loyal This orocl .mation comes up as a great feature in this war. In mr judgment the proclawa'iou was tbe right thing in tbo rent plac^, without it I hhi juat *? pura fta I hiii of mv own Piiiteuoe ttrnt we cuuto u t have umde the pro ?res. we have made: And I hold that the msn who de noonc S the proclamation either speaks ignorantly, rp. ak. about that ol which he knows l.ttle or nothing, or else be really desires thit the r- bellion should succ-ed. There is no alternative; the rebellion would have succeeded but t r tbepr clomtlion If, then, a man oppo,es the proclama'ion, be oppo.es it becHiise he does not understand it. or because be wishes the rebellion to ?ucceed. Here wc have teveral prepositions which it ia inttrcstirg to analjao, because, for a want of dis crimination in the use of woids, (<jually loyal men are sometimes iu danger of misunderstanding each other. ""It appears, then, from thc?e statements, that Mr. Chase, at the outbreak of the war, was anx ious to sec it terminated speedily, and without involving the disturbance of slavery, much as he dislikes the in'titution and condemns it. And the position which he h'.I 1 a>, this time was simply a position held in common with the President, the entire Cabinet, and the consenting mass of the lojal people of the United States. And yet for having, as the interpreter no less of the Presi dent's views than his own, held language to this effect in some of his earlier despatches to our Ministers abroad, Mr. Seward has incurred the bitter denunciation of the anti-slavery doclrinoirtt, who, it is known, never heartily supported the war for the Con*titut on and fhn Union, and who, from tho beginning, were anxions to give it a aocial and moral rather than a political complcxicn. We suppose it will not be contended that Mr. Chat* was either'""inoleHiyed" or " timidly oon acrvutlW Ww, during I'" first r,r ?' th' war, ho did not ep^k iu the dulcot cf the men whj cl-morcd for a war against slarei-y " ** 110 cause of the rebellion." Ai d his attitude during this period may be cited in evidence ot the tict .that a utau in not necessarily a " pro-slavery cham pion," or " sympathizer with the rebellion, be cause be docs not subaoribe to the extremest theory of political action which may be propounded at any particular time, the political considera tion* which for many months determined the judgment of Mr. Chase iu opposition to the policy of direct and unrelenting wurfuro on slavery are considerations which doubtless seemed satisfactory and conclusive to his mind at the tiinc.^ And be remained steadfast, it seemn, in these origiual con victions of public expediency down to a Ute day in September, 1862, when President Lincoln issued his preliminary edict of emancipation, which Mr. Chase now says, in full retroipeot of the past, was " the r*ght thing in the right place"?coming just when it was wanted and just iu the shape that was best. And such being the antecedent impressions of Mr. Chase, it was natural that he should lind it not only easy but just to practise a large degree of candor toward some whose minds arc so constituted that they still remain under the surviving influ ence of the same id3as which onoo prevailed in his own. As he was at one time opposed to a " pro clamation of freedom," and became in favor ot' it only as his mind was enlightened by the progress of events seeming to justify or compel such a re sort, he is frank to admit that thorc may be some who still question the wisdom of the proclamation only because they " speak ignorantly about that of which they know little or nothing." Fully per suaded iu his own mind that " the rebellion would have succeeded but for the proclamation," he adds that " if a man opposes the proclamation he opposes it because he docs not understand it, or bccausc he wishes the rebellion to succced. As Mr Chase was at cue time convinced that a proclamation would bo inexpedient, and even de sired to see the Union restored with-slavery undis turbed, it is clear that when he honestly held these views he did not hold them because he wished " the rebellion to succeed " He held them be cause, as a practical statesman, he believed these ideas to be appropriate to the exigency that was then upon the country ; and he modified these views only because the progress of events seemed, in his judgment, to biing with it new necessities calling for new expedients; and among the latter he deem ed the " proclamation of freedom" to be " tho right thing iu the right placo." Now, this is perfeotly intelligible, and if the dis tinguished Secretary had proceeded to give the reasons for his altered convictions he might possi bly have corrected the impressions of those who, fur the want, it ni8y be, of light, still speak igno r.mJy of the proclamation as being a measure of which they cannot perceive the expediency. The only reasons which Mr. Chase assigns for its promulgation are certainly reasons which carry no conviction to plain minds like ours, when he says, in the paragraph above quoted, that " we had to strike at" slavery because the insurgents could a*nd all their white laboring population into the tield so lore as they had the bl<eck Inbor^rs behind them to feed and support tbem, and became the blacks were the only friends our armies could find at the South. For, how many less of their white population have the insurgents been able to send into the field, or how many less of their bkek population have b<en left behind to feed and support the former, bccause of the procla mation t Major (Jen. Logan, fresh from his ex periences as a soldier in the heart of the South, his repeatedly said in his public nddres-es that he never yet saw a negro who was made free ly the proclamation, though he had seen a po-d many who were made free by cont act with our arm in. If we wish to mea*ure the efficacy of tho proclamation as a disturber of slavery, wc have hut. to consider the condition of the slaves in Alabama, (to which State the proclamation applies ia all the plenitude of its intrinsic power,) as compared with the condi tion of the slaves in the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemjnes, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre lloune, La fourche, Stc. Marie, St. Martin, and New Orleans, including the city of New Orleans, which are the parts of Louisiana exempted from the opera tion of the pr< clamation, but which arc made the theatre of militery operations. In Alabama we ecc what the proclamation does without the presence of an army. In these parishes of Louisiana wc sec what the presence of an at my docs without a proclamation. In Alabama no slaves nre freed where they arc all " ordered and declared" to be free. In the excepted parishes of Louisiana slavery is utterly destroyed where no such order or dcclaratin is authorized to be en foic< d. Ar.d jet the re are many who suppose that they arc arguing in defence of the proclamation when they say with Mr. Chase that slavery is the u under-prop" of the rebellion, and that wc must u Btrike at it." They might advance the purposas of their argument'if they could ouly show that the (< ut.der-prop" has ever been in the slightest degree we kened by that paper edict. That our armies disturb slavery, and that tlTcy must necessarily dis turb it, is conceded by all, but that slavery has ever heeu disiuibed by a measure which, as t?en. Logan sajs, has never made a single slave free who would not have been otherwise treed.is a pro position which wc find it difficult to establish, but it is one which must be established before any ar gument can be made in support of the proclamation. When men ascribe to the proclamation what is in fact the icsult of military force, which would be just as effective without a proclamation as with it, they prove nothing but the ijnoratio efenchi on which the controversy hirges And we are per ? suaded that if loyal citizens could only understand what they arc talking about as well when they ap plaud as when they condemn the prooLuution, theru would be no real diff-rence among them. Kvcry body would see and admit that the proclamation as a proclamation had accomplished literally nothing in the way of undermining slavery, and every body would see and admit that all the damage done to slavery^ both before and after tho promulgation of the proclamation, has resulted from the disturbing presence of our military forees. It is the lightning bolt that kills, not the noise of the thunder. Tho proclamation Us fulminrl over Alabama withou* disturbing slavery i'4 lho lo&at, bat who supposes that the prcsenoo of an army iu that State would be equally innoouous, or who supposes that the army would be able to make any wore slaves free because all the slaves had been ordered and declar ed to be frea by edict of the President under date of Jauuary 1, 1863 ( It is only by such tests that we can discover when mtn are arguing in favor of the proclamation and when they are arguing in favor of military force as a disturber of slavery Our readers know that siuoe the promulgation of the t diet we have never " opposed" it on prac tical grounds, but have oonfined all our observa tions to the theoretical principles whioh it seomed to involve. It is quite true that wo advised against its utterance for the same reason given by Major Gen. Dix when he says that he would never have i advised it, because he " believed thrxt it would prove practically inoperative; that it would only reach negroes who caino within our control, and they were, by the laws of war, if we choose so to regard them, free without it " And, moreover, we believed that it would create dissensions among loyal men and tend greatly to reiaforce the ranks of the insurgents by giving to the Disunion lead ers just such a topic of adjuration aDd just such a motive of alarm as would best enable them to ar ray all classes at the South against the Govern ment, and thus to provide fresh defences for the very institution it was sought to assail. But, while wc now suppose ourselves clearly to perceive that all our original objections to this measure are more than justified by ihe events that have follow ei in its train, we cannot be said to " oppose" the proclamation simply because we say, as wo must aiy in all candor, that wo cannot see it has ac oomplishid auy of the good results ascribed to it, and because wc show that all the results ascribed to it in the way of damaging slavery are purely supposititious, being results which arc solely due to the operation of military force, and which would have ensued more rapidly without the proclama tion than with it, as in tho former caso there would have been less resistance to overoome in the ranks of the insurgents Wc do not object that anybody should defend the proclamation. ludeed we should like to see a clear analysis of the things it has ac complished, made by one who shall disticguish be tween the emancipation edict and the operations of military force, which acted just as effioiently in de stroying slavery before the edict was issued as af terwards, and which is seen to destroy slavery just as effectually in those parts of Louisiana where the proclamation does not apply as where it does. Where such are the elements of the problem we arc aware of no logic by which the relation of ciusc aid effect oan be established between the emanci pation proclamation and certain results which en sue with equal regularity bafore and after its pro mulgation, and which appear with as much cer tainty iu places whete it docs not apply as in places where it does. And, in order that the dialecticians who are anxious to try their hands in substantiating the proposition advanced by Mr. Chase in behalf of the effioacy of the proclamation may argue to some de fiaite purpose, and not waste their logic on au irre levant issue, growing out of the operations of militajy force, we submit to their consideration the following theses, which exhaust the condi tions of the problem and give precision to the qiestion : Slavery was every where destroyed by the hos tile presence of our armies before the proclamation was issued; Slavery is every where destroyed by the hestile presence of our armies tince the proclamation has been issued; Required to prove that it is the proclamation which destroys slavery. And again : The hostile presence of a military force w^ere the proclamation docs not apply (as in New Or leans, for instance) produces the destruction of slavery ; Where the proclamation doe? apply, but where there is no hostile presence of our military forces (as in Alabama,) slavery remains undisturbed ;J Required to prove that it is the proclamation which damages slavery. When, from these premises, the desired conclu sion shall be reached, the critios of the proclama tion will be driven from the fivld in disgrace, but so long as its defenders supposo themselves to be arguing in its favor, when in reality thoy are simply affirming what nobody denies about the efficacy of military force as a disturber of slavery, thty can cxpect to make but little progress in de monstrating their proposition. And in the mean lime let there be no strife, we pray, between those who believe in the proclamation with military force, and those who believe in military foroe without the proclamation ; for, if the former (could only learn to say what they mean, or if the latter could only learn to understand what the former mean to say, we arc sure there would be little room for practi cal disagreement between (hem. PARROTT'S THREE HUNDRED POUNDER GUNi". Washington, Ottobkh 19, 1863. To the Editort of thi National Intelligenctr. GkbTLRMRH : Refeiring to a c>pied article in your ptiper Ibia morning, allow me to correct the following atitemeut therein, vix: " Five ef tlie Parrott rifled MO pounder? were aent to Gen. Gillmore, arid every one of them bursted?all but oue at the firat trial." The fact* are that only tiro 300 pounder* have been made and the-e aa trial guns. After re?pect;vely with standing one hundred and two hundred r undp, they were Bent to Charleston. Of tLe firat gun, on the seventh dia charge before Charl^ton, twenty-fightinche* of metal was blow n off by the premature explo ion of ? ahull in it, when the interior of the broken part of th* bore wa? chipped away, and the gun wan thua rendered entirely ?erviceable, firing a* accurately before the accidei t. It wa?, how ever, discovered that an ii c'lpient crack extended along one of the groovea, and it waa thought adviaable to dis continue the u*e of Ihe gun. No information haa been re reived with regard to the endurance of the other gun ? certainly won* that it haa bur?t. R LARGE HOUNTIfcH FOR VOLUNTEERS. It ia atated that an amended circular haa b >en sent nut from the Provost Marahal General's office by wh eh it ap p <ara that to every recruitjwho i* a veteran volunteer a b >unty and premium amounting to $400 wiTl b< pail, and t. all recruita n->t veterans $304. This ia f..r the old or gunintioM. Tue object is to encourage volinte^ririg, ai thoie who are drafted receive only $100 bounty. Menen lit'.ed under Una order will be permitted to select their re giment*, which, however, must be on? of the old regiments iu the fielJ. THE MEXICAN CROWN. The English (apers ouutam tLi<? following '' authentio account" of the proceedings of the deputation that went to Mirauiar, uear Trieste, to offer the crowu of Mexico to the Archduke Maximil.au: " The deputation left Pari. Sunday, an.l arrived at Vienna on the Tuesday followiug. At the requost ot the t reucd Minister of Foreign Affairs special carriag. * were pro vided lor them by the Eastern Railroad Comi auy, and we further learu they were treated with the utiuim: distinc tion along the line. The Ministers who represent the Court* of Baden and Bavaria in Paii' had previously now fitnl ti? iheir respective UoferiiiueuU the ileimrtuie ot t o deputation, and request, d that they should be spared the iiuuoiauce of having their lugguge examined by custom hotfse officers, and otherwise be forwarded on their way tta c> infortaloy uutl as sperd.ly as p ssible. On their ar rival at Vienna the pr< sident ot the depu'aton, M Outierry de E?irada, who lus resided in Europe, or at least has not beeu in Mexico f-r more than twenty years, paid his re jects to Count Rechberg. who received hiui in the moat gracious manner. The Euiperor Francis Joseph was not ?t Vienna at the moment, having gone to Insprurk, iu the Tyrol, to be present at the cell bration of the uational an niversary. lie will receive a deputatiou on their return from Miram r. 4 M. Outierry de Estrada and bis fellow deletes left Vienna on the 1st for Trieste. '1 hey found no difficulty iu getting quarters, for the Archduke had been obliging enough to hire for them the whole ol the first floor of the principal hotel in the town, where two chamberlains were iu attendance to show them their rooms. It appears the leading citizens of Trieste disputed with each other the honor of placing their equipages at their orders. " Thedeputationdroveout to Mirauiar on Saturday in the archducal carriage, and were received by the future Eni I peror, surrounded by bis aides-de camp, chamberlains, and household, all of course iu galadiesses. Alt^r the usual I compliments they exhibited tbe vote ot the " notables of I Mexico engrossed on parchment. It was eneWn?d in the I handle of a sceptre of solid gold, which had been sent from Mexico, and had been made at the shortest notice by Mexican artists. This emblem of sovereignty represents 1 two eagles supporting the Imperial crown, with a serpent in their beaks, encircled with a garland ol laurels and I olives. | " M. Outierry de Estrada was the spok-sman on the occa sion. lie described the eveuts and vicissitudes w hich had I led the Mexican nation to seek in the re-establishment of I monarchy the term of their discords, which he showed to be the necessary consequence of all that has occurred I since the emancipation of the old Spanish colonies. Ai a I matter of course, he paid n just tribute of homage to the I Emperor Napoleon III, (and to France,) who took so lead ing a part in the tank ot Mexican regeneration. II* added, I that iu making rhoice of au Austrian Prince the " nota I bles" hud only rendered homrge to the popular traditions I ot th"i country, and that the most prosperous period ?'J*r known by the Mexicans was while they were uuder the domination of the Archduke's ancestors. I " M. Outierry de Estrada grew warm with his theme. The finger of Ood, be said, by endowing the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilinu with tbe richest and rarest qnali I ties, pointed and designed hiur as the object of th? unani I uious choice of the people. The Archduke could not re I fuse the crown thus spontaneously aud enthusiastically otieie?l to him without opposing the designs of Providence; I and if Provideuce bad brought out to 1 ght the gifts and merits of the Prince, it was clearly in order to direct them towards the fulfilment of .be great work?tbe salvation anJ regeneration of Mexico." j The Aicbduke replied to M. Outierry de Estrada by a speech which bad been prevlomly submitted to the Em peror bis brother, and approved. This rep y is given iu a telegram from Weimar, aud is in the following words: " Tbe wishes of the Mexican Assembly of Notables have touched me deeply. It cannot hut be exceedingly Hitter* I ing for our hou*e that th' y have turned their eyes to the I descendants of Charles V " Although the mission of maintaining the independence and welfare of Mexico on a solid foundation and with free I institutions is a most noble one, I must neverlh^ba*, iu complete accordance with the views of tbe Emperor Na po'eon, declare that the monarchy cannot be re-established on a legitimate aud firm basis without a spontoneous ex pression of the wishes ol the whole Hation. I must ouke my acceptance of the throne dependent upon a plebiscite ol tbe whole country. " On t^e other hind it would be my duty to ask for gua ranties which are indispensable to secure Mexico against the dangers wbtch threaten herintegrity and ind pendencj. Should thesrt guaranties b* obtained, and the universal vote I of tbe nation be giveu in tny favor, I am ready to accept the crown, subject to the approval of tbe Emp-ror, my I brother. " In case Providence should call me to this high mission, I must at once d> clare that it is my intention to open the I path of progress by a constitution, as was done by my bro ther, and, alter the complete pacification of the country, I to seal the fundamental law with an r ath. By such means only can a new and really national policy be called into existence, by which all parties, forgetting all d spute?, I would co-< perate w ith me in raioug Mexico to a promi I nent rank among nations. " Carry back with you these frank declarations t<? your fellOw-citizen*. and act in such a manner that It may be come possible for the nation to declare what form of goV I eminent it desires to have." The Archduke stated, in conversation with tbe meu; I hers of tie deputation, that he would on'y accept the I crown if till these considerations were fulfilled, and that be would now await their fulfilment. La France announces that most of the Powers haVe d>dared their intention of recognising the new Mexican I Empire. . , The London Globe says that tn face of the language held in ti e Northern Stales of America against the new Mexican Empire, the Archduke Maximilian is quite justi fied in requiring guaranties for the integrity and indepen I dence of the new Empire, and that no doubt the Great I Powers will give tbe most friendly consideration to the sut jee.t. but it is one which requires tbe most careful con sideration. , Tbe London Times remarks on the position taken oy the Archduke: "The demand of a guarantied indepen dence, in the sense in which this phrase i? used with re I upect to (iret re, for instance, i? no unlikely to be listened I to by the European Powers that we can hardly think that I tbe Archduke seriously intends to make bis acceptance contingent on his obtaining it. That France should give a guarhnty for the security and independence of tbe new Government in its first days of difficulty is no more than just. and we can hardly imagine that the Courts of Paris and Vienna will fail to come to an understanding on this point; but it may be that the Archduke looks for some thing also fiom u?. The opinion of th s country will be in favor o? any Government which premises to restore quiet to Mexico ; and there is. we think, a general wish that the Archduke may find the difficulties which lie in his way not insurmountable. This feeling will, we doubt not, find its expression in a prompt recognition of tbe new Govern ment and a hearty co-operation with it for all good ob jects. Our own friendship and support we will readily guaranty; to go further our principles forbid us." It is believed that the conditions of tbe Archduke's ac ceptance of tbe crowu are the same as thoae named in October, 1*61, according t> which he considers the co I opera'ion of France and England t ? be the only means by which order can bo re-established, and thn* a free mani festation of the voice of the whole na'it n is absolutely ne cessary. THE NEW TREATY WITH THE CHIPPEWAS. ? The fct. Paul pupers publish intelligence from tbe treaty expedition to the efTect that Governor Ramsey cn the 2d instant concluded a treaty with the Red Lake aud Pem bina bands of the Chippewa Indians for a right of way over their land arid inn important strip of country on the Red Kiver. Two of the Red Luke ebi-fs refilled to sign the treaty, declaring that they would next winter visit Washington and make a bargain for themselves. The tract of land ceded by the treaty embcaces about twelve thousand rquare miles, fir which the Indisn* aio to re $'20 000 in money and goods'for twenty years. It is pro vid<d i hat $100 000 shall be set apart in order to compen sate the i?jured persons for tbe depredations Committed on the pr< pert) and goods of British aud American mer chant* at the mouth of Red Lake river and at Pembina ln?t jear by th ee Indians, and for the phyment of their just debts whPn these are adjusted. They are also to re ceive $.'.,000 the first year in ammunition ; aud each chief is t>? receive $."?ti0 the first jcar to build him a bouse, and $150 each succeeding year. The sum of $.">000 is to be expended in opening a road from Leech Lake to Red Lake. Betides this it is agrted that one hundred a d sixty acres of land within the limits of the ceded tract shall be granted to each male ad til mixed blood telative of the Red Lak? and Pembina Chippewa Indians who is a citifen of the United States. It i? also stipulated that a I board of three visiters, to be appointed by the President, shall be present at each payment, and report on tbe con dition ol the Indians and the administration of their affairs. COTTON SPECULA I IONS. The Washington correspondent of tbe New York Tr. bune says: " The report of the McDowell Commission of Inquiry into the cotton speculations of military officers in the West still sleeps in the War Department. There is good authority for saying that at lea-t one general and a very large number of field and line officers are shown in an unenviable light by tbe report.' THE TROUBLE* IN' MrHFOITRt. A PHOCLA.MA.tION BY JL'HK GOVERNOR. Many evil disposed persons are now engaged iu endea voring to produce disaffection toward* tlie (State Govern ment, with the avowed purpose of overthrowing it by vio lence, if they shall bo uuab'e to accomplish their end by other meant. They endeavor to attract other citiiena to their aupport by the circulation of moat unfounded state ments aud misrepresentation*. Auioug this class of per sona are to be found men who bear about with them com missions from the Mute Government, aud many who have obtained notoriety only by the favor of thit government, while others of them have been removed from office, aud still others have been refused office by that government. Bo far as the eud which they seek can be effected by means conforming to the constitution and the laws through the expression of the popular will, no objection can be made to any change in the government which the people may desire to make; but the proclaimed purpose of effect ing it by violence demands lhat the people should be put upon their guard against a scheme which may result in the complete ruin of the State. In order to excite the public mind they have resorted to the circulation of the most extraordinary falsehoods iu relat on to the purposes and conduct of the State Govern ment. They accuse the State Government of disloyalty to the United States, while they know that the present executive assumed his functions at a time when the authority of the Federal Government in the State was in the utmost dan ger, and the lives and fortui.es of its friends were in the greatest peril. They kuow that he called for forty-two thousand men of the militia to be used against the rebel disturbers of the peace of the State. They know that he hastened to Washington to obtain arms and the means of maintaining the force that answer ed to the call. They know that directly afterwards he went to Wash ington ar.d effected an arrangement with the Pretideut to raise a permanent force to serve in the State during the war aB State militia. They know that he raised that force to several thou sand men beyond the number Congress would agree to pay, and was therefore compelled to reduce it. '1 hey kuow that this force has rendered valuable service agaiust the rebel enemy in this State. They know that, under the Constitution and laws, he is>md an order for the enrollment and organization of the entire loyal militia of the State, and that be expressly prohibited the organization of men who were dislojal. They kuow that froip time to time he has called into active service large numbers of this militia, to be used in the supi>res?ion ot the rebellion in this State. They k low that he < rdered the organisation of provi sional regiments by detailing companies from the body of j the militia of " known loyalty a> d efficiency while they have pretended to believe that these regiments were de signed to be used for some disloyal purpose. They know lhat they were placed iinder the command of the Major General commanding the depa tinent. 1 hey k;i0w that when the late Commanding General of this department called for assistance the Executive gave him ten regiments of mili.ia to aid iu repelliug a rebel invasion. They know that when it became his duly to communi cate to the Legislature of the State certain resolutions of the Legislature or Delaware, favoriog au armistice and negotiation with the rebels, he accompanied them with a message which was adopted by the Legislature as a re t-pome to the Delaware resolu ions, in which he maintain ed that, under the Consti ution, the controversy with the revolted States could only be settled by the ewurd. Oiber facts toually notorious and equal'/ significant might be referred to, but the foregoing are sufficient to render it impossible that any sane mail can believe the Execut.ve of the State disloyal to the United States. These men, seizing upou the desire that has existed throughout the State for the emancipation of slaves, have represented the Executive as oj pn^ed to the popular will and hostile to emancipation. As he called the late Con vent ion to asiemble in June latt to consider and adopt a plan of eui ncpation, they repreteut his action as designed to thwart the will of the people. Yet tbey know that the Senate passed a resolution re questing him to call the Convention, aud th*t the Senate also passed a bill for the call of a n?w Convention, provided tie old Cony, ntion did not Assemble and adopt a plan of emancipation prior to the first of July, and that this bill was defeated in the House of Representatives by parlVnen tary tactics. They know that in his messsge to the C< nvention he expressly declined to recommend any particular plan of emancipation, but urged the body to harmonize as far as practicable upon the difficult points that belonged to the measure. 1 hey know that, as a member of the Convention, he avowed his determination to have some plan of emancipa tion adopted, bo far as his efforts could effect it. They know that, ai a member, he proposed to terminate slavery iu 1HI57, and, >ieliiiug to the wishes of others, he supported a proposition ti> terminate it in 1860. They know tint in the Convention he voted against the proposi tion to exempt slaves from taxation. Yet, with all th t knowledge, they endeavor to inflame the public mind against the State Government, by falsely representi-ig the Executive as endeavoring to defeat the public will by tii<k and artifice. They accuse thf Executive of sympathy with the guer rillas and bushwhackers, yet they know that the order which he issued for the enrollment of the militia, and which was published in the papers, was made because of the existence of guerrillas, and expressly declares that the existence ot numerous bauds of guerrillas in differ eat parts of the State, wto are engaged in robbing and murdering peaceable cit z-ns, for no other cause than that *uch citizens are loyal to th- Government u> d-r which they have always lived, re .ders it necessary ttiat the most stringent measures be adopted to punish all such crimes and 11 destroy such binds." Then the order proceeds to direct the enrollment. They know that, while the Executive gave no counte nance to the cold-blooded murder of men upon mere sus picion of being connected with guerrillas, and while he always recognised the danger of letving the lives of un armed men to the tummary deposition of the soldiery, without investigation, lest the innocent and the guilty should be indiscriminately destroyed, yet there has been no order issued, words utterr-d, nor act done by him, with the mteut of screening real guerrillas from punishment. While acting thus, upon principles wl iuh must regulate every civilized Government, he is now represented by these cotspirators as s>mpathizing with the very crimi nals he was endeavoring to have punished. These men make industrious efforts to impress upon the public mind the idea that the present Executive persistently holds on to power wbich be baa usurped. They know that the power which is now exercised rests iKon precisely the tame foundation as that wbich was eiercsed when the Provisional Government was estab lirhed, which is the will of the people, as expressed by their delegates in sovereign convention ; and if that power is n<'W usurped it was so from the beginning of the Provi sional Government, and consequenty Claiborne F Jack sou wis Governor of the State up to the day of his death, and all appointments made by the preseut Executive are subjf-ct to question. They know, ? I so, that the present E*xecntive endeavo-ed to diveat himself of the office, and only consented to retain it at the request of the representatives of the people. In truth there never has been a day since be ace pted the office when h< would not have gladly given it up, if, in the opinion of those w hose judgment he wa? bound to resprc', he could have doue so o< nsistem ly with the public safety. The only des gn of this paper being to guard the unwary against being led by the aitifices of the?e des gning men into a false position in relation to the State which may inv< Ive them in danger, it is impossible, within any rea sonablt* limit, to notice the innumerable false accusations which hive daily issud from a corrupt and malignant press for many months psst. Those wbich have been no ticed above, and wh'ch are most important, may be tuken as fair specimens of the corn c:ness of all. It may with propriety be lepeated, that no objection is here intended to be suggested to any change iu tneic Gov e nment which the people may think proper to make, by peaceful means, in accordance with the C'on?titution and laws ; but it is intended to warn all persons against any attempt !o effect a change by means of violence. The principle that every Government is bound to protect itself egainst violence, is the principle upon which the Federal Government is engaged in suppressing a great re bellion, and is applicable as well to th* State Government. Our State Constitution prescribe* what shall be treason agamst the State, and < ur statutes fix the penalty at death or long imprisonment iu the penitentiary. There can, then, be traitois agt nst the State as well as against the Federal Government. In all treasons the masses engaged are misled by the arts nnd falsehoods of a few designing lenders, and it is now earnestly desired that all the good people of Missouri shall be on their guard against all artifices wbich may lead them to their ruin. It is earnestly desired to avoid the speetaclo of a social war on this American continent, and that the people of a fee country m*y exercise all their rights under the Con stitution and the laws, without being hindered by violence, so that at last we set an example o| a people capable of self-government. To the end, therefore, that all good people of the Sttto may be guarded against being involved in conspiracies or combinations for violence, and that all persons may be in duced to exercise their own rights freely, and respect Ihe r ghts of others, I, Hamilion K. Gamble, Governor of the Stale of Missouri, wbMe entreating the people to abstain from violence amongst themselves and from all unlawful combinations, do admonish them that the oath which binds me to see tbat the laws are faithfully executed leaves me no choice as to the employment of all the foree I ean com mand to sustain the laws, preserve the peace of the State, and punish those who disturb it. And I do admooiab them, that a? Ihe higbost political right ??f a nilitfB is to Tot? at eleotimy iutoifdi'i'iiC.', c?p .'ci il!> by the miitiry, with tbo right of iho quitHddd tot. r? t<j vote f:r whumsodyr they please, will bo reg .irdcd ua a off.ace of tla> great^T magnitude. YViih tbe earu *?t hope that Providence will guard ua againat tbe terrors of anarchy, aui that we may I ng con tinue to enj >y social order, and tbe ble sings. civil, |M>titi cal, and religious, which He has best ? wed upon ua, I com mend the content* of th'u paper to th* careful oomiieration of all citizens of thia State. In teat luony whereof, I have hereunto set my haud and caured tbe great teal of (he Stale to be nllized, ibis l*2th day of October, one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and of the independence o| the United Mate# the eighty eighth. 11. li. GAMBLE, Qjvernor of Missouri. SOUTHERN NEWS. EXTRACTS FROM LATE SOUTHERN PAPERS. - It K BE I. TERMS OK PEACE. ^ 1 he Richmond Enquirer, of tbe Kith ii.stant, in an edi torial upon " Petce," says: " Save on our own terms, we can accept no peace what ever, and must fight till doom<d.iy rather than yield an iota of them; and our terms are : " Recognition by the enemy of the independence of tbe Confederate States. " Withdrawal of Yankee forces from every foot of Con federate ground, including Kentucky and Missouri. " Withdrawal of Yankee soldiera from Maryland until thai State shall decide, by a free vote, whether she shall remain in the old Union, or ask admisiiun iuto the Con fed racy " Consent on tbe part of the Federal Government to give up to tbe Confederacy its proportion of the navy aa it stood at the time of secession, or to pay for the same. " Yielding up all pretensious on tbe part of the Federal Government to that portion of tbe old territories which lies west of the Confederate States. " Au equitable settlement, on the basis of our absolute independence a> d equal rights, of all accounts of the pub lic debts and public lands, ai.d of the advau^agej acciuing fiorn foreign treaties. " These provisions, we apprehend, comprise the mini mum of what we must require before we lay dowu on ear arms. That is to say, the North must yiold all; we m thing. The whole pretention of that country to prevent by force tbe separation of tbe States must be abandoned, which will be equivalent, to an avowal that our enemies were wrong from the first; and, of course, as they wnted a causeless and wicked war upon us, they ought, in strict justice, to be required, according to u ng'? in aiich ca-es.t > reimburse to us the wl.ole of our expenses and losses in the courae of that war. Whether this last proviso ii to be ibiiated upon or not, certain we are that we cannot have any peace at a!l until we shall be in a position, not only to demand and exact, but al>o to enforce and collect tbe treasure lor our own reimbursement out of tbe wealthy cities in tjia enemy's country. In other words, unless we can destroy or scatter their armi> s and break up their government, we can have no peace, and ii we cau do that, then we can, and ought not only to extort from tleui our own full terms, and ample acknowledgment of their wrong, but also a hand some indemnity for the trouble nnd expense caused to ua by their crime." THE REBEL PROSPECT IN EAST TENNESSEE. A correspond nt of the Knoxville Register, (now re moved to Atlanta,) writing from Cleveland, East Tennes see, October 3d, is veiy melancholy over the willingness of the people to submit to the National Government. He Bays: " I find that nearly all tbe leading men who remained at home or returned home have taken the oath to the ao cunud Government that is now trying to subjugate us. And I am truly sorry to suy that many of our soldiers have done the same. Captain Harry Dill, former y of General Vaughn'* old Third Tennessee Regiment, has taken the oath and weut off wi;h tbe Federal army, and 1 am informed is connected with George W. Biidges in the work of rail ing a legimeut He took quite a number belonging to Eust Tt uneshsee regiments from his neighborhood. The Ciptaiu was a Peuusylvania Dutchman, and bis course can be looked over. The Southern men who are nt home in East Tenues-ee ha?e about given up the ship. Before our forces drove the Yankees last week, they had the Dews that Gen. BrHgg bad be< n aurtounded and compelled to surrender. Charleston and Richinoud both hud fallen, and the rebellion was crushed out. Under this news tbe rush among the citizens about Athens and other places to take tbe oath was so great that the provost marshal hud to call in a guard to keep the crowd back. Shame on such men living on Southern soil!" I'kNNESSEE TO BE REPOSSESSED. The Atlanta Knoxville Reginer thus grows frantic over our occupation of East Tennessee. It is vital to tlifCon fedcracy, and tbe Register supposes that Piesident Davis will abandon Richmoud if necessary in order to repossess East Tennessee: "We stated on a former occasion that the very exist ence of the Confederate states and army were dependent upon the reoccupation of Tennessee by G> u. Bragg. Our euem'n s know this as well as our own commander-in chief. There is no ri?k or sacrifice, no concentration of strength that will he spared in the sccoini I shmeut of the recon quest of Tenness e The army of Virginia will be thrown upon East Tenni ssee, and that of the Mississippi Valley upon Rosecrsns' rear in the direction of Murfreesboro. The ca|m that followed the storm of Cbickamauga is the presage of more terrible event", and the con i ?g shock of contending armies on the soil of Tennessee Will be decisive of tbe fate of the Confederation. If any one doubts the necessity which would impel Prescient Davis to saciifice Richmoud, Chaileston, and Mi bile, all, to re-acq ore Et st ern Tennessee, be need only ask the Comurssary General by what agem ies and fr< m what source the armies of the South have been suMaim d during the first yenr of the war. East Tennessee furnished the Confederate States with twenty-five millions ot pounds of bacon -Last year the State of Tennessee led tbe army It is ascertained that the prevalence of hog cholera throughout the South has prevented the production of more ment than tbe wants of the people require. *Our soldiers would hardly fight well if confined to bread and water, and it there'ore hspp?Ds that tbe Commissary General is the enmuiander-ii-ebief for the nonce, and bis fiat his gene forth that Teunesiee must be redeemed." BLOOIJY AND I't'KIOITS. The Mobile News contains tbe proceedings of a mre irg held in Lowndes ci unty, Mississippi, which adopted unani mously some resolutions, of which the following specimens wull indicate the character: Rtsolvnl, That a bottomless gulf of unfathomed blood and hate now separates us from the people of the United States, and that we will maintain that sepnration either to the recognition of our independent nationality or our extermination as a free people. Reiolved, That any expression of a sentiment hinting iu the remotest degree to reci gnise the probability of tbe re construction of the old Union is co.vardly and treasonable ; that it should be scorned and crushed, wherever it dare reveal itself, by all true p*t riots, as well as by the string, arm of tbe Government. INTERENTI NO ERCM TEXAS. Houston, 8ept. 28, 1863.?The result of the Sabine Pass fight shows it to be the most brilliant of the age. Forty-two men, all told, were attacked iu their battery by four gunboa's, btcked by a fi^et of transports of twenty vessels, carrying over ten thousand men.j <&'?,?>/ We captured two of the gunboats, with all on boaid, crippled a third, wl icb i.-fterward* sunk at sea, aud rent the whole force back where it started from. The number of killed and wounded Yai.kees was greater tkan our en* t:re number The number of prisoners was eight tniee our entire force The number of guns captured was more than double the number we had and five limes the.we ght of metal Theae men were Jeff 1) via Guard, a company of Irish volunteers, raised iu the city of Houston in lrfil for the war. Silver medal* have been presented to t ach member of the garrison by the ci izens of this city. The gunboat Clifton, one of the captured bouts is now" in as good condition as when the attack whs made, and is the headquarters, for the time being, of Gen. Magruder. Commander Caldwell, of the Clifton, and Capf. Thomp son, of the Sachem, together with the remainder of the officers captured, are confined to the t on it-house in this citj. Another attempt to invade Texas is looked for. Our army is ready for the invasion at all point*. Sabine Pass was the weaki st point we had. Thp people are railing at the call of danger iu the most gr&tilyitig manner. 'I he draft for Stste troops, which at first resulted in tbe enlist ment of r> 000 men, has now produced 10,000 minute men. The Indians en the frontier are tjoiibleseme. They are armed and provisioned by the Yankees. Full pioof of this has been found on the Ix.diej of the red devils that have been killed. JKEP. DAVIS VI8ITIHC1 UllUif.'.H ARMY. The Chattanooga Hebe! has an account of Gen. Davis's, visit to Bragg's army : "Tbe President I as sought this depnrtrnent, I am as sured, on account of thn unfortunate difficulties which have distuibed the fauiily of Tennensee, over which Gen. B agg presided with such little tact. The suspension of Polk, tbe arrest of Hindmau, the (lire-lip with Forrest, and the dissatisfaction of several others, all recurring right on tbe heels of a victory, and id the face of the enemy, are enough to eicite the aniiety of such an adminiitrative aa Mr. Davis His inquiries will be close, and his counsels general. The President mingles freely with the froopa and has made several speeches, which occasioned loud en , thusiasm." ' '